Gazi Akademik Bakış Dergisi/ Journal of Gazi Academic View
Gazi Akademik Bakış Dergisi (ISSN 1307-9778; e-ISSN 1309-5137), 2007 yılında yayın hayatına başlamış olan, haziran ve aralık aylarında olmak üzere yılda iki defa yayınlanan uluslararası hakemli bir dergidir. Başta Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi olmak üzere, Tarih, Uluslararası İlişkiler, Siyaset Bilimi, İktisat vb. konularda Türkçe ve İngilizce özgün bilimsel makaleler yayımlar. Diğer disiplinlerden bu alanlarla ilgili çalışmalar da değerlendirmeye alınır.
Gazi Akademik Bakış Dergisi ESCI (Emerging Sources Citation Index), EBSCO, CEEOL, DOAJ, INDEX COPERNICUS, INDEX ISLAMICUS, TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM, IMB, ASOS, PROQUEST, MLA INTERNATIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY, SERIAL SOLUTIONS ve TUBITAK DERGI PARK tarafından taranmaktadır.
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The Journal of Gazi Academic View (ISSN 1307-9778; e-ISSN 1309-5137) is an open access, double-blind peer reviewed, bi-annual international journal that has been published since 2007. It publishes original Turkish and English articles on the subjects of history (particularly history of the Republic of Turkey) , international relations, political science, economics etc. The submissions, which are in other disciplines but related to these fields, are accepted for review.
Journal of Gazi Academic View is abstracted and indexed in the following indexes: ESCI (Emerging Sources Citation Index), EBSCO, CEEOL, DOAJ, INDEX COPERNICUS, INDEX ISLAMICUS, TUBITAK-ULAKBIM, IMB, ASOS, PROQUEST, MLA INTERNATIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY, SERIAL SOLUTIONS and TÜBİTAK DERGİ PARK
Supervisors: Prof. Dr. Hale Şıvgın
Gazi Akademik Bakış Dergisi ESCI (Emerging Sources Citation Index), EBSCO, CEEOL, DOAJ, INDEX COPERNICUS, INDEX ISLAMICUS, TÜBİTAK-ULAKBİM, IMB, ASOS, PROQUEST, MLA INTERNATIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY, SERIAL SOLUTIONS ve TUBITAK DERGI PARK tarafından taranmaktadır.
_______________________________________________________
The Journal of Gazi Academic View (ISSN 1307-9778; e-ISSN 1309-5137) is an open access, double-blind peer reviewed, bi-annual international journal that has been published since 2007. It publishes original Turkish and English articles on the subjects of history (particularly history of the Republic of Turkey) , international relations, political science, economics etc. The submissions, which are in other disciplines but related to these fields, are accepted for review.
Journal of Gazi Academic View is abstracted and indexed in the following indexes: ESCI (Emerging Sources Citation Index), EBSCO, CEEOL, DOAJ, INDEX COPERNICUS, INDEX ISLAMICUS, TUBITAK-ULAKBIM, IMB, ASOS, PROQUEST, MLA INTERNATIONAL BIBLIOGRAPHY, SERIAL SOLUTIONS and TÜBİTAK DERGİ PARK
Supervisors: Prof. Dr. Hale Şıvgın
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Cilt 16, Sayı 32 (2023) by Gazi Akademik Bakış Dergisi/ Journal of Gazi Academic View
Cilt 16, Sayı 31 (2022) by Gazi Akademik Bakış Dergisi/ Journal of Gazi Academic View
In this study, Mehmed Said Pasha, an important government man who became grand vizier five times as of the relevant date and one of the important figures of the Sultan II. Abdulhamid period, took refuge in the British Embassy, the reasons for his refuge, and the negotiations between Sultan and Pasha through emissaries and the efforts to convince Said Pasha were discussed in detail. Under the mediation of British Ambassador Sir Philip Currie and under the leadership of the Austrian Ambassador Baron Calice, the involvement of the ambassadors was examined. The study was handled with the Ottoman Archive Documents and British Archive Documents, which contain the correspondence and reports submitted by British Ambassador Currie with the Ottoman and British authorities. To follow the reflections of the issue of the European and especially British public opinion, European-origin newspapers and memoirs were used by taking the precautionary principle into consideration.
The First Battle of İnönü started at a critical phase in which the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) was fighting a war of life and death against internal political and military opponents. The rebellion of Circassian Ethem and the Greek offensive developed together. In this battle, as a result of the stubborn struggle put forward by the regular army units, the Greek Army had to withdraw, the Circassian Ethem rebellion, which ached Ankara's head with this morale and motivation, was suppressed, the TBMM government strengthened its power and secured its future. The Greeks, who could not get the result they hoped for in the First Battle of İnönü, attempted a major attack for the second time in order to impose the Treaty of Sevres, which they could not have accepted at the London Conference on March 23, 1921, by force of arms, but II. The Battle of İnönü also resulted in the superiority of the Turkish Army. The successes achieved in these battles had great repercussions in the internal public opinion. In this study, the impact and repercussions of the İnönü battles in the internal public opinion were discussed.
Osmanlı Devleti’nin Mondros Mütarekesini imzalayarak Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan çekilmesi sonrası 15 Mayıs 1919’da Yunan kuvvetleri İzmir’den başlayarak Batı Anadolu’da işgallere başlamıştır. Bu duruma tepki olarak İzmir’de ve işgal sahasındaki kentlerde, kasabalarda Müdafaa-i Hukuk, Redd-i İlhak ve Kuva-yı Milliye teşkilatları oluşturulmaya başlanmıştır. Bu süreçte Salihli’de Kuva-yı Milliye teşkilatının silahlı direniş faaliyetlerinin ortaya çıkmasında ve daha sonraki günlerde Milne Hattının savunmasında 17. Kolordu Kumandan Vekili Bekir Sami Bey ile Çerkez Ethem Bey’in önemli faaliyetleri olmuştur. Salihli 23 Haziran 1920 tarihinde işgal edilmiş ve 2 yıl 2 ay 13 gün işgal altında kalarak 5 Eylül 1922 günü Türk Ordusu tarafından geri alınmıştır. 26 Ağustos 1922 de Türk Ordusu’nun başlattığı Büyük Taarruz karşısında tutunamayan ve 30 Ağustos’ta Dumlupınar’daki meydan muharebesini de kaybeden ve bozgun şeklinde İzmir’e doğru geri çekilen Yunan kuvvetleri için Salihli, yeni bir müstahkem mevki kurmayı planladıkları bölgedir. Ancak üstün Türk Ordusu bu hedefi gerçekleştirmeye imkân tanımayarak süvari kuvvetlerinin başarılı savaşları neticesinde 5 Eylül 1922 günü Salihli’yi geri almış ve Yunan birliklerinin buralarda tutunma ümitlerine son vermiştir. Ve böylece İzmir yolu Türk Ordusu’na açılmıştır.
After the signing of the Mondros Armistice by the Ottoman Empire, Greek forces began the invasion of Western Anatolia by the occupation of Izmir on May 15, 1919. In response to this, several organisations
such as “Müdafaa-i Hukuk”, “Redd-i İlhak” and “Kuva-yı Milliye”, were established in İzmir and other cities and towns in the areast that were under occupation. During this period, 17th Corps Deputy Commander Bekir Sami Bey and Çerkez Ethem Bey had important roles in the creation of the armed resistance of the “Kuva-yi Milliye” in Salihli, as well as in the defence of the Milne Line in the following days. Salihli was occupied by Greek forces on June 23, 1920 and remained under occupation for 2 years, 2 months and 13 days, and was retaken by the Turkish Army on September 5, 1922. Greek forces could not hold on to the Great Offensive launched by the Turkish Army on 26 August 1922 and lost the battle in Dumlupınar. After the defeat, Salihli was the place where Greek forces planned to establish a new fortified position. However, Turkish forces did not allow them to realize this goal, and as a
result of the successful battles of the cavalry forces, Salihli was taken back on September 5, 1922. Thus, the road to Izmir was opened to the Turkish Army.
Öz
Bu çalışma, devam eden Suriye krizinin Türkiye’nin güvenliğini nasıl etkilediğini analiz etmektedir.
Çalışma, özellikle Arap Baharı kapsamında genel olarak Orta Doğu, spesifik olarak ise Suriye ile
başlamaktadır. Ardından Suriye’de yaşanan krizin Türkiye’ye yönelik güvenlik etkileri politik, askeri,
sosyal ve ekonomik bağlamda ayrıntılı bir biçimde irdelenmektedir. Çalışma, Türkiye üzerindeki ağır
etkilerinden dolayı, Suriye krizinin İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinden bu yana Türkiye’nin
güvenliğini etkileyen en ciddi sorun olduğu sonucuna ulaşmaktadır.
1980’de İran- Irak arasında sekiz yıl sürecek ve etkileri 21. yüzyılda devam edecek savaş başlamıştır.
Türkiye, sınır komşuları arasındaki savaştan ve sonuçlarından çok yönlü olarak etkilenmiştir. Savaş
sürecinde Türkiye’nin doğu ve güney doğu sınırlarında terörizm gelişmiştir. Türkiye’nin bölgesel etkisi
terörizm problemi ile çevrelenmiştir. Savaş süreci bu durumun oluşmasına alt yapı sağlamıştır.
1978’de kurulan PKK (Partiyi Kargeranı Kürdistan) terör örgütü Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri’ni
hedef alan saldırılarına 1984’te başlamıştır. Bu süreçte ise PKK, Türkiye’nin komşuları İran-Irak-
Suriye sınırlarında kurduğu kamplarda ve Lübnan’da gelişme imkanları bulmuş, savaş koşullarının
oluşturduğu sıkıntılı süreçte Türkiye sınırlarına sızmayı başarmıştır. İran-Irak Savaşı bittikten sonra
ise Türkiye’nin güvenliğine yönelik bu tehdit ortadan kalkmamıştır. Sonucunda Türkiye dahil olmadığı
bir savaşın etkilerini sadece siyasi, sosyal, ekonomik yönleriyle değil sınırlarında gelişen terörizm sorunu
ile uzun vadeli bir tehdit olarak yaşamıştır.
Bu çalışmada İran-Irak Savaşı’nın temel çerçevesi, savaş süresince Türkiye’nin savaşın taraflarına
yönelik tutumu ve savaşın Türkiye’nin sınırlarında terörizmin yerleşmesine etkileri değerlendirilmiştir.
Çalışmada dönemin Türk Basını, Batılı ülkelerin medya kaynakları ve bazı arşiv kayıtları
incelenmiştir; Bununla birlikte dönem siyasetçilerine ait basına yansıyan demeçler, hatırat niteliğindeki
eserlerden çalışmanın iddiasını ve içeriğini kuvvetlendirmek için faydalanılmıştır. Buna ek olarak konu
kapsamında literatürde bulunan eserler araştırmanın geliştirilmesi için kullanılmıştır.
In 1980, war began between Iran and Iraq which would last eight years and have effects continuing into the 21st cenutry. Turkey was affected by the war between its border neighbours and its outcomes from many aspects. During the war, terrorism developed on the east and southeast borders of Turkey. Turkey was surrounded by a terrorism problem with regional effect. The process of war provided infrastructure for the formation of this situation. The PKK (Partiyi Kargeranı Kürdistan) terror organization founded in 1979 began attacks targeting the Turkish Armed Forces in 1984. In this process, the PKK found opportunities to develop in camps founded along the Iran-Iraq-Syria borders neighbouring Turkey and in Lebanon, and succeeded in infiltrating the Turkish border in the problematic process created by conditions of war. After the Iran-Iraq war ended, this threat to Turkey's security was not removed. As a result, a war that Turkey was not included in created a long-term threat, not just from diplomatic, social and economical aspects, but with the terrorism problem developing on the borders
19’uncu yüzyılda ABD’de özgür bırakılan kölelerin kurduğu Liberya, 1980’deki askerî darbe ve
1989’da başlayan iç savaşı sonrası Batı Afrika Ülkeleri Ekonomik Topluluğu (ECOWAS) ve Birleşmiş
Milletler’in müdahalesi ile görece istikrara kavuşmuştur. 2016’da güvenlik sorumluluğunu Liberya
hükûmetine devreden BM Liberya Misyonu (UNMIL) 2018’de kapatılmıştır. Liberya hükûmeti
sorumluluğunda icra edilen 2017 devlet başkanlığı seçimini George Weah’ın kazanmasıyla birlikte
Liberya için yeni bir dönem başlamıştır. Bu makale, Liberya’yı iç savaşa götüren dinamiklerin incelenerek
devlet başkanlığı seçimlerinden sonra kalıcı barış ve istikrarın mümkün olup olmadığının
sorgulanmasını amaçlamaktadır. Açık kaynaktan derlenen bilgilere dayanan araştırma sonucunda,
ülkedeki siyasi profilin tarihsel olarak değişikliğe uğradığı, buna rağmen ülkeyi iç savaşa götüren siyasi
ve sosyoekonomik dinamiklerin tamamen yok olmadığı, güvenlik sektörü reformundaki boşlukların
riskler taşıdığı, ülkenin kalıcı barış ve istikrar açısından bölgesel ve uluslararası gelişmelere karşı kırılgan
olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır.
Abstract
Liberia, founded by emancipated slaves from the US in the 19th century, was relatively stabilized by
the intervention of the ECOWAS and the UN in 2003 after the military coup in 1980 and the civil
war in 1989. The United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) of which drawdown process was started
after the responsibility of security taken over by Liberian government in 2016, was closed completely in
2018. The victory of George Weah in 2017 presidential election that was led under the full responsibility
of Liberian government, has started a new era for Liberians. This article aims to examine the dynamics
that lead Liberia to the civil war and to question whether a permanent peace and stability is possible after
the presidential election and the closure of UNMIL. This research, based on the information gathered through open sources, shows thatthe political and socioeconomic dynamics leading the country to the civil
war have not completely disappeared although the political profile of the country has changed historically,
that the gaps in security sector reform still cause some risks, and finally that security in Liberia is still
fragile in terms of national, regional and international developments.
İslam inancına göre hür, akıl sağlığı yerinde ve bâliğ her Müslümanın, sağlık ve imkânı olduğu takdirde,
ömründe en az bir kere hac yapmakla mükellef kılınması temel esasından hareketle, çeşitli bölgelerde
yaşayan Müslümanlar hac ayı olan Kamerî Zilhicce ayının ilk yarısında Mekke’de bulunmak üzere,
yaşadıkları yerin Mekke’ye olan uzaklıklarına göre günlerce önceden kalabalık kervanlar halinde Mekke
ve Medine’nin yolunu tutarlardı. Anadolu Müslümanları için ideal hac yolu Suriye kervan yolu idi.
Şam-Amman-Karak-Ma‘an-Tebuk-Medain-Salih-el-‘Ulâ ve Medine hattından oluşan bu yol tarihi
çok eskilere dayanan ve Hicaz’ı Suriye’ye, dolayısıyla Anadolu ve Mezopotamya’ya bağlayan önemli
bir kervan yoluydu ve batı yönünde Adana-Konya-Akşehir ve İznik üzerinden İstanbul ve Balkanlara
bağlanırdı. Anadolu’yu kuzeyden güneye ve doğudan batıya bağlayan bu ana yollar ve bunlara bağlı
diğer tali yollardan gelen hacı adayları Şam’da birleşerek burada oluşturulan hac kervanı ile Hicaz’a
gitmek üzere yola çıkarlardı.
Çalışma, Üsküdar’dan Şam’a ve oradan da Medine ve Mekke’ye varıncaya kadar yol üzerinde
bulunan menziller, şehirler ve ziyaretgâhların özellikleri ile haccın şartları ve hacda yerine getirilmesi
gereken vazifeleri konu edinen Tuhfetü’l-Huccâc adlı risâleyi incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Rûznâmçeci
İbrahim Efendi Kethüdası Hacı Ali Bey tarafından telif edilen risâlede haccın mahalleri ve şartları anlatılmış
ve hacca niyet eden Müslümanlara toplu bir fihrist, rehber sunulmak istenmiştir. Bu bağlamda
çalışma üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. Öncelikle eserin müellifi kısaca tanıtılacaktır. İkinci bölümde,
eserin konusu ve bölümleri, dil ve yazılış özellikleri, kaleme alınış gerekçeleri ile içeriği bakımından
incelenecektir. Üçüncü bölümde ise, benzer çalışmalarla karşılaştırılarak Hacı Ali Bey’in eserinin farklı
olarak dönemine dair söyledikleri tahlil edilmeye çalışılacaktır.
Abstract
According to the Islamic belief, Muslims living in various regions, based on the principle of making
every Muslim who is free, mentally healthy and entitled to make a pilgrimage at least once in their
lifetime, have to live in Mecca in the first half of the month of Zilhicce. According to their distance from
Mecca, they used to make their way to Mecca and Medina in crowded caravans days ago. The most ideal pilgrimage route for Anatolian Muslims was the Syrian caravan route. This road, consisting of
Damascus-Amman-Karak-Ma‘an-Tebuk-Medain Salih- al-‘Ulâ and Medina line, was an important
caravan route that dates back to ancient times and connects Hejaz to Syria, and therefore to Anatolia
and Mesopotamia. It was connected to Istanbul and the Balkans through Adana-Konya-Akşehir and
Iznik in the west direction. Pilgrim candidates coming from these main roads and other secondary roads
connecting Anatolia from north to south and east to west would join in Damascus and set out to go to
Hejaz with the pilgrimage caravan created there.
The study aims to examine the book of Tuhfetu’l-Huccâc which is a pilgrimage guide that deals
with the characteristics of places of accommodation, cities and places of visit along the road from Uskudar
to Damascus and from Mecca and Medina, as well as the conditions of the pilgrimage and the duties to
be fulfilled in pilgrimage. Hajj Ali Beg described the places and conditions of the pilgrimage and asked to
present a collective index and guide to the Muslims who intend to pilgrimage. In this context, the study
consists of three parts. First of all, the author of the work will be briefly introduced. In the second part,
the subject and parts of the work will be examined in terms of language and spelling features, the reasons
for their writing and their content. In the third section, by comparing with similar studies, it will be tried
to analyze what Hajj Ali Beg said different about the period of his work.
Osmanlı Devleti’nin Diplomasi alanındaki serencamını siyâsî serüveninden ayrı düşünmek mümkün
değildir. Nasıl ki siyasi serüveni kendine has bir mecrada seyretmiştir diplomasi alanındaki gelişimi de
aynı şekilde kendine özgü olmuştur. Osmanlı Devleti’nin yabancı devletler nezdinde daimi temsilcilikler
vasıtasıyla diplomasi faaliyetinde bulunması 1793 gibi geç bir tarihe tesadüf etmektedir. Ancak bu
durum söz konusu tarihten önce Osmanlı Diplomasisinden bahsetmenin mümkün olmadığı anlamına
gelmemektedir. Zirâ kuruluş dönemi padişahları diplomasiyi siyasi başarılarını pekiştirmek ve artırmak
için bir araç olarak kullanırken yükselme dönemi padişahları diplomasiyi siyasi güçlerinin bir göstergesi
ve tezahürü olarak kullanmışlardır. Devletin zaafa uğradığı ve güçten düştüğü dönemlerde ise diplomaside
kuralları koyan taraf olmak yerine Avrupa devletler hukukuna dâhil olarak izlediği diplomatik
denge politikası ile varlığını devam ettirmiştir. Diğer bir ifadeyle kuruluşundan yıkılışına kadar farklı
misyonlar yüklenerek farklı şekillerde icra edilse de diplomasi Osmanlı Devleti’nin diğer devletlerle olan
ilişkilerinde hep başvurulan bir enstrüman olmuştur. Bunu yaparken de Osmanlı Devleti özellikle
siyasi açıdan güçlü olduğu dönemlerde hem kendisinin titizlikle uyguladığı hem de muhataplarına
kabul ettirdiği kendine özgü bir takım diplomasi ilkeleri benimsemiştir. Çalışmamızın konusu olan
“Musâlahalar Devletler İledür Kaidesi” de bu ilkelerden birisidir. Çalışmamızda bu ilkenin diplomatik
arka planını ve Osmanlı Devleti tarafından nasıl itina ile uygulandığını ortaya koymaya çalışacağız.
Abstract
It is not possible to think of the experience of the Ottoman Empire in the field of Diplomacy apart from
her adventure in the field of politics. Just as her political adventure was in a unique way, her experience
in the field of diplomacy was likewise unique. The Ottoman Empire’s diplomatic activities through
permanent representatives in foreign countries coincided with a late date like 1793. However, this does
not mean that the Ottoman had not carried out any diplomatic activity before this time. For while the
sultans of the founding period used the diplomacy as a tool to consolidate and enhance their political
achievements, the sultans of the ascension period used the diplomacy as an indicator and a manifestation
of their political forces. In the period when the state was weakened and fell out of power, instead of being
the party determining the rules of diplomacy, she continued her existence with the diplomatic balance
policy as a part of European States law. In other words, although the diplomacy was carried out in different
ways with different missions, it had always been an instrument applied in the relations of the Ottoman
Empire with other states from her foundation to her collapse. In doing so, the Ottoman Empire,
especially in her politically strong times, adopted a set of principles of diplomacy which both meticulously
applied by herself and accepted by her counterparts. The subject of our study, the principle of “treaties are between states” is one of these principles. In our study, we will try to put forth the diplomatic background
of this principle and how it is carefully applied by the Ottoman Empire.
1500-1920 yılları arasında hüküm süren Buhara Hanlığı, Osmanlı Devleti’nden sonra en uzun süre
yaşayan Türk-İslam Devleti’dir. Mâverâünnehr merkezli kurulan hanlığın yayıldığı topraklardan birisi
de, bugünkü Kuzey Afganistan’dır. Afganistan toprakları 16. yüzyılın başında Timurlu Devleti’nin
tamamen dağılması ile birlikte üç nüfuz bölgesine ayrılmıştı. Batısı Safevi Devleti’nin kontrolü altındayken,
doğusu Babürlü Devleti’ne tabiydi. Kuzeyi ise inceleme konumuz olan Buhara Hanlığı
hâkimiyetine girmiştir. Hanlığın kurucusu Muhammed Şibanî Han, 1505 yılında Belh, 1507 yılında
da Timurlu başkenti olan Herat’ı ilhak ederek Kuzey Afganistan topraklarının büyük bir kısmına sahip
olmuştur. Ancak onun ölümüyle birlikte bu topraklar terk edilmek durumunda kalınsa da, 1526’da
Belh şehri ve çevresi, Canıbek’in oğlu Kistan Kara Sultan tarafından Buhara Hanlığı’na tabi kılınmıştır.
Bu tarihten itibaren Belh, Buhara Hanlığı’nın Buhara, Semerkand ve Taşkent ile birlikte dört
önemli ana yönetim bölgesinden biri olmuştur. II. Abdullah Han (1583-1598) döneminde Bedehşan,
Kunduz, Talukan ve Kulab ele geçirilerek hanlık sınırları neredeyse Kabil’e kadar dayanmıştır. Ancak
Buhara Hanlığı’nın Afganistan topraklarındaki hâkimiyeti inişli çıkışlı olmuş, burayı kesintisiz bir
şekilde elde tutmak mümkün olmamıştır. En uzun soluklu hüküm sürülen yer Belh olmuş, özellikle
Tukay-Timurlular (Astrahanîler, Canıoğulları) Hanedanı döneminde ise burası hanlık veliahdının
yönetim merkezi yapılmıştır. Burada başkentten nispeten özerk hareket eden veliaht, merkezî yönetimi
oldukça zaafa uğratmıştır. Bu makalede Nadir Şah’ın 1737 yılında Belh, 1738 yılında da Bedehşan’ı
ele geçirmesine kadar Kuzey Afganistan’daki Buhara Hanlığı’nın hâkimiyetini, bu hâkimiyeti kaybetmemek
için de zaman zaman Safevi Devleti ve Babürlü Devleti ile çatışması işlenecektir.
Abstract
The Khanate of Bukhara, which reigned between 1500 and 1920, was the longest surviving Turkish-
Islamic State after the Ottoman Empire. The Khanate, founded in Ma Wara al-Nahr, had the opportunity
to spread in the northern Afghanistan. The territory of Afghanistan was divided into three zones
of influence after the complete dissolution of the Timurid Empire at the beginning of the 16th century.
The west was under the control of the Safavid State, while the east was subordinated to the Baburid
Empire. The northern part was dominated by the Khanate of Bukhara. As Muhammad Shibani Khan,
the founder of the khanate, acquired Balkh in 1505 and Herat, the capital of Timurids, in 1507, he
conquered a large part of the territory of Northern Afghanistan. However, with his death, although these
lands were abandoned, the city of Balkh and its environs were subjected to the Khanate of Bukhara
by Kistan Kara Sultan, son of Janibek, in 1526. Since then, Balkh has been one of the four main
administrative regions of the Khanate of Bukhara, together with Bukhara, Samarkand and Tashkent.
During the reign of Abdullah Khan II (1583-1598), Badakhshan, Qunduz, Talukan and Qulab were
captured and the khanate borders were almost extended as far as Kabul. However, the dominance of the
Khanate of Bukhara on the territory of Afghanistan has been fluctuating, and it has not been possible to keep it uninterruptedly. The longest ruled place became Balkh, especially during the reign of the Tuqai-
Timurids (Astrakhanids, Janids). Here, the heir, relatively autonomous from the capital, has weakened
quite the central administration. In this article, it will be discussed the Bukharan hegemony in Northern
Afghanistan, and its conflicts with the Safavid State and the Baburid Empire from time to time in order
to avoid losing that hegemony until Nader Shah seized Balkh in 1737 and Badakhshan in 1738.
Devletlerin dış politikaları ve bunları gerçekleştirmek için uyguladıkları stratejiler sabit değildir.
Uluslararası ve iç dinamikler değiştiğinde politikalar ve stratejiler de değişime tabii olur. Bu değişimde
sistemik faktörlerin rolü olmakla birlikte, hükümet ve rejim değişiklikleri çoğu zaman başat faktör olarak
öne çıkar. Türkiye’de 2002’de iktidara gelen AKP’nin 17 yıllık döneminde dış politikanın hedeflerinde
ve vasıtalarında önemli değişimler yaşanmıştır. Türkiye gibi orta büyüklükteki devletlerin dış politika
uygulama vasıtaları arasında dengeleme davranışları önemli bir yer tutar. Bu makalede Türkiye’de dış
politikanın değişim süreci incelenirken değişen dengeleme davranışları ve stratejileri vurgulanmaktadır.
Bu bağlamda makalenin birinci bölümünde, dış politikada dengeleme davranışları kavramsal boyutuyla incelenmektedir. İkinci bölümde, yeni bir hükümetin dış politikayı yeniden şekillendirme süreci ve
dinamikleri analiz edilmektedir. Son bölümde ise Türkiye’de dış politikanın yeniden oluşturulmasında
değişen dengeleme davranışları 2002-2019 dönemine odaklanarak tartışılmaktadır. Abstract States' foreign policies and their strategies to attain them are not fixed. When international and domestic dynamics change, policies and strategies may change. Although systemic factors play role in this process, government and regime changes come into prominence as principal factors. During the 17-year period of AKP which came to power in 2002, there have been significant changes in the goals and the means of foreign policy. Balancing and balancing behaviors are among important foreign policy implementing means of middle powers like Turkey. In this article, as change process of foreign policy in Turkey is examined , changing balancing behaviors and strategies are emphasized. In this context, states' balancing behaviors are discussed with a literature review in the first part. In the second part, the question of how a new government restructures a state's foreign policy is analyzed. In the final part, Turkey's changing balancing behaviors with regard to the foreign policy restructuring are studied by focusing on the period of 2002-2019.
Terörizm, özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası dünyada uluslararası politik gündemi sıklıkla meşgul etse
de, modern bir fenomen değildir. Hiç kuşkusuz 11 Eylül 2001 tarihinde ABD’ye yönelik olarak on
dokuz El Kaide militanı tarafından gerçekleştirilen terör eylemi, terörizm açısından tam bir kırılma
noktasıdır. Bu noktadan sonra değişen organizasyon yapısı ve yöntemleriyle “yeni terörizm” olarak adlandırılmaya başlanan terörün motivasyon kaynakları ile uygulamaları da önemli ölçüde değişmiştir.
Öncelikle yeni terör örgütlerinin minimum emir komutanın geçerli olduğu gevşek yatay ağlar şeklinde
örgütlenmeye başladıkları görülmektedir. İkinci olarak bu terör dalgasındaki örgütlerin kendilerinden
öncekilere nazaran konvansiyonel silahların yanı sıra kitle imha silahlarına yönelik ilgilerinin ve erişim
isteklerinin de arttığı müşahede edilmektedir. Ayrıca bu yeni terör dalgasının ideolojik olarak mistik
ve dini motivasyonlara dayalı olduğu söylenebilir. Diğer taraftan bu yeni terörist örgütler eylemlerinde can kayıplarını en üst seviyeye taşıyacak alışılmadık asimetrik yöntemler kullanmaktadırlar. İlave
olarak bu örgütlerin, teknolojik gelişmelere paralel olarak, sosyal medya gibi yeni iletişim araçlarının
kullanımında da uzmanlaştıkları görülmektedir. Hiç şüphesiz 11 Eylül saldırılarının ardından yeni
terörizm tartışmalarının daha yoğun bir şekilde yapılmaya başlandığı bir ortamda DAEŞ’in kullandığı
yöntemler ve uyguladığı taktiklerle muadili olan örgütlerin de önüne geçerek yeni terörizmin en önemli
temsilcilerinden biri haline geldiği söylenebilir. Bu çerçevede çalışmada, yeni terörizmin geleceğin güvenlik ortamına etkileri, yeni terör tanımının sahadaki en iyi örneklerinden biri olan DAEŞ terör örgütü
üzerinden ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. Terrorism is not a modern phenomenon, although it is often engaged in the international political agenda, especially in the post-Cold War world. There is no doubt that the terrorist attack carried out by the nineteen Al-Qaida militants against the United States on September 11, 2001 was a complete breaking point for terrorism. After this point, motivation sources and methods of the terror, which was started to called as "new terrorism" with its new organization structure and applications, has been changed dramatically. First of all, it is seen that new terrorist organizations have started to be organized in the form of loose horizontal networks with minimum chain of command. Secondly, it is observed that the terrorist organizations in this wave of terror have increased their interest and demand for access to weapons of mass destruction as well as conventional weapons compared to their predecessors. Also it can be said that this new wave of terror is ideologically based on mystical and religious motivations. On the
Diplomatik misafirlere bulundukları ülkede rehberlik edecek kişilerin görevlendirilmesi, devletlerarası
ilişkilerde uygulanagelen oldukça eski bir gelenektir. Hem batı hem de doğu diplomasisinde görülen
bu gelenek, Osmanlı Devleti’nde de Osmanlı devlet gelenekleri ve diplomasi anlayışı çerçevesinde uygulanmıştır. Bu nedenle yabancı devletlerden gelen resmi sıfatlı yabancı misafirlerle ilgilenmesi için
mihmandar adı verilen görevliler tayin edilmiştir. Mihmandarların yabancı misafirler karşısında
Devlet-i Âliyye’nin onurunu temsil ettikleri düşünüldüğünden, mihmandar seçiminde oldukça titiz
davranılmıştır. Genel olarak saray görevlilerinden seçilen mihmandarlar, Osmanlı topraklarına gelen
diplomatik misafirlerin ağırlanması ve ülke içinde bulundukları sürece ihtiyaçları ile ilgilenip, bu hususta kurumlar arası koordinasyonun sağlanması hizmetini görmüşlerdir. Bu bağlamda mihmandarlık
uygulaması, Osmanlı devlet ve diplomasi geleneği açısından önemli kesitler içermekte olup Osmanlı
Devleti’ni çağdaşı diğer devletlerden ayırt edici bir özellik taşımaktadır. The appointment of persons to guide diplomatic guests in which country they are present at is a very old tradition in interstate relations. This tradition, seen in both western and eastern diplomacy, was applied in the Ottoman State within the framework of Ottoman state traditions and diplomacy. For this reason, officials named mihmandar have been appointed in order to deal with official guests from foreign countries. Since it is thought that the mihmandars represent the dignity of Ottoman State in the face of foreign guests, selection of mihmandars has been meticulous. Generally selected from the palace officials, mihmandars were interested in hosting the diplomatic guests coming to the Ottoman lands and their needs as long as they were in the country and providing the coordination between the institutions in this regard. In this context, this practice contains important sections in terms of Ottoman state and diplomacy tradition and has a distinctive feature of the Ottoman State from other contemporary states.
Osmanlıların Cerbe zaferi (1560) ve Malta Muhasarası (1565) Batı’da ciddi bir tehdit olarak algılandı
ve Papa’nın Osmanlılara karşı bir haçlı ittifakı meydana getirilmesi hususunda Katolik devletleri harekete geçirmesine yol açtı. Malta kuşatmasının Batı tarafından başarıyla savuşturulmasına rağmen
Osmanlıların ilk fırsatta Akdeniz’deki ilerleyişlerini sürdürecekleri ortadaydı. Cezayir Beylerbeyi Uluç
Ali Paşa’nın 1570’de Tunus’un İspanya’ya tâbi hükümdarını devirmesi ve İspanya’daki Morisko isyanlarına açıkça destek vermesi bunun en iyi kanıtıydı. Osmanlı ilerleyişi karşısında, Habsbugların
Avusturya kolunu da dâhil ederek hem karadan hem de denizden Türklere karşı saldırıya geçecek bir
ittifak gücünün kurulması kolay gözükmese de en azından İspanya ve Venedik’in başını çektiği bir Hıristiyan donanması meydana getirilebilirdi. Bu hususta II. Felipe’nin yönettiği İspanya’nın muhalefet etmeyeceği ortadaydı. Papa için asıl mesele deniz gücü bakımından büyük bir donanmaya sahip olan
Venedik Cumhuriyeti’ni ikna edebilmekti. Venedik, Osmanlılarla sahip olduğu ticari ve ekonomik ilişkileri bahane ederek Papa’nın teklifine başlangıçta karşı çıktı. Fakat Osmanlıların 1570 yazında Venedik
hâkimiyetindeki Kıbrıs adasını kuşatmaları üzerine bu sefer ittifak önerisi ile sahneye çıkan Venedikliler
oldu. Neticede öncelikle Kıbrıs’ı kurtarmak ve Osmanlıları Akdeniz’de Batı’ya karşı bir tehdit unsuru
olmaktan çıkarmak adına bir Hıristiyan ittifakı kuruldu. Bu çalışma, Türk ve Batılı kaynaklarla karşılaştırmalı olarak hazırlanmış olup bir savaşın anatomisinden çok, tarafları savaşa götüren sebepler ve
sonuç ilişkisi irdelenmiştir.
Muhasebenin tarihsel sürecinde bir dönüm noktası kabul edilen Muzaaf Usul**** (çift taraflı kayıt
yöntemi)’ün, ilk ne zaman kullanıldığı net olarak bilinmemektedir. Ancak bu yöntem 15. yüzyıl sonlarında İtalyan Luca Pacioli tarafından yazılan “Summa Arithmetica” adlı kitabın bir bölümünde açıklanmıştır. Daha sonra bu yöntem matbaanın da yaygınlaşmasının etkisiyle hızla Avrupa’ya, diğer kıtalara
ve tüm dünyaya yayılmış olup, günümüzde de halen kullanılmaktadır. Fakat bu gelişmelerin aksine
Osmanlı İmparatorluğu bu yöntemi kendi muhasebe sisteminde 19. yüzyıla kadar kullanmamıştır.
Bu çalışmanın amacı, çift yanlı kayıt yönteminin Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve Türk dünyası tarafından
yaklaşık dört asırlık bir gecikmeyle kullanılmaya başlanmasının sosyo-ekonomik nedenlerini incelemektir. Bu inceleme yapılırken Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun 16. ve 20. yüzyıl arasını kapsayan ekonomik
ve sosyal durumlarına ilişkin literatür taraması yapılmış, bulgular maddeler halinde sınıflandırılıp
analiz edilmiştir. Sonuç olarak çift yanlı kayıt yöntemine erken geçilmeyişinin sosyo-ekonomik nedenleri
açıklanmıştır.
Abstract
It is not clear when the first use of the Muzaaf Usul (Double Entry Bookkeeping method), which is considered to be a turning point in the historical process of accounting. However, this method is described in
a chapter of the book titled “Summa Arithmetica” written by the Italian Luca Pacioli at the end of the
15th century. Later, this method spread rapidly to Europe, other continents and all over the world due
to the widespread use of the printing press and is still used today. However, contrary to these developments, the Ottoman Empire did not use this method in its accounting system until the 19th century. The aim of this study is to examine the socio-economic reasons of why double-entry bookkeping method
was started to be used by Ottoman Empire and other Turkish countries about four centuries later. During the examination, literature review
was done regarding the economical and social situation of Ottoman Empire including the period between
16th and 20th centuries, and the findings were be classified and analyzed. As a result, the possible socioeconomic reasons why double-entry bookkeeping method wasn’t used earlier are explained.
At the beginning of the 1950s, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Yemen and Saudi
Arabia were sparsely populated, and had large areas of agriculturally undeveloped land. In all five countries, share cropping was, or had been, practised extensively and the working peasant populations lived
at a meagre subsistence level. Land had tended to accumulate in the hands of a small, but politically
powerful, class which had no interest in reform and would block any reforming measures which might
be initiated. Nevertheless, agrarian reform was very much on the agenda from 1945 onwards, and was
given high priority in the programmes of all radical and revolutionary movements. Between 1945 and
1965, agrarian reform had been introduced into Turkey, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon,
Yemen and Saudi Arabia with varying effect. However, most governments instituted agrarian reform
for political reasons, with not all of them being as successful as they may have hoped. All the same, it
seemed clear that in those countries in which reform had taken or was taking place it would be impossible
to turn the clock back, and that the power of the landowning oligarchies had been broken once and for all.
These countries of the Middle East were moving out of a static, medieval condition, and rapid political,
economic and social changes were beginning to take place. However, they all had to realise that agrarian
reform was not an end in itself, and that, in order for any kind of land reform to realise its full value, it
must be accompanied by reforms in other spheres such as education and administration Özet 1950’lerin başında Türkiye, İran, Irak, Suriye ve Mısır az nüfuslu, gelişmemiş geniş tarım arazilerine sahipti. Toprak paylaşımları bir plan gözetilmeden uygulanmış, çalışan köylü nüfusu ağır yaşam şart-larıyla savaşmaya terkedilmişti. Araziler reform taleplerine kapalı; nüfus olarak küçük olsa da siyasal açıdan güçlü bir sınıfın elinde bulunmaktaydı. Bununla birlikte, tarım reformu 1945’ten itibaren gündeme gelmiş ve tüm devrimci hareketlerin programlarında öncelik verilmişti. 1953-1963 yılları arasında Türkiye, İran, Irak, Suriye ve Mısır’da tarım reformları, çeşitli etki ve farklılıklarla yapılmıştı. Mesela, Türkiye’de, 1945 yılında arazi reform yasası meclisten geçmesine rağmen, toprak sahiplerinin politik gücü yasanın yürürlüğe girmesini engelledi. Bu nedenle, 1947-1962 yılları arasında 1,8 mil¬yon hektar 360,000 aileye dağıtılsa da; bunun yalnızca 8,600 hektarı özel mülk arazisinden alınmıştı. Sonuç olarak geniş arazi sahipleri ile köylü halk arasındaki maddi fark ta bir değişim olmamakla beraber; halk geçim kaynakları için devlet arazilerine bağımlı kalıp, köylüler çiftlik emekçileri konumu¬na düşürüldü. Çoğu iş arayan köylü kentlere göç etti. Birçok hükümetin başlattığı toprak reformları, her ülkede umulduğu kadar başarılı olmasa da; reformun yapıldığı ülkelerde, zamanı geri getirmenin olanaksızlığı ve oligarşilerin toprak sahibi olma baskısının - yer yer tamamen - kırıldığı açıkça görülü¬yordu. Ortadoğu’nun bu ülkeleri ortaçağ koşullarından uzaklaşıyordu; hızlı siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal değişimler başlamıştı. Bununla birlikte her ülke, tarım reformunun kendi başına bir çözüm olmadığını; her türlü arazi reformunun tam değerinin ortaya koyulabilmesi için eğitim, yönetim gibi değerlerin de reformlara eşlik etmesi gerektiğini anlamışlardı.
For several reasons the Question of Palestine has been closely followed by Turkey especially after the
establishment of State of Israel. Turkey’s engagement with Palestinian territories is beyond her historical
ties with it. At first, until 1990s, Palestinian issue served Turkish foreign policy to manage its relationship with the Arab World starting from 1960s. The other side of the coin was Turkey’s strained relations
with Israel. The Oslo Peace Process between Israel and Palestinians enabled Turkey to boost its relations
with Israel, reaching level of military partnership. After 2000s, Turkey’s balanced Palestinian policy
has been dramatically changed and Turkey apparently became the leading advocate of “the Palestinian cause.” This article focuses on the evaluation of Turkey’s Palestinian policy and the logic behind it. Öz
Filistin Sorunu özellikle İsrail Devleti’nin kuruluşundan itibaren çeşitli nedenlerden dolayı Türkiye
tarafından yakından izlenmektedir. Türkiye’nin Filistin toprakları ile bağı bu coğrafya ile tarihi bağlarından öte anlamlar içermektedir. 1960’lardan 1990’lara kadar Filistin Sorunu Türk dış politikasında
Arap dünyası ile ilişkileri düzenlemekte bir araç olarak öne çıkmıştır. Filistin sorunu Türkiye’nin İsrail
ile sorunlu ilişkilerinin de sebepleri arasındadır, Türkiye’nin Batı ile ilişkileri açısından referans olmuştur. 1990’lardaki İsrail ile Filistinliler arasındaki Oslo Barış Süreci Türkiye’nin İsrail ile ilişkilerinin
gelişmesini ve askeri ortaklığa kadar ilerlemesini sağlamıştır. 2000’li yıllardan itibaren İkinci İntifada
ile birlikte Türkiye’nin yürüttüğü denge politikası kökten değişmiş ve Türkiye “Filistin Davası’nın” önde
gelen savunucularından biri haline gelmiştir. Bu makale Türkiye’nin Filistin politikasındaki değişimi
ve bunun arkasındaki düşünceyi açıklamaya çalışmaktadır.
II. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Türk-Amerikan ilişkilerinin gelişim sürecinde 12 Temmuz 1947 yılında
imzalanan antlaşma önemli bir yere sahiptir. Dönemin ABD Devlet Başkanı Truman’ın ismi ile anılan
“Truman Doktrini”, Türkiye ve Yunanistan’ı kapsayan geniş bir güvenlik bloğunu, Truman Doktrini kapsamında hazırlanan “Marshall Planı” ise bu doktrinin ekonomik yönünü oluşturmuştur. 12
Temmuz 1947 tarihli antlaşma ise bu sürecin askeri zeminini inşa etmiştir. Antlaşma gerek ABD’nin
SSCB’ye karşı geliştirdiği politikada Türkiye’nin yerini daha da pekiştirmiş gerekse Türkiye’nin savaş
sonrası süreçte takip edeceği dış politikanın yönünü belirlemiştir. Yeni dış politika ise kısa vadede iç
politikaya da yön verecek ve Türk siyasal hayatı yeni dış politika tercihlerine göre dizayn edilecektir.
Bu durumun en somut örneği Cumhurbaşkanı İnönü’nün “12 Temmuz Bildirisi” ile CHP ile DP arasındaki gerilime son vermeye çalışmasıdır. Siyasin krizin geçici olarak sonlandırılması ile birlikte “çok
partili” olarak tanımlanan fakat esas itibariyle “iki partili” olarak tanımlanabilecek olan siyasi hayatın
konsolidasyon süreci başlamıştır. Konsolidasyon süreci CHP’yi dönemin siyasal gereklerine uygun politikalar izlemeye zorlamış ve temel ilkelerinin dönüşüme uğramasına neden olmuştur. Bu durum ise
CHP ile DP arasında geçici bir benzeşmenin ortaya çıkmasını beraberinde getirecektir. Abstract
The treaty signed on July 12, 1947 possesses a considerable place in the development process of TurkishAmerican relations after World War II. The ‘Truman doctrine’, named after the then US President Harry
S. Truman, has created a large security block covering Greece and Turkey, while the “Marshall Plan”
prepared under the Truman Doctrine was forming the economic aspect of this doctrine. The treaty dated
July 12, 1947 has built the military grounds of this process. The treaty both cemented Turkey’s place in
US foreign policy against USSR and determined the foreign policy direction of Turkey to be followed in
post-war era. The new foreign policy will also shape domestic policy in the short term and Turkish political
life will be designed according to the new foreign policy preferences. The most concrete example of this situation is the attempt of President İnönü to the end the tension between Republican People’s Party (CHP)
and Democratic Party (DP) with July 12th Declaration. With the provisional termination of the political
crisis, the consolidation process of political life, which is defined as “multi-party”, but which can be defined
as “two-party” in essence, has begun. The consolidation process forced CHP to follow policies in line with the
Akademik
Bakış
Cilt 12
Sayı 24
Yaz 2019
92
İhsan Ömer ATAGENÇ - Nuri Gökhan TOPRAK
political requirements of the period and caused its fundamental principles to be transformed. This will lead
to the emergence of a temporary analogy between CHP and DP.
Cumhuriyet ilan edildiğinde Anadolu’nun çoğu şehrinde elektrik yoktu. Halk, aydınlatma aracı olarak
genellikle kandil ve gaz lambalarını kullanıyordu. Varlıklı aileler ise evlerini, fener ve lüks lambalarıyla
aydınlatıyorlardı. İnsanlar yakacakları gazı gazhaneden temin ediyorlardı.1925 yılından itibaren de
cep fenerlerinin de kullanılmaya başlandığını görmekteyiz.
Şehir merkezlerinde caddelerin aydınlatılması fener direklerine asılan gaz fenerleri vasıtasıyla temin ediliyordu. Ancak, özellikle de kenar mahallelerde gaz fenerlerinin seyrek konulması ya da hiç konulmaması
sıkıntıya yol açıyordu. Bu semtlerin insanları geceleyin karanlıkta yürümek mecburiyetinde kalıyorlardı.
İlerleyen zamanda belediyeler lüks lambaları da satın aldı. Bu arada Radyum lambaları devreye girdi. Bu
lambalar için uzun direkler dikildi. Yine resmi dairelerin, dükkanların ve evlerin aydınlatılması ise demir
çengellere takılan kandiller, gaz lambaları, fenerler veya lüks lambalarıyla olmaktaydı.
Afyonkarahisar’a elektrik getirilmesi konusunda 1927 yılı içerisinde ciddi bir çalışma başlatıldı. Vali
Edhem Bey İstanbul’dan bir Fransız mühendis getirtti. Gecek ve Kışlacık taraflarında çalışmalar yaptırdı. Bu arada Eskişehir ve İzmit’deki elektrik tesisatlarını da incelettirdi. Vali Bey sonunda elektrik santrali yerine mazot ile çalışacak olan bir elektrik tesisatı kurdurmaya karar verdi. Bu amaçla
Macar Ganz Şirketi ile bir mukavele imzalandı. 1928 yılı içerisinde Elektrik Santral Binası inşaatı
tamamlandı. Şehir 1929 yılında ise elektrikle aydınlatılmaya başlandı. Elektrik santrali Afyon Vilayeti
Muhasebe-i Hususiye Müdüriyeti adına kurulmuştur. Burada üretilecek elektrik için harcanacak mazot muhasebe-i hususiye bütçesinden karşılanmıştır.
There was no electricity in most of the cities of Anatolia during the period that the Republic was proclaimed. The common people generally used candles and oil-lamps as lighting tools. On the other hand, wealthy families lit their houses with lanterns and pressure lamps. People provided the gas that they would fire from the gashouse. It is seen that the pocket lamps were also started to be used as from 1925. Lighting the streets at the city centres was maintained with the gas lanterns hung on the lamp posts. However, not having any or having few gas lanterns especially on the suburbs caused problems. The people of these places had to walk in the dark at nights. After a period, the municipalities also bought pressure lamps. At that time, radium lamps became a part of the life. Long posts were set up for these lambs. Moreover, lighting of the state offices, shops, and houses was enabled with candles, gas lamps, lanterns, or pressure lamps hung on iron hooks.
XIX. yüzyılın sonu ile XX. yüzyılın başlarındaki Kazakistan tarihi oldukça karmaşık toplumsal, sosyo-siyasi çelişkilerle karakterize edilir. Kazak halkı bağımsızlık ve demokrasi için büyük mücadeleler
vermiştir. Bu mücadele, Rusya’daki genel Müslüman Ceditçilik hareketi çerçevesinde sürdü ve Osmanlı
Devleti’yle yakın ilişkiler geliştirildi. Ceditçilik, Rusya’nın sömürgesi altında olan bölgelerindeki Türk
kökenli halklar arasında ortaya çıkan kültürel ve entelektüel bir harekettir.
Aydınlanma ve kurtuluş fikirlerinin yayılmasına laik aydınlarla birlikte dini düşüncede yenileşmeden
yana olan mollalar ve imamlar da katkıda bulunmuşlardır. Sömürgeci baskının ve yaşanan manevi
krizin üstesinden gelmenin yolunu arayan aydınlarla geleneksel İslam temsilcilerinin teorik araştırmaları ve pratik faaliyetleri, tarih bilimi için çok önemlidir. Bu dönemlerde, kültürel ve eğitim faaliyetleriyle
tarihte yerini alan, Hanefi mezhebi, Nakşibendi tarikatıyla ilgili büyük bilgi sahibi olan önemli şahsiyetlerden biri, Ömer Karaş olmuştur. O, XX. yüzyıl başlarında eğitim alanına, pedagojik düşüncenin
gelişimine katkı sağlayan en büyük toplum figürlerinden biridir.
Rus Müslümanların resmi yapısında hizmet eden Ömer Karaş, din âlimlerine verilen yüksek dini bir
rütbeye verilen Farsça Ahund (Farsça Ahund) sıfatına sahip olmuştur. O, Kafkasya, İdil-Ural, Türkiye ve Arap ülkeleriyle yakın temaslar kurup sürekli gelişen ve yenilikleri hızla benimseyen aydındı.
1911-1913 yıllarında Oral’da (Batı Kazakistan) yayımlanan “Kazakistan” gazetesinin hazırlanmasına katkıda bulunmuştur. 1917-1919 yılları arasında“Alaş” siyasi ve kültürel hareketinin aktif üyesi
olan önemli bir şahsiyettir. Abstract
The policy of the Russian Empire led to the rise of the Muslim movement among the Muslims of Russia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Kazakh people were actively fighting for freedom and
democracy. Muslim movement was influenced by Jadidism. Muslim struggle had taken place in the
context of Jadidism. Close relations with the Ottoman Empire developed.
“Jadid” is the Arabic word for “new,” but Jadidism was a drive for cultural and social renewal among
Muslims in the Russian Empire. In addition to secular intelligentsia, the mullah-imams, who have
recognized the religious-reforming, modernist position, contributed to the spread of enlightenment and
Akademik
Bakış
Cilt 12
Sayı 24
Yaz 2019
246
Seyfi YILDIRIM - Nazgul SABURGALİYEVA - Baktyly BORANBAYEVA
liberation. Theoretical research and practical work of intelligentsia and traditional Islamic representatives, who had considered the way to overcoming the colonial oppression and the spiritual crisis, were very
important for the history science.
During this period, Omar Karash, one of the most influential figure in the history of cultural education,
whowas familiar with a Hanafi Madhhab, and Naqshbandi. He was one of the greatest public figures
who left hisbalance in the early 20th century pedagogy and enlightenment.
Omar Karash Ahun (Ahun, Arab word, religious high rank), who served in the official structure of the
Russian Muslims. Caucasus, Volga-Uralsk, as well as Turkey, had been developing in close contact
with the Arab countries, and had quickly embraced the influence of ancient Islam center. In 1911-1913
Omar Karash took part in the publication of the newspaper “Kazakhstan” published in Uralsk (West
Kazakhstan). From 1917 to 1919 he was an active member of the Alash political and cultural movement in Kazakhstan.
Hz. Muhammed’in süt halası olan Ummül Haram bint-i Milhan el-Ensariye 649 yılında Müslümanların Kıbrıs’a yaptığı ilk sefer sırasında Kıbrıs’ta şehit olmuştur. Kıbrıs’ın Larnaka şehrinde bulunan
mezarının olduğu yere sonradan bir türbe inşa edilmiş ve o Kıbrıslı Türkler tarafından “Hala Sultan”
olarak adlandırılmıştır. Türbenin inşa yeri ve tarihi tam olarak bilinmese de Kıbrıs’ın fethinden sonra
Osmanlılar buraya özel bir önem vermişler ve 1601’den itibaren Kıbrıs’ta kurulan vakıf kurucuları
tarafından türbe için gelir kaynakları tahsis edilmiştir.
1601’den itibaren Kıbrıs’taki bazı vâkıflar tarafından türbe için birçok gelir kaynağı tahsis
edilmesine rağmen Hala Sultan Tekkesi Vakfı ve mütevellileri XVIII. Yüzyılın ilk yarısında ortaya
çıkmıştır. Hala Sultan Tekkesi mütevellilerinin temel görevi vakfın gelir kaynaklarını korumak ve arttırmaktı. Bu çalışmanın amacı 1720’lerden başlayarak 1878 yılına kadar geçen dönemde tekkenin
mütevellilerini ortaya çıkarıp çalışmalarını değerlendirerek Kıbrıs Tarihi’ne katkıda bulunmaktır. Abstract
Umm Haram bint-i Milhan el-Ensariyye, who was the wet nurse of the Prophet Muhammed, died in
Cyprus during the first expedition of the Muslims in AD 649. The place which had her grave had been
built a tomb later, which it is in Larnaca in Cyprus and it is called by the Turkish Cypriots as “Hala
Sultan Tekke”. Although the place and date of the construction of the shrine is not exactly known, having
conquered Cyprus the Ottomans did specially make a point of the tomb and a lot of revenue sources were
dedicated by the founders of some foundations in Cyprus from 1601 onwards.
Even though some revenue sources were allocated by the some vaqf founders in Cyprus from
1601 onwards, Vaqf of Hala Sultan Tekke and its trustees appeared as an institution in the first half
of the 18th century. The main duty of the trustee was to protect and increase the revenue sources of the
foundation. The aim of the study is to reveal the trustees of the Tekke, to evaluate their activities and to
contribute to the history of Cyprus.
Çok tanrılı bir inanışa sahip olan Hint-Avrupalı kavim Hititler’in; dini inançlarına ve ritüellerine çok
önem verdikleri Hitit çiviyazılı belgelerden öğrenilmektedir. Başta Boğazköy olmak üzere Hitit yerleşim yerlerinde gün yüzüne çıkartılan Hitit tabletlerinin büyük bir çoğunluğunun dini içerikli olması
da Hititler’in teokratik bir devlet yönetimine sahip olduğunu göstermektedir. “Bin tanrılı” bir toplum
olarak tanımlanan Hititler, tanrılarını insan şeklinde tasavvur etmişlerdir. Hitit dini inancına göre
tanrılar yerler, içerler, öfkelenirler, evlenirler ve savaşırlardı. Her tanrının veya tanrıçanın da Hitit
pantheonunda ayrı bir yeri ve görevi vardı. Bu çalışma; Hitit tanrılar topluluğunun bir üyesi olan Tanrı Šimmišu/Šimmešu’nun kökenini, adının geçtiği Hitit çiviyazılı metin yerlerini, daha önce yapılan
filolojik ve etimolojik değerlendirmeleri esas alarak tanrının adının anlamını, tanrılar topluluğundaki
yerini, önemini ve nasıl kutsanıldığını Hitit çiviyazılı belgelerden elde edilen veriler doğrultusunda ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır
It is learned from Hittite cuneiform documents that, Hittites, one of the Indo-European tribes who had polytheistic belief system, attached great importance to their religious belief and rituals. The Hittite tablets, which were unearthed in Hittite settlements especially in Boğazköy, which had a great majority of religious content, show us that Hittites had a theocratic government. The Hittites, who were defined as a society of "Pantheon", conceived their gods as human beings. According to the Hittite religion, the gods would eat, drink, go into rage, marry and fight in battles. Each god or goddess had a specific place and mission in Hittite Pantheon. In line with the data acquired from Hittite cuneiform documents, this study aims to present the origin of God Šimmišu/Šimmešu, as one of the members of community of Hittite Gods; the location of Hittite cuneiform texts where he was mentioned; the meaning of God's name with respect to the previous philological and etymological assessments; the place and the importance of the God in Gods' community and how he was blessed.
This article explores Turkey’s public diplomacy and soft power policies under the government of the Justice
and Development Party (JDP) over the period of 2003 to 2016. Thus, Turkish foreign policy is analysed
within the framework of soft power policy and the new institutional design of the country’s public diplomacy.
The main research questions of the study are as follows: “What are Turkey’s public diplomacy mechanisms
and instruments, and furthermore, why did Turkey begin to implement public diplomacy under the JDP
governments? Additionally, how does Turkey implement soft power policies in line with the new foreign
policy doctrine?” The study has two fundamental arguments: First, the JDP leaders’ ambition to become
a regional power and the leader of the Middle East and Muslim world has played the chief role in pushing
forward with public diplomacy and soft power policies. Secondly, the new vision and identity of the ruling
party leaders have been effective in the transformation process for a shift towards soft power and public
diplomacy in new foreign policy doctrine within a modern understanding. In this context, the JDP rule initiated public diplomacy and soft power policies until the Arab Spring, which era could characterize the rise of
Turkish soft power. However, Turkish soft power began to fall particularly in the wake of the Syrian crisis.
Öz
Bu makale 2003-2016 yılları arasındaki AK Parti döneminde uygulanan Türkiye’nin kamu diplomasisi ve
yumuşak güç politikalarını analiz etmektedir. Bu bağlamda araştırmada yumuşak güç kavramı ve kamu
diplomasisinin yeni kurumsal mekanizmaları çerçevesinde Türk dış politikasının analiz edilmesi yöntemi uygulanmıştır. Bu çalışma için şu temel araştırma soruları belirlenmiştir: Türkiye’nin kamu diplomasisi mekanizmaları ve araçları nelerdir?, Neden Türkiye, AK Parti döneminde kamu diplomasisi politikası uygulama
gereğini duymuştur?, ayrıca Türkiye, yumuşak güç politikasını nasıl yeni dış politika doktrini düzleminde
uygulamıştır? Bu çerçevede iki temel argüman geliştirilmiştir: Birincisi, kamu diplomasisi ve yumuşak güç
politikalarının uygulanmasını sağlayan motivasyon, AK Parti liderlerinin Müslüman Ortadoğu’da bölgesel
güç ve İslam dünyasının lideri olma ideali olmuştur. İkincisi, AK Parti liderlerinin yeni vizyon ve kimliği,
kamu diplomasisi ve yumuşak güç temelli dış politika doktrinini dönüştürmüştür. Arap Baharı sürecine
kadar AK Parti hükümetleri, kamu diplomasisi ve yumuşak güç politikalarını uygulamıştır. Ancak Suriye
krizi, Türkiye’nin komşularla sıfır sorun, serbest ticaret bölgesi inşa etme gibi yumuşak güç politikalarının
sonunu getirmiştir. Bundan sonra hükümetin sert güç politikalarını uygulamaya geçmesiyle birlikte Türk dış
politikasında 2003 ile 2011 arası yükselişte olan yumuşak gücün düşüşü başlamıştır.
2000’lerin ilk on yılında, Türk dış politikasında dünyanın çeşitli bölgeleri ile siyasal ve ekonomik
ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi amacı ile açılım politikaları başlatılmıştır. Bu çerçevede 2006, Latin Amerika ve
Karayipler Yılı ilan edilmiştir. Brezilya da benzer şekilde 2003 sonrasında küresel düzeyde ortaklarını
çeşitlendirmeye yönelmiştir. Karşılıklı bölgesel açılım politikaları ve hedef bölgelerde güvenilir ortaklar bulma çabasıyla uyumlu olarak, 2006’dan itibaren Türkiye-Brezilya ilişkileri, özel bir ilerleme
dönemine girmiştir. Bu dönemde diplomatik, ekonomik, toplumsal ve kültürel ilişkiler gelişmiştir. İki
ülkenin bölgesel açılımları büyük ölçüde ekonomik ilişkilerin geliştirilmesi hedefi eşliğinde yürütülürken,
yükselen güçler olarak uluslararası sistemde rol oynama istekleri; iki ülkeyi Tahran Deklarasyonu ve
Medeniyetler İttifakı gibi küresel çaptaki girişimlerde birlikte hareket etmeye ve genel olarak dünya
barışını desteklemeye yönelik bir iş birliğine yöneltmiştir. Bu dönemde Türkiye ve Brezilya’nın önemli
roller üstlendiği üç diplomatik girişimden söz edilebilir. Bunlar; Türkiye-Brezilya-İran ortaklığında
geliştirilen Tahran Deklarasyonu, her iki ülkenin de önemli paydaşlar olarak yer aldıkları Medeniyetler
İttifakı Projesi ve Türkiye, Brezilya ve İsveç tarafından başlatılan Barış İnşasında Üçlü Dayanışma
girişimidir. Bu çalışma, 2006 sonrası Türkiye-Brezilya ilişkilerini; ikili ilişkilerin ve karşılıklı bölgesel
açılımların seyri çerçevesinde incelemektedir. 2006-2013 döneminde gelişen ilişkiler, 2013 sonrasında
her alanda bir gerileyiş sürecine girmiştir. Bu çalışma, Brezilya’da ortaya çıkan ülke içi siyasal ve
ekonomik sorunların yanı sıra coğrafi uzaklık ve ekonomik iş birliği potansiyelinin kısıtlı oluşunun iki
yükselen güç arasında kalıcı bir ortaklık kurulmasını zorlaştırdığını ortaya koymaktadır.
Abstract
During the first decade of the 2000s, Turkish foreign policy adopted the policy of opening towards the
different regions of the world in order to develop political and economic relations. Within this framework,
2006 was declared as the Year of Latin America and the Caribbean. Similarly, in the post-2003 period,
Brazil headed towards diversifying its partners at the global level. In accordance with the mutual regional
opening policies and the quest of finding trustworthy partners in the target regions, Turkey-Brazil relations have entered into a special advancement period as of 2006. Mutual high level visits resulted in an
increase in diplomatic, economic, social and cultural relations. Although the regional openings of both
countries mostly had economic goals, their desire to become active players in the international system
as emerging powers brought another dimension to Turkey-Brazil relations. Within this context, the two
countries played important roles in three specific diplomatic initiatives: The Joint Declaration of Iran,
Turkey and Brazil prepared due to the efforts of Turkey and Brazil, the Alliance of Civilizations initiative in which both countries work as partners and the Trilateral Solidarity for Peace initiative started by
Turkey, Brazil and Sweden. This paper analyzes Turkey-Brazil relations in the post-2006 period within
the context of bilateral relations and the developments in the regional opening policies of both countries.
The paper reveals that Turkish-Brazilian relations have entered into a period of decline since 2013 in
every field in opposition to the advancements of the 2006-2013 period. This paper asserts that besides
the internal political and economic problems of Brazil, geographical distance and the limited potantial
of economic cooperation are the main barriers in front of establishing a long lasting partnership between
the two emerging powers.
The evaluation of the role of businessmen associations in Turkey, and the extent to which these organizations have been involved in Turkish foreign policy, depends particularly on how they perceive different
norms in line with their identities, and how they try to disperse these norms in society. Although associations of businessmen have diverse interests, goals, and stances, and therefore create a heterogeneous
structure in Turkey, they are now being encompassed in public diplomacy plans and activities more and
more. Among these organizations, the Turkish Industry and Business Association (TÜSİAD) and the
Independent Industrialists and Businessmen Association (MÜSİAD) as two associations of businessmen with different political ideologies and cultural backgrounds have played an important role in Turkey’s political, economic and cultural relations with the European countries and the USA. In this paper,
the activities run by these organizations and their roles in Turkish public diplomacy in Europe and the
US during the AK Party era will be studied. The organizations’ action plans, and efforts to improve
Turkey’s image in these regions after the failed July 15 coup attempt will also be analyzed.
Öz
Türkiye’deki iş adamı kuruluşlarının Türk dış politikasında ne derece yer aldığının değerlendirilmesi, özellikle
kimlikleriyle bağlantılı olarak normları nasıl kabul ettiği ve bu normları toplumda nasıl yaydıklarıyla ilgilidir.
Türkiye’deki çok kültürlü yapı içerisinde farklı çıkar, amaç ve duruşlara sahip olan işdünyasını temsil eden
kuruluşlar, kamu diplomasisi alanındaki faaliyetlerin içine daha fazla dahil olmaya başlamışlardır. Türk
Sanayicileri ve İşadamları Derneği (TÜSİAD) ve Müstakil İşadamları Derneği (MÜSİAD) farklı siyasi ideoloji ve kimlikteki işadamı kuruluşları olarak Türkiye’nin ABD’de ve Avrupa’daki siyasi, ekomik ve kültürel
ilişkilerinde önemli bir yere sahiptir. Bu çalışmada bu kuruluşların, Avrupa ülkelerinde ve ABD’deki kamu
diplomasisi alanı içine giren faaliyetleri ve 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi sonrasındaki Türkiye’nin diğer ülkelerdeki imajının ve algısının iyileştirilmesi çabaları ve kapsamdaki faaliyetleri analiz edilmektedir.
“Hudûdnâme”ler, Osmanlı ülkesinin sınırları dâhilinde vakıf ve mülk statüsündeki toprakların; mezrâ,
mahalle, köy, nâhiye, kaza, sancak ve eyâlet gibi idarî birimlerin ve Osmanlı Devleti ile diğer devletlerin sınırlarını belirlemek için yazılan resmî kayıtlardır. Bu kayıtlara “sınırnâme” de denilmiştir.
Hudûdnâmeler veya hudûdnâme statüsündeki vakfiye, mülk senedi, ilgili mühimme, ahîdnâme ve tahrir defterleri mekân belirlemelerde çok tafsilâtlı yön tariflerini ihtiva etmektedir. Bu çalışmada Osmanlı
Arşivi, Vakıf Kayıtlar Arşivi ile Tapu Arşivi’nde bulunan bazı hudûdnâme veya hudûdnâme statüsündeki belgeler kullanılmıştır. Söz konusu belgelerle Osmanlı tarihî coğrafyasını yeniden yazmak mümkündür. Öyle ki, Osmanlı arazi kanunnamesinin çıkarılmasından sonra uygulanan yeni mülkiyet
anlayışı sonucunda oluşan yeni mülk senetleri üzerinden mülkler ile mülk sahiplerini eşsiz büyüklükteki
bir haritada buluşturmak mümkündür. Tapu senetlerinin sınır tarifleri, daha önceden var olagelen
vakfiye, mülk senedi, mühimme, ahîdnâme, tahrir defterleri ve hudûdnâmelerin bıraktıkları, boşlukları
doldurabilecek zenginlikte olduğu düşünülmektedir. Bu incelemede hudûdnâmelerin bir evin hududundan başlayarak tarla, mezraa, köy, nahiye, kaza, sancak, vilâyet ve nihayet ülke hududuna kadar
birçok yerin sınır tespitinde ne kadar çok rol oynadığı ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır. Ayrıca, bu belge
koleksiyonlarının Osmanlı Tarih yazıcılığının en temel kaynaklarından olduğu da gösterilmiş olacaktır.
Abstract
Hudûdnâmes are written official documents to determine borders of lands belonged to vakıf (pious
foundation) and to mülk (real estate); of administrative units - such as mezrâ (hamlet), quarter, village, nâhiye (township), kaza (district), sanjak and province - within the borders of the Ottoman realm;
and boundaries of the Ottoman Empire with other states. These registers are also named “sınırnâme”.
Hudûdnâmes or vakfiye (deed of trust of a pious foundation), mülk senedi (title deed of a real estate),
related parts of mühimme, ahidnâme and tahrir (cadastral) record books which also can be regarded
as hudûdnâmes contain very detailed direction descriptions. In this article, hudûdnâme and documents
resembling hudûdnâmes in Ottoman Archives of Prime Ministry, Waqf Records Archive and Archive of
Land Records are used. Ottoman historical geography can be re-written with the mentioned documents.
So that, it is possible to meet real estates with their owners on an incomparably big map through title
deeds of lands formed as a consequence of a new concept of property after the implementation of the Ottoman Land Code. It is thought that border descriptions of title deeds contain rich data to fill blanks left by
mühimme, ahidnâme and tahrir records and hudûdnames accruing to exist. In this research, it is tried to
exhibit how important those hudûdnâmes are to determine of boundaries of a house, field, hamlet, village, township, district, sanjak, province, and at the end, the empire. In addition, those document collections
are one of primary sources of Ottoman historiography.
Osmanlı Devleti’nde padişahlar için doğum günü kutlamaları yapılması II. Mahmud döneminde
başlamıştır. Böylece II. Mahmud’dan VI. Mehmed Vahdeddin’e kadar tahta geçen son yedi Osmanlı
padişahı için doğum günü kutlamaları yapılması bir protokol kuralı haline gelmiştir. Söz konusu kutlamaların en belirgin ve dikkat çekici olanları, II. Abdülhamid döneminde gerçekleştirilmiş olanlardır. Bu
durumun arkasındaki en önemli nedenlerden biri, Abdülhamid’in otuz üç yıl gibi uzun bir süre tahtta
kalmış olmasıyken bir diğeri yapılan kutlamaların bu dönemde yalın, şekilsel uygulamalardan öte bir
takım sosyal ve siyasî gayelere yönelik yapılmış olmasıdır. Bu çalışmada II. Abdülhamid için yapılan
doğum günü kutlamalarının merkezde, taşrada ve yurtdışında nasıl düzenlendiği ve bunların sosyal ve
siyasî yansımalarının neler olduğu üzerinde durulmaya çalışılmıştır.
Abstract
The practice of holding birthday celebrations for sultans in the Ottoman Empire started during the reign
of Mahmud II, and for the last seven Ottoman sultans, from Mahmud II to Mehmed VI, birthday
celebrations were part of state protocol. The most visible and conspicuous of these celebrations were those
held during the reign of Abdulhamid II. This can largely be attributed to the long reign of Abdulhamid
II, who was sultan for 33 years, and that during his reign, these celebrations were meant to serve various
social and political functions, extending beyond being simple rituals. This study examines the birthday
celebrations held for Abdulhamid II in the capital, in the provinces and overseas, and aims to uncover
their social and political implications.
Osmanlı fethinden sonra ticari değeri yüksek bir idari ünite olarak değerlendirilmeyen Kıbrıs, Tanzimat
reformları sonrası yönetim ve ekonomik yapı bakımından değişime uğramıştır. Bu çalışmada ekonomik
dönüşüm, XIX. yüzyılın ilk yarısında geliştirilen ve bütün dünyaya yayılan ticaretten ekonomiye,
savaşlardan gündelik hayata kadar hayatın bütün yönlerini etkileyen ve kısmen Osmanlı Devleti’nin
teknolojik adaptasyonda geciktiği çağın en önemli araçlarından biri olan, buharlıların güzergâhına
Kıbrıs’ın dâhil olma süreci üzerinden değerlendirilecektir. Buharlı ağlarının ayrılmaz parçası olan modern deniz feneri sisteminin adada inşası ve Kıbrıs’ın İngiliz yönetimine verilmesi sonrasında Doğu
Akdeniz’in kontrolünde önem kazanan bu fenerlerin idaresinin devri konusunda yaşanan tartışmalar
Kıbrıs’ın güvenlik stratejilerindeki yeri üzerinden ele alınmıştır.
Abstract
Cyprus, which is not regarded as a highly profitable administrative unit after the Ottoman conquest,
has changed in terms of management and economic structure after Tanzimat reforms. In this study,
this economic process has been evaluated based on the process of Cyprus’ involvement in the route of
steamships that was developed in the first half of the nineteenth century and spreading all over the world,
affecting all aspects of life from economical wars to everyday life and one of the most important tools of
the era in which Ottoman State partly get out of date this technological adaptation. Construction of the
modern sea lighthouse system, which is an inseparable part of the steamships’ web, in the island and the
process of transition to the British administration of Cyprus lighthouses, which have gained importance
for control of the Eastern Mediterranean after fell under the British rule of Cyprus, and debates on this
issue has been examined on the basis of Cyprus place in security strategies.
Osmanlı Devleti’nde esnaf teşkilatının kökenleri Türk-İslam devletlerine kadar geriye gitmektedir. Osmanlı şehirlerinde yaygın olarak görülen bu sistem aslında Anadolu’daki Ahi teşkilatının bir uzantısı veya devamı niteliğindedir. Osmanlı Devleti’nin kuruluşundan itibaren şehirlerde örgütlenen esnaf
teşkilatı belirli bir disiplin içerisinde yüzyıllar boyunca üretime devam etmiştir. Osmanlı idaresinde
Kıbrıs’ta esnaf teşkilatı ile ilgili olarak kaynaklarda değerli bilgiler bulunmaktadır. Söz konusu dönemde Kıbrıs’ta faaliyet gösteren esnaf dallarından birisi de kasap esnafıdır. Kasap esnafı halkın temel
tüketim maddelerinden birisi olan et ile ilgili üretim yaptıklarından dolayı özel bir öneme sahip bulunmaktaydı. Kasaplar bu özel önemden dolayı idareciler tarafından sıkı bir şekilde denetlenmekte ve kurallara uymayan kasaplar çeşitli cezalara çarptırılmaktaydı. Çalışmada ana kaynak olarak kullanılan
Lefkoşa Şer‘iye Sicillerinde adada faaliyet gösteren kasap esnafı ile ilgili çok değerli bilgiler bulunmaktadır. Osmanlı idaresinde adada yaklaşık olarak 405 kasabın görev yaptığı sicillerden anlaşılmaktadır.
Sicillerdeki narh kayıtları bize adada tüketilen et çeşitleri ve fiyatları hakkında da bilgiler sunmaktadır.
Narh kayıtlarından anlaşıldığı üzere adada küçükbaş hayvanların sütünden olduğu gibi etinden ve
derisinden de faydalanılmaktadır. Ayrıca sicildeki çeşitli belgelerden kasapların adadaki faaliyetleri hakkında da bilgi sahibi olunmaktadır. Bu arada kasaplar, adada faaliyet gösteren debbâğ, çangar, haffâf,
mumcu gibi birçok esnaf dalları ile sıkı bir iş birliği içerisindeydiler. Lefkoşa’da kasapların kullandıkları
salhane ise Hala Sultan hazretlerinin türbesinin gelir kaynakları arasında yer almaktaydı. Bugün
dahi Osmanlı idaresinde kasapların kullandıkları etle ilgili terminolojinin adada kullanıldığı günümüz
kasapları ile ilgili yapılan görüşmelerde anlaşılmıştır. Sonuç olarak Kıbrıs adasında faaliyet gösteren
kasap esnafı adanın sosyo-ekonomik tarihine önemli katkılar yapmışlardır
Abstract
In the Ottoman Empire, the origins of the tradesmen organization go back to the Turkish-Islamic states.
This system, which is widespread in the Ottoman cities, is in fact an extension or continuation of the Ahi
organization in Anatolia. Since the foundation of the Ottoman State, the tradesmen organized in the
cities continued to produce throughout the centuries within a certain discipline. In the resources, there are
various valuable information about the tradesmen in Cyprus. One of the tradesmen branches operating
in the Ottoman administration was the butchery. There was a special precaution for the butchery due
to the production of the basic consumption goods of the people. Because of this special importance, they
were strictly supervised by the administrators. The butchers who did not comply with the rules were being punished with various kinds of punishment. It is understood from the Nicosia Judicial Record that
there were approximately 405 butchers in Cyprus. There is valuable information regarding the butcher
tradesmen in the island during the Ottoman administration in the Şer’i Sicil. The narh (official price) also provide us with valuable information about the consumed meat types and their prices in Cyprus.
It is also understood from the narh records that people generally prefer to consume the small ruminant
animal’s meat. Besides, the various documents in the register have information about the activities of the
butchers in Cyprus. It is learned from records that the butchers cooperate closely with some tradesmen
branches like debbâg (tanner), çangar (shoemaker), haffâf (shoemaker), mumcu (chandler) who are
also operating in Cyprus. Also, the slaughterhouse, which the butchers used in Nicosia, was among the
income sources of the tombs of Hala Sultan. It is understood from the talks with the today’s butchers
that the terminology related to the meat used by the butchers in the past is still in use. As a result, the
butchers have made important contributions to the socio-economic history of the island.
Bu çalışmanın amacı KKTC ekonomisindeki büyüme ile sektörel büyüme arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemek
ve elde edilen bulgulardan yararlanarak istikrarlı bir büyümenin gerçekleşebilmesi için öneriler üretmektir. Çalışmada kullanılan veriler KKTC Devlet Planlama Örgütünden (DPÖ) elde edilmiş olmakta
ve 1977-2016 yıllarını kapsamaktadır. Veriler 1977 yılı baz alınarak TL cinsinden ölçülmüştür. Serilerin durağanlık düzeyinin tespit edilmesi için Phillips-Perron (PP), Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF),
Kwiatkowski-Phillips-Schmidt-Shin (KPSS) birim kök ve Zivot-Andrews yapısal kırılma birim kök testi kullanılmış, bulgular bağımlı değişkenimiz olan GSYİH serisinin birinci farkının durağan, yani I(1)
olduğunu, işaret ederken, bağımsız değişkenlerin farklı seviyelerde durağan oldukaları tespit edilmiştir.
Bu nedenle uzun ve kısa dönem ilişkileri ortaya koymak için seriler arasında eşbütünleşme ilişkisi
ARDL sınır testi yaklaşımıyla araştırılmıştır. Değişkenler arasındaki uzun ve kısa dönem ilişkilerinin
tespitinin ardından Granger nedensellik testi kullanılarak seriler arasındaki ilişkinin yönünün analizi
yapılmış, GSYİH, tarım sektörü, inşaat sektörü ve imalat sektörü gelirlerinden, hizmetler sektörü gelirlerine doğru tek yönlü Granger nedensellik tespit edilmiştir. Modelin iyiliği ve uyumunun test edilmesi için otokorelasyon, normallik, değişen varyans ve yapısal istikrar testleri yapılmış, seçilen dönem
içerisinde hesaplanan katsayıların istikrarlı olup olmadığını görmek için ise CUSUM ve CUSUMSQ
testleri kullanılmıştır. Sonuçlar modelin güvenirliliği ve parametrelerin seçilen dönem için istikrarlı
olduğunu desteklemiştir. Elde etmiş olduğumuz sonuçlar uzun vadede sanayi sektörünün ekonomik
büyüme arkasındaki en etkin sektör olduğunu ortaya koymuştur. KKTC’de öne çıkan hizmet sektörünün yanı sıra sanayi ve inşaat sektörlerinin geliştirilmesi ve yerli istihdam sağlanması ile sürdürülebilir
bir ekonomik büyüme elde edilebilir. Ekonomik büyüme politikaları uzun vadede kalıcı etki yaratacak
şekilde planlanmalıdır ve özellikle sanayi sektörünün geliştirilmesine öncelik tanınmalıdır.
Abstract
This study aims to investigate the relationship between economic and sectoral growth of TRNC economy
to be able to produce policy recommendation for stable economic growth. The data set used in this study
covering the years between 1977 and 2016 are obtained from TRNC State Planning Organization and
calculated by using 1977 base year local currency Turkish Lira prices. According to the Phillips-Perron
(PP), Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF), Kwiatkowski-Phillips-Schmidt-Shin (KPSS) and Zivot-Andrews structural break unit root tests results for the stationarity of the variables the dependent variable
GDP is integrated at first difference, I(1), while the independent varables are integrated at mix order
either as I(1) or I(0). The long run and short run relationship among varaibles are investigated by employing ARDL Bounds test approach. Granger causality test results indicates a uni-directional Granger
causality existing from GDP, agriculture sector, construction sector and manufacturing sector to services sector. Diagnostic tests which analyze serial correlation, normality, heteroscedasticity and the functional form of the model and the CUSUM and CUSUMQ tests for the stability of the coefficients in the
long-run confirm that our results are reliable. Empirical results showed that manufacturing sector is the
most effective sector behind economic growth in long run. Sustainable economic growth could be reached
through the development of manufacturing and construction sectors in addition to the leading services
sector and improved domestic employment. Economic growth policies should be designed to generate
persistent effect in long run and priority should be given to the development of the manufacturing sector.
27 Mayıs 1960 darbesi DP iktidarına son verirken, ordu-siyaset ilişkisine dair yeni tartışmaları da
beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu minvalde, darbe sonrasında kurulan Milli Birlik Komitesi içerisinde ordunun ülkeyi yönetmeye devam etmesi görüşü ile siyasetin sivillere hemen devredilmesi düşüncesi arasında
yaşanan ihtilaf 13 Kasım 1960 tarihinde, komitenin 14 üyesinin tasfiye edilmesi ile sonuçlanmıştır.
Tarihe 14’ler olarak geçecek bu grup, 27 Mayıs öncesinde ya da Milli Birlik Komitesi dahilinde oluşan ve birbiri ile her konuda mutabık olan 14 kişiden meydana gelmemiş ancak 13 Kasım sürecinde
yaşananlar, bu “suni” oluşumu hem yurtiçinde hem de yurtdışında gündeme getirmiştir. Ancak, suni
olması hasebiyle herhangi bir birliktelik sağlayamayan bu grup, yurtdışında bulunduğu süre zarfında
çeşitli faaliyetler içerisine girmiş olsa da, grup içerisinde iki farklı kliğin oluşması kaçınılmaz olmuştur.
İki farklı konumlanma içerisinde olan kliklerin birisinin başını Alparslan Türkeş, bir diğerini ise Orhan Kabibay çekmiştir. İki grubun süreç içerisinde faaliyetlerine, fikirlerine, yakın oldukları mecralara
bakılınca esasında 14’lerin muhtelif yönleriyle iki farklı “fırkaya” dâhil oldukları müşahede edilmiştir.
60’lı yılların ikinci yarısı ve devamındaki süreç de bu tespiti teyit edecektir
Abstract
While the May 27, 1960 coup ended the DP government, it brought new debates on the relationship
between the army and politics. In this respect, the dispute between politics and civilians was immediately
passed on 13 November 1960 with the view that the army continued to rule the country within the
National Union Committee established after the coup d’état, resulting in the liquidation of 14 members
of the committee. This group, which will be called 14’s, brought those “artificial” formations both at
home and abroad, which did not come from the 14 people who were formed before May 27 or within the
National Unity Committee and agreed with each other, but lived in November 13. However, this group,
which cannot provide any coexistence due to artificiality, has entered into various activities while abroad,
but it is inevitable that two different clubs will be formed within the group. One of the sides in two different positions, Alparslan Türkeş and Orhan Kabibay were the others. In the process, the two groups
considered their activities, their ideas, and their close proximity to each other, that they were involved in
two different “sects” in various aspects of the 14’s. The second half of the 60’s and the subsequent process
will confirm this statement
Bu çalışmada Suriye’deki iç karışıklıklar ve savaş sonucu ülkelerini terk ederek, sınır şehri olan
Gaziantep’e gelen ve konteynerlerde yaşayan sığınmacıların konteynerlerde yaşama ve sonraki planlarına ilişkin düşünceleri belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Geçici barınma merkezlerinde sınırlı bir alan içinde
yaşamın uzaklaştırdığı entegrasyon sorunu, temel ihtiyaçlardan olan barınma ihtiyacı, yaşamlarındaki
yeri, sosyolojik ve yaşamsal kullanım alan değerlendirmesi, zaman içinde değişen süreçte beklentileri,
yeni yaşamlarında bağların kurulması, umutları ve ihtiyaçlarının karşılanması, hükümetin ve yerel
yöneticilerin acil durum planından bugün çözüm temelli yerel toplumla uyumlu bir yaşam süreci planlaması ile ilgili alınması gereken kararlar değerlendirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada sığınmacıların uzun
dönemde konteyner kent yaşamı literatür çalışması ile değerlendirilirken konteyner kentte yaşayan
180 sığınmacı aile ile anket çalışması yapılıp, konteynerin özellikleri, konteynerin içindeki mekânsal
alanların değerlendirmesi, ihtiyaçlarına göre yapılan değişiklikler, Suriye’deki evlerinin özellikleri, gelecek beklentileri, planları değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışma sonuçları kısaca şu şekildedir. Sığınmacılar genel
olarak düşük ve orta sosyo-ekonomik düzey grubundan gelmektedir. Ailelerin aylık gelirleri düşmüştür.
Genel olarak işsiz ya da düşük nitelikli işlerde çalışmaktadırlar. Tamamına yakını hayati tehlikeden
dolayı ülkelerini terk etmişlerdir. Konteynerlerdeki havadar olması, aydınlık olması ve konumundan
dolayı memnun olmakla birlikte bölme sayısı, banyo-wc birlikte olması ciddi sorun olarak görülmektedir. Bir kısmı konteyner kentten ayrılıp şehre yerleşmeyi planlamaktadır. Konteynerlerde kalanların
çoğunluğu ekonomik sebeplerden dolayı buradan ayrılmayı düşünmemektedir. Kamplardaki güvenlik
ve temizlik yeterli olarak görülmektedir. Uyum ve entegrasyonda engel oluşturacak olan sorunların çözülmesi öncelikli olarak önerilmektedir.
This study tries to identify the ideas of asylum seekers who came to Gaziantep – a border city – by leaving their countries as a result of internal turmoil and war in Syria and who live in containers about life
in containers and later plans. This study also evaluates the problem of the integration that life is averted
in a limited area, the need for shelter as one of the basic needs, the place in their lives, the sociological and
life-long usage area assessment, their expectations which are changing over time, the establishment of
ties in their new lives, meeting their hopes and needs in the camps and the decisions that should be taken
about planning a harmonious life process with the analytical local society, and the urgent situation plan
of the government and local administrators today. While evaluating the camp life of the asylum seekers
in long term with literature study in this study, a survey study with 180 asylum seeker families who are
living in container camp was carried out, and the characteristics of container, the spatial areas inside the
container, changes which were made according to the needs, the characteristics of their houses in Syria,
their future expectations, and their plans were evaluated. The study results are briefly as follows: Asylum
seekers are generally in low and middle level socio-economic status. The monthly income of their families has decreased. They are generally unemployed or working in low-skilled jobs. Almost all have left their
country because of a life-threatening situation. Although they are satisfied with spacious, bright and
well-situated containers, the number of compartments, and that bathroom-WC being together seem as
a serious problem. Some of them are planning to leave container city and settle in the city. Most of those
staying in containers do not think of leaving there because of economic reasons. Security and hygiene
in camps seem as adequate. Solving problems that may hinder compliance and integration is recommended as priority.
Bilim ve üniversite birbirini tamamlayan kurumlardır. İnsanlığın gelişiminde üretilen bilginin önemi
büyüktür. Bilgi üretme yollarından birisi felsefe, birisi bilimdir. Dünyanın modernleşmesi ile birlikte
bilim üretmenin mekânı üniversiteler olmuştur. Türkiye Batıdan örnek alarak geleneksel yüksek eğitim
kurumlarını dönüştürmeye çalışmıştır. Darülfünun’dan üniversiteye giden süreçte sıkıntılar yaşanmıştır. Üniversite Batılı anlamda akademik araştırmalar yapılan ve bilgi üreten bir kurum olması
gerekirken, beklenen başarıyı gösterememiştir. Bunun için defalarca reform teşebbüsleri yapılmış ama
olması gereken seviyeye hâlâ çıkamamıştır. Türkiye’de üniversite kurumunun bilim zihniyeti problemli
gelişmiştir. Bunun sebepleri üzerine yapılacak analizler çözüm yollarını da gösterecektir. Bu makale
bir toplumun yapısı içinde eğitim kurumu ve dolayısıyla üniversite kurumunun yapısal problemlerini
analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.
Science and the university are complementary institutions. In the progress of humankind, the importance of produced knowledge is great. One of the ways of producing knowledge is philosophy and the other one is science. Together with the modernization of the world, the universities have become the places that are produced knowledge. Turkey has tried to transform traditional higher education institutions like the examples in the West. Some problems occurred in the process of transition from Darülfünun to the university. Even though the university is the place that makes academic surveys and produces knowledge , it doesn't show the expected success. Because of this, reform attempts have been done several times but still it hasn't gone up to the intended level. Science mentality of university institution in Turkey has improved problematically. The analyses that are going to be done for these reasons will also show solutions. This article aims to analyze the structural problems of educational institution and accordingly the university institution of society.
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Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, demokratik barış teorisinin yükselişe geçişiyle birlikte tüm dünyada demokrasiyi teşvik çabaları hız kazanmıştır. Demokrasinin dünya barışına katkıda bulunacağı dü-şüncesiyle hareket eden Batılı ve Batılı demokratik değerleri benimsemiş devletlerin bu tasavvurları, ütopyacı olmamakla beraber kalıcı barış için ne tek bir reçete ne de sonuçlara dair ortak bir fikir birliği mevcuttur. Bu çalışmada, demokrasiyi teşvik siyasetinin sorunlu yönleri, Avrupa Birliği ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin Batı Balkanlardaki demokrasiyi teşvik siyasetinin karşılaştırmalı analizi üze-rinden ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Makalede demokrasiyi teşvik siyasetinin sorunlu yönleri; de-mokrasiyi teşvik uygulamasının doğası kaynaklı, demokrasiyi teşvik süreçlerini yürüten dış aktörlere özgün, ve demokrasinin teşvikinin hedef ülke ve bölgelerin nitelikleri veya koşulları kaynaklı olmak üzere üç kategoride değerlendirilmiştir.. Çalışmada, demokrasiyi teşvik eden dış aktörlerin, monolitik bakış açılarını devam ettirdikleri, sahadaki hassasiyetlere dikkat etmeksizin hareket ettikleri, demokra-siyi teşvik çabalarını senkronize etmedikleri ve sahadaki kültürel ve siyasi gerçekleri göz ardı ettikleri sürece problemlerin devam edeceği sonucuna varılmıştır.
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New Media; has been described as one of the means that has strengthened democracy in recent years in terms of facilitating the interactions in many local, national and international social and political events and facilitating the political participation of the communities. Compared with traditional media platforms, it is also observed that the new media, which facilitates and accelerates the political participation of citizens, has changed social behavior patterns accordingly. While the traditional media in Turkish political history are mainly used as legitimation of coups and as a means of digesting the society, it can be said that the new media had the opposite function in 15 July case. This study examines the role of new media in the social response and political participation during the coup attempt process of 15 July 2016 and examines the effect of new media platforms on the change in social behavior patterns through the example of July 15.
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Her ne kadar Amerikan dış politikası ve bu dış politikanın farklı bölgelere etkisi konusunda detaylı akademik çalışmalar yapılmış olsa da, Amerikan iç siyaseti ile ilgili çalışmalar son derece sınırlı kalmış-tır. Amerikan dış politikasında başkanlık makamının daha büyük bir etkisi olması nedeniyle, yapılan çalışmalar da daha çok Başkanlık makamı üzerine yoğunlaşmaktadır. Bu çalışma Amerikan iç ve dış siyasetinin bir diğer önemli belirleyicisi olan Kongre'ye odaklanmaktadır. Bu bağlamda özellikle Ame-rikan Kongresi çalışmalarında partilerin Kongre üzerindeki etkisini ölçmeye çalışan literatüre katkıda bulunmak amaçlanmaktadır. Hali hazırda literatürde mevcut olan çalışmalar daha çok kayıtlı oyların (roll-call) istatistiki analizi üzerinden gerçekleştirilmektedir. Her ne kadar bu metot çok popüler olarak kullanılsa da, partilerin etkisinin net bir şekilde ölçülmesini tam olarak sağlayamadığı gerekçesiyle eleştirilmektedir. Bu bağlamda eldeki çalışma Kongre'deki parti etkisini ölçmek için, Avrupa demokra-silerini çalışan siyaset bilimcilerin yoğun olarak kullandığı alternatif bir yöntem önermektedir.
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Turkey did not participate in World War II and adopted the policy of active neutrality. By force of this policy, it continued its relationships both with Axis and Allied powers. As the Allied victory became obvious , Turkey symbolically declared war against Germany and Japan in order not to be isolated in forthcoming new world order and to enroll in the United Nations as a founding member. It was a very tough process for Turkey to continue its neutrality policy and to stay out of the war in spite of pressures from both sides. However, the real challenge for Turkey was to resist Soviet Russia's demands after World War II. As a victor of the war which provided self-confidence, Soviet Russia refused to renew Turkish-Russian Treaty of Friendship signed in 1925 which was supposed to be resigned every five year and demanded land and bases from Turkish government. Soviet Russia claimed Kars-Ardahan and exponents around the Straits. Whereas, Russia had recognized Turkish sovereignty over the Straits with the Treaty of Montreux, and over Kars and Ardahan with the treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Moscow and Kars. In this
factor causing this situation was the natural disasters occurring in 1940-41. The grain production had
constituted the most important export resources in Turkey. For this reason, many decisions about the
production and the consumption of wheat were taken to prevent the increase in the bread price. Despite
these decisions, supply-demand distributions had abnormally continued for many years. This case, in
this study, was analyzed by using cobweb theory.
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İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nda buğday, en önemli temel tüketim maddelerinden birisiydi. Bu durumu te-tikleyen en önemli unsurun, 1940 ve 1941 yıllarında yaşanan doğal afetlerden kaynaklandığı görül-müştür. Türkiye için ise hububat ürünleri en önemli ihracat kaynaklarını oluşturmaktaydı. Bu nedenle, ekmek fiyatlarındaki artışların önlenmesinde buğday üretimi ve tüketimi hakkında birçok kararlar alınmıştır. Bu kararlara rağmen olağanüstü arz-talep dağılımı uzun yıllar sürmüş ve bu durum örümcek ağı teorisi ile gösterilmiştir. Bu teori sayesinde İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın ve doğal afetlerin buğday üretimini nasıl etkilediği detaylı olarak ele alınmıştır.
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The purpose of this study is to throw light on the state, one of the most important structures in social sciences and its functions. This great structure on which the discussions have not been ended and which has been defined in terms of every social science. For this purpose, the ideas of Adam Smith who handled and examined the state in terms of its functions especially in economic realm were prioritised general overview of the state. Since, Adam Smith's conception of the state presents a different content than the other prominent mainstream economic thinkers of his time. In order to understand Smith's thought system and his views of state from a managerial perspective, his views in his two primary works – The Theory of Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations and other discussions concerned with these views in literature were included in this study.
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This study examines the last fifteen years of the relationship between Europe and the United States in a historical perspective primarily in political terms. In this context, developments after the 9/11 Attacks, interventions to Afghanistan and Iraq, and weakening of the unipolarity; the effects of the factors such as the global financial crisis –which started in the US and rapidly became a worldwide phenomenon-, global war on terror on the course of the transAtlantic are being analyzed. The possible future course of the relationship between Europe and the USA in the new period after the election of Donald trump to the Presidency is also being examined. We once again witness an era of divergence in the relations similar to the one after the end of the Cold War. There are serious criticisms by Trump towards the European Union due to lack of enough European contribution to the NATO and to European attitudes' towards the trade. On the other hand, Europe-which grows increasingly wary of Russian intent-is anxious about a US-Russian warming of relations which would work against the European interest. After the emphasis on the critical issues, there are also some explorations about how the two sides might choose to behave to avoid a serious rupture in these globally important relations.
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Ottoman empire's actual relationship Austria, which was referred to as Beç or Nemçe in Ottoman diplomatic correspondence, began with Mohac War of 1526 and lasted until The Treaty of Sistova in 1791. Zistovi Agreement ended the period of conflict between the two states and led to the beginning of a long-term friendly relationship. This study will look at the causes of 1787-1792 Ottoman, Russian and Asutrian War and Zistovi Aggrement signed at the end of this war. The sources for this study are from General Directorate of State Archives of the Repucblic of Turkey and London Parliamentary Archives. This study aimed to compare the documents in both arhieves with respect to historical relathionship between the Ottoman and the Austrians.
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Jews from Thrace emigrated firstly İstanbul then Palestine as a result of the problems with Turkish people living in Thrace Region starting from Çanakkale later to Tekirdağ, Edirne and Kırklareli. In some publications taken aimed at minority policies in Republican Periodd. Historical events and muniments are interpreted one-sided and Jews living in Thrace are claimed to subject to forced migration at the end of deliberate attacks that are supported clandestinely by Turkish Government. In this study, the reasons of Thrace Jews' migration firstly from Thrace to İstanbul then to Palestine in 1934, the results and the arguements put forward on this issue are handled with a critical perspective. Also, in this research by taking advantage to the news in Turkish Press related to the migration of Jews from Thrace; official reports published by the governments and the claims about Thrace Events are analyzed
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At the end of World War I, The Entente States' breaking the ceasefire line and the occupation of Ana-tolia's southern region ,basing on Article 7 of the Mondros Armistice, initiated resistance movements in this region. The region was first occupied by the British, then with an agreement between England and France, Adana, Maras, Antep and Urfa were left to the French. During the British occupation there was no significant resistance movement because both the people believed that the invasion is temporary, and the British avoidance of movements that could lead public's reaction. However when the French took over, their desire to suppress the people in cooperation with the Armenian minority changed the situation. The first resistance and organizational activities in the region came from the people of the region who had to defend themselves. At Sivas Congress, it was decided for the Kuva-yi Milliye to be established and the military troops near the region to help.
In this article, it has been aimed to examine, based on the derbend model and in accordance with the decrees contained in Mühimme register books, the reasons behind the tax exemption applied by the Ot-toman State for Anatolian and Rumelian Provinces in the second half of the XVI th century, as well as the types of exempted taxes and the perception of state and society towards tax exemption. Therefore, the subject of this article covers the tax regime and tax exemptions which derbendci was subjected to, the abuse of the derbend system. Also inform to the reasons behind the establishment of derbend, the duties of the derbendci, and revocation of the derbend to ensure the integrity issues. The Ottoman State had granted tax exemption for the 'derbendci' who carried out a strategic mission, in return of its service. The Derbend has been established in order to maintain the security of roads and settlement areas as well as to facilitate inhabiting. The economic and social depression encountered by the Ottoman State throughout the second half of the XVI th century have led the people to claim themselves being derbendci to avoid tax charge, and provoked unlawful intervention of the state officers toward derbendci.
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In the nineteenth century, when a new world order began to be established by the industrial revolution, the Western States colonized many regions of the world.Colonial activities came the gate of black continent Africa, and many parts of the continent was partitioned by western states under the leadership of Britain and France. The conflict between the British and French territories in the Turkish administration was one of the most important factors determining the relations of the states with the Ottoman administration. The activities of the British in Sudan and Egypt, and the French in Algeria, Tunisia and Central Africa, not only in terms of Ottoman history, but also in the history of African and even colonialism, constituted a major break point. In this context, the Canet Problem, which has been taken up in this study, shows Turkish-French competition in the Sahara as a result of the expansionist policies of the French.The Canet is on the scene of history in the early 20th century because of its geopolitical importance in spite of not a big settlement due to the fact that France's penetration to the Sahara with the aim of linking North Africa and Central African colonies, and turning trade routes into Algerian
lands for their own benefit.The importance of the issue increased sinceboth states claimed Canet as their
own territory of influence and applied hard power. However, the fact that these states have tended to resolve
their concerns through diplomatic channels has given a different perspective to this problem. In the
meantime, Sahara’s indispensable actor Tevariks also played a decisive role in Turkish-French relations.
The Canet Problem, which emerged prominently from 1906, was closed for favour of the French in 1912,
when the Ottomans abandoned the African continent.
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Looking at the Ottoman history in general, it is obvious that the empire developed and expanded with wars and again declined with wars. Especially in the XVI th century it thrived in the political arena. As a matter of fact, the most important reason of this rise is the existence of an army that uses firearms effectively from the time of Sultan Yavuz Selim. In the studies on the Ottoman military organization, although there are some remarks on the fire power and other characteristics of the Yavuz period army, the issues of how the army was provided in the campaign logistics are either neglected or given superficial information. This study aims to explain how some basic needs of the Ottoman army were provided within the scope of extraordinary taxation. In this context, a number of determinations will be made regarding the organization of the Ottoman army in the Yavuz period. Giriş Genel kabuller bağlamında ifade edilecek olursa, hareket halindeki kara ordu-larının iaşesi iki temel yöntemle sağlanmıştı. Bunlardan ilki, sefer esnasında
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Bu araştırmada Ortadoğu'daki İran-Suudi rekabeti, değişen güç dengeleri bağlamında incelenmiştir. Makalenin temel araştırma sorusu, İran-Suudi rekabetinin dinamikleri nelerdir ve iki ülke arasındaki rekabette Türkiye'nin rolü ne olabilir olarak belirlenmiştir. Bu bağlamda üç temel argüman geliştirilmiştir: Birincisi, ABD'nin 2003 yılında Irak işgali ve 'Arap Baharı' sürecinin bölgesel dengeleri bozduğu ve iki ülke arasında bölgesel hegemon olma rekabetine yol açtığı tezi geliştirilmiştir. İkincisi, İran, Arap Baharı sürecini bölgesel hegemon güç olmak için bir fırsat olarak kullanmak istemiştir. Öte yandan ABD'nin bölgeden çekilmesiyle Ortadoğu’yu müttefikleri İsrail ve Suudi Arabistan’a bırakma politikası, Kral Salman’ı bölgesel liderlik politikasına yöneltmiştir. Bu çerçevede araştırmada Ortadoğu’nun iki tarihsel rakip gücü olan İran ve Suudi Arabistan arasında Ortadoğu’nun yeni bölgesel hegemonu olma rekabetinin başladığı argümanı ileri sürülmüştür. Üçüncüsü, iki ülke arasındaki rekabetin ağırlıklı olarak vekalet savaşı biçiminde yürütüldüğü, ancak her iki ülkenin de birbirlerine üstünlük sağlayamaması, bölgede güç dengesi rekabetinin aynı zamanda vekalet savaşı dengesine dönüştüğü argümanı ileri sürülmüştür.
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This study examines the " regional subsystem " analysis that aims to emphasize regional dynamics in the field of International Relations with a theoretical and applied approach. It has been aimed to prove that the South and East Asia region, which was subject to the examination within the scopes of the fundamental hypotheses of regional subsystem analysis, have a unique structure that differs from the global system, while having important contact points with the global system. According to the findings of the study, the South and East Asia subsystem exhibits a view where the " balance of power " is emphasized more than other regions, and where China emerges as the dominant economic and political power.
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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk tarafından yön verilen Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu politikası 1937 yı-lında kurulan Sadabad Paktıyla zirvesine ulaşmıştır. Daha sonra Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu'da takip etmiş olduğu aktif dış politikası Cumhurbaşkanı İnönü döneminde rafa kaldırılmıştır. İnönü dönemin kojektürü gereği ve de Arap ve Yahudiler arasında bir denge siyaseti takip edebilmek için bölge siyasetlerinden mümkün olduğunca uzak kalmayı tercih etmiştir. An-cak Demokrat Parti'nin 1950 yılında iktidara gelmesiyle bu durum değişmiş ve Başbakan Menderes Ortadoğu'da aktif bir politika takip etmeye başlamıştır. Menderes'in nihai amacı Türkiye’nin liderliğinde bir Arap NATO’su oluşturmaktı. Bunu için de iki temel sebebi vardı. Birinci sebep Sadabad Paktı’nı aktif hale getirmek ve Türkiye’nin politik güç ve nüfuzunu arttırmak. İkinci sebep ise Batı’dan özellikle de ABD’den güvenlik takviyesi ve ekonomik yardım almaktı. Çünkü Demokrat Parti yöneticileri Türkiye’nin, komünizmin yayılmasını önlemeye yönelik olarak Ortadoğu’da siyasi olarak etkili olması halinde bu hedeflerin gerçekleşeceğini düşünmüşlerdi. Ancak bu hedef Türk ve Arap devletlerin siyasi ve stratejik amaçlarının faklı olması yüzünden gerçekleşmedi. Bu makale arşiv belgelerine dayalı olarak hazırlanmış olup metinde mevcut ikinci el kaynaklardan da istifade edilmiştir
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Defence and aviation industry is a high technology sector which is supported and developed by national policies. Over the last two decades, Turkish defence and aviation industry has determined its way as meeting the needs domestically and extending its market area. The aim of this article is to reveal the global, national and local dynamics of Turkish aviation and defence industry through the case of Ankara which has a leading role in the development of the sector in Turkey. First, the structural characteristics and the development process of defence and aviation industry in the world is put forward. Then the historical development process of the sector in Turkey and Ankara is presented. The local dynamics of the sector is evaluated through the position and capacity of large leading firms and small and medium sized firms (SMEs), the relation of these two different type of firms, and the problems of production organization in Ankara. Lastly, as a conclusion, the guiding strategies that should be developed through the relations of large firms and SMEs and production organization for the sustainable development of defence and aviation industry in Turkey and Ankara is discussed.
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In order to accelerate the fragmentation of the Ottoman Empire, Britain and France followed politics that supported Arab nationalism in the wake of the ideals of reigning in the Arabian geography. The Arabs who came under the mandate of these two states after the First World War changed the goal of nationalist movements and took a stand against their mandate administrations. Egyptian, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Palestinian Arabs participated in the ‘Alexandrian Protocol’. The League of Arab States, established on March 22, 1945, is a political structure that continues its activities with 22 members as of today. Detailed in the first part of the relevant article of the Middle East and the region balances, which is examined daily from the process leading to the establishment of the League of Arab States; 1. The Arab-Israeli War, the Baghdad Pact, the Suez Crisis, the establishment of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the Six-Day War, the Jordanian-Palestinian conflict, the Egyptian-Israeli reconciliation, the Iran-Iraq war, the Gulf War, the function of the League of Arab States is considered. Given the influence of the League of Arab States on the Middle East and its regional balances, the national interests of the League member countries seem to give results that will defeat the idea of joint action and defense. The second part of our production includes the structural analysis of the crises of the League of Arab States. In this context, the effectiveness of the League on the Middle East and regional balances is revealed by addressing the problems that arise from the organizational structure and legal regulation. However, the question of why the League of Arab States could not be a more effective actor on regional balances was sought. The issue of authority is examined under the titles such as the problem of resolving conflicts, the issue of not establishing common grounds and values, the issue of defense and security, the failure of decisions to be violated and sanctions, the problem of conflict with the League’s own decisions and the problems experienced in the Arab League summit.
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The last quarter of the 16th century marks a new era for the Mediterranean. As many historians agree, this was a new era that the 'corsair warfare' replaced the great naval battles. Although the corsair warfare appeared in different forms, the Muslim-Christian conflict was an important phase of it. The intense anti-Ottoman attacks of different corsair groups leaded by Malta, Spain and Knights of Santo Stefano had influenced every corner of the Mediter-ranean. The raids of the Knights of the Order, under the disposal of the Medici Grand Dukes, reached as far as the southern coasts of Anatolia. In this study, we will focus on the raids of Christian corsairs against Southern coasts of Anatolia and especially of Knights of Santo Stefano against Ayas, Anamur, Finike and Alanya. Giriş Akdeniz'de ortaya çıkışı çok eskilere dayanan korsanlık, ilk dönemlerden itibaren deniz ticaretinde yaşanan canlanmalara, siyasi olaylara ve denizlerdeki ticaret trafiğine paralel gelişmeler göstermiştir 1. Başta devletlerarası mücadeleler olmak üzere siyasi istikrarsızlıklar, Akdeniz'e komşu devletlerin politikaları
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By the beginning of the twentieth century, there were approximately 5,000 elementary schools with only one classroom, 23 high schools, a few industry schools and a university in the Ottoman Empire. The issue of employment of graduates from industrial schools and a small number of other schools in the country was a different problem. Vocational and technical education was not included in the education policy of the state except for a few high schools in the main cities to raise of the government officials. So, few of the urban young Muslim population had a profession and business.
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The movements of nomads are an important factor for that settled peasants left their country in the periods of weak of state authority and increased population. In the first periods that there isn’t more population and relatively large agricultural area, the movements of nomads didn’t create a problem because of the strong state authority; but in the last periods unfortunately things changed. The increase in population, the intensification of settlement pattern is now inadequate for agriculture and most of all, the state authority weaken so, the nomads started to do ease and reckless moves. They caused damage to the plantations of the resident population and also they begun to works even illegal as banditry. So, settled peasants choosed easy thing rather than dealing with these problems and they left their country. The abandoned lost village is a serious problem of the Ottoman settlement history and It is firstly mentioned by Suraiya Faroqhi. She wanted to draw researchers’ attention of this issue with the article that she presented named “Anadolu İskanı ile Terkedilmiş Köyler Sorunu” in 1976.But until recently since 1976, there is not an independent study on this issue. In this study, struggle between nomad and settlements in the Ottoman State will be evaluated in the context of the problem about abandoned/lost villlages.
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Ahmed Hilmi from Plovdiv (aka Filibeli Ahmed Hilmi Effendi), one of the leading thinkers of Constitutional Era and the owner of and the editor of the Hikmet newspaper, published various articles in his newspaper. Hikmet was a cultural-political and a philosophical newspaper published during the Reformation Period of the Ottoman Empire. This article aims to evaluate Hikmet mainly through Filibeli Ahmed Hilmi Effendi’s constructive articles on the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), between 21 April 1910 and 21 September 1911, written in a period of dense strife. He also provided valuable points for discussions on moral responsibilities and system critique ranging from democracy, governance and opposition to corruption. Moreover, in this article, issues pertaining to Balkan Wars, which he brought forward right after the newspaper’s reappearance following its closure on 25 October 1912, are taken into deliberate consideration in order to be able to understand his perception of politics of his day.
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The aim of this research is to reveal the perceptions of Turks about Turkish World and Turkish World Union living in independent Turkish states, Turkish societies living as minority and self-governed Turkish societies. For this purpose, descriptive scanning model was used in the research. The research group is composed of 415 academicians selected with Criterion Sampling and Convenience Sampling which are among the purposive sampling methods. “Turkish World Perception Questionnaire” including 20 open and closed-ended questions developed by the researchers in order to measure the perceptions of the participants about Turkish World Union was used as data collection. The questionnaire prepared in “Google Forms” was sent to the participants via e-mail. The obtained data were analyzed by descriptive statistical analysis methods via SPSS 20 package program and frequency and percentages were calculated. As a result of the research it has seen that the participants perceived Turkish World concept as “the root of common Turkish civilization”; Turkish World citizenship concept as “consciousness of being able to act in the common denominator based on the sameness and similarities of the Turkish World individuals”. They also think that these two concepts that they feel close to, must be implemented for practical purposes. Although the majority of the participants proud of Turkish world, they indicated historical and cultural elements as the source of this pride. In conclusion, it has been seen that the people in the Turkish World have similar perceptions and they think that the establishment of the Turkish Union is necessary, important and useful.
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Ottoman Empire had given importance to public Works and especially roads since its establishment. The roads built by the Ottoman, as in the Roman and Byzantine periods, were regarded not only as a way of conquering but also as a constant way policy, and financial benefits as well as military purposes were taken into consideration in the determination of the routes of the roads. The foundation of today’s transportation network is more advanced than an older system composed of caravan roads and it is known to be so until at least 1920s. Military designed roads were old and static. Therefore, commercial caravan roads were more important than military roads in change of the road network. In Ottoman period while constructing military designed roads, if it was a new road network a walking instruction would be firstly prepared, if it was ready to use, transportation through the route would be enacted. Military designed roads were significant especially when padishah would set out. However, instead of military expedition, preventing banditry and guaranteeing the state security became important in construction of military designed roads in late periods of the Ottoman Empire. The Dersim Sanjak being located in dangerous conjunction point of the Eastern Anatolia and the Middle Eastern Anatolia was covered by Karasu in the west, Munzur mountain ranges in the North and Peri Su in the east. The geographical conditons of the district prevented the state from dominating in this district. This paper aims to examine transportation network in the district of Dersim where tribes would live in Ottoman period and its transportational connection with Mamuratul-aziz, Erzurum Province, Van Province and Diyarbekir Province surrounding Dersim, as well.
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Starting from the beginning of the ninetieth century, the Ottoman State officials prepared reports on the regions, where there's need, regarding their geographical constriction, population movements (migration) and settlement status, and implemented new policies in line with these reports. Because of its strategic location and the Muslim population is a place to live in, so Dobruja is one of the geographical regions where these policies are applied. While numerous reports were filed on Dobruja in different periods, the number of these reports increased during the World War I. Just as Romania or Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire was also spending effort
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How do states achieve their main goals in foreign policy is one of the basic debates in the IR discipline. In some cases, states are obliged to make a decision between searching for more power, more security or more wealth. The primary question this study seeks to answer is: how states prioritize among these options. Because strategies that states use to achieve their foreign policy goals can be differentiated. However, in the Realist-oriented foreign policy analysis literature it is widely accepted that states seek to maximize their own power and capacity, and balancing is the basic strategy for state security. This study argues that especially after the end of the Cold War, new strategies are used and those strategies are valuable for analyzing and understanding state behaviors. Therefore, recently bandwagoning which is one of the most referred strategies like balancing should be discussed. This study deals with how we can define, classify and evaluate both strategies in terms of understanding state behaviors. This study also tries to answer that why and how states employ balancing or bandwagoning if they have to choose one of them? How do states make a choice between these two strategies?
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The main objective of this study is to measure prospects for Turkey's regionalization efforts in its immediate geography with various political economic fault lines. For this purpose, it has proposed an interacting two-legged-political (establishment of " stable peace ") and economic (interdependence)-regionalization/ integration model. In the framework of our model, it comparatively analyzes Turkey's regionalization moves such as the EU, the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) countries. Considering levels of political-economic relations with those groupings, it concludes that without presence of solid political ground of regional " stable peace " , none of Turkey's regionalization moves do have any prospects to reach advanced stages of integration/regionalization.
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Krupp company emerged as an important actor regarding Turkish-German relations as a result of its activities particularly in the field of arms trade after the second half of the 19th century. The company's effectiveness in various sectors and industrial branches in the Republican era drew attention to its activities in civilian areas. Thus, it emerged as a fact that Krupp's investments and export of industrial materials contributed to the development of Turkish industry. Accordingly, this study aims to demonstrate how and to what extent Krupp contributed to the development of Turkish industry from 1923 to 1990. Within this respect, the firm's investments in the fields such as railway construction, chrome trade, shipbuilding , mining, iron and steel industry and tourism as well as the mutual visits of company officials and Turkish statesmen were examined in this study.
stratejik önem taşımaları yanında; devletin ve kişilerin haklarını, diplomatik ilişkilerin belgelerini koruyarak
bir konuyu aydınlatıp yeniden düzenlemeyi sağlarlar. 19.yüzyıldan itibaren savaşlara girmeyen
İsveç, izlemiş olduğu tarafsızlık politikası çerçevesinde Osmanlı Devleti ile ilişkilerini diplomatik ve
ekonomik alanda geliştirmişti. İsveç, XII. Charles’ten itibaren İstanbul’da kalıcı bir temsilcilik açarak
Osmanlı Devleti’ndeki gelişmeleri yakından takip etmişti. İsveçli diplomatların gönderdiği raporlar ve
Osmanlı ülkesini ziyaret eden diplomat ve seyyahların anıları, Türk dış politikası çalışmalarında önemli
bir kaynak teşkil etmektedir. Türk tarihinin yazılması ve öğrenilmesinde büyük önem taşıyan bu kaynaklar
İsveç Devlet Arşivi (Riksarkivet) ve İsveç Askeri Arşivi’nde (Krigsarkivet) bulunmaktadır. Maalesef
Türk dış politikası araştırmalarında İsveç arşivlerinden yeterince istifade edilememiştir. Hâlbuki
İsveç arşivlerinde 17.yüzyıldan itibaren Osmanlı-İsveç ilişkileri, Osmanlı idaresi, siyasi, ekonomik ve
kültürel konulara dair çok sayıda belge bulmak mümkündür. XII. Charles’ın Osmanlı’da uzun bir süre
kalması ve Şark kültürü ile tanışması İsveç üzerinde günümüze kadar önemli izler bırakmasına neden
olmuştu. İsveçli diplomatların yazmış oldukları anılar ve Türkiye’den götürmüş oldukları eserler de
Türk diplomasi tarihi açısından önemli kaynaklar teşkil etmektedir. İsveç, gerek Balkan Savaşlarında
gerekse I. Dünya Savaşı’nda tarafsız bir politika izlediği için diplomatları da olayları yakından takip
etme fırsatı elde etmişti.
Söz konusu çalışmanın amacı, Türk dış politikası araştırmalarında önemli bir yer teşkil
edecek olan İsveç Arşivlerinde bulunan Türkiye fonlarını tanıtmaktır.
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Archives which are important witnesses from view of history and International relations together with
being strategic important such as “the memory of state assets” provide illumination of themes and their
corrections through protecting state and personal rights as well as documents of the diplomatic relations.
Sweden which was not involved in any war since 19 century improved relations with Ottoman Empire
in diplomatic and economic areas within the neutral policy. Sweden kept a check on changes of Ottoman
Empire through opening representative office in Istanbul since the period of Charles XII. The reports
which were sent by Sweden diplomats and memory of diplomats visiting the Ottoman State are the
main resources of Turkish Foreign Affairs researches. These resources play a significant role in writing
and learning Turkish history and are situated in Sweden State Archive and Sweden Military Archive. Unfortunately, these Sweden archives were not used enough during the researching of Turkish Foreign
Affairs. However, it is possible to find many documents related to the Ottoman and Sweden relations,
Ottoman administration and economic, cultural and political themes since XII century. The residence of
Charles XII in Ottoman State for long period and his acquaintance with Oriental culture left important
traces in Sweden which are considerable nowadays. The memories which were written by Sweden diplomats
and poems taken from Turkey represent a significant resource from view of Turkish diplomatic
history. Because of Sweden neutral policy in Balkan Wars and World War1, they had an opportunity
to closely follow the events. The aim of the article is to introduce the funds of Turkey which will constitute
an important place in the Turkish foreign policy researches that are available in Swedish archives.
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Bu makale Bosna Hersek'te komünist dönemde ve sonrasında halk İslamı ve resmi İslam'ın oluşumunu/ şekillenmesini incelemektedir. Tarihsel bağlamda halk İslamı ve resmi İslam etkileşimini inceleyen makale eski Yugoslavya cumhuriyetinde resmi temsilciler ile halk İslamı grupları ve hareketleri arasında yaşanmış olan 'İslam adına kim konuşuyor?' tartışmasını ortaya koymaktadır. Bu sorgu ilk olarak eski Yugoslavya'da resmi otorite olan İslam Topluluğu'nun Titocu duruşunda da görüldüğü üzere resmi İslami otorite haline gelmek ya da öyle kalmak için (ideolojisinden bağımsız olarak) mevcut rejimle yakın bir ilişkinin önem arz ettiğini göstermektedir. Çalışmanın bulguları ikinci olarak, halk İslamı ve resmi İslam'ın geçişli durumlar olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Buna göre, bir halk İslamı grubu resmi İslam haline gelebilirken bir resmi İslam yorumu halk İslamı'na dönüşebilir. Bu minvalde Yugoslavya örnek incelemesinde görülmüştür ki, eski bir halk İslamı cephesi, Genç Müslümanlar, Yugoslavya dağıldıktan ve Bosna Hersek kurulduktan sonra resmi İslam otoritesi haline gelmiştir; bu süreçte ise yeni halk İslamı grupları ortaya çıkmıştır.
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The Ottoman State wanted to change the customs tariff that it had put into practice with the 1840 trade agreement it signed with Germany. Two important factors in this change attract attention. The first factor will be an increase in product prices and a decrease in customs duties. The second factor will be attempts to change the economic concept of the economy depending on the developments in the world conjuncture. The Ottoman State renewed the customs tariff with Germany after the 20 March 1862 trade agreement. Tariff was prepared as Ottoman Turkish. When translating to the Latin alphabet, the original statements were true. GİRİŞ Avrupa XIX. yüzyıl içinde siyasî, iktisadî ve askerî yönden olabildiğince derin ve kalıcı izlerin bırakılacağı gelişmeleri yaşamıştır. Aslında Avrupa'yı derinden etkileyecek bu gelişmelerin Amerika kıtasında Fransız-İngiliz iktisadî rekabeti ve buna bağlı olarak ortaya çıkan Fransız İhtilali olduğu gözlenmektedir. İhtilal sonrası Prusya Devleti genel olarak gelişmeleri izleme durumunda olmayı ter-cih etmiştir 1 .
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Fervent debates on human rights policies around the world have occupied the public opinion in Turkey especially in the post-Helsinki period. In the center of the debate lies the efforts to develop and expand human rights. However, Turkey's efforts to improve its human rights policies in line with its EU membership goal also means Turkey's trial with Turkish identity and Turkish nationalism. For the dominant nationalist perception, which has encapsulated the Turkish Republic since its establishment, is clashing with the EU values and human rights. The aim of this study is to discuss why social peace has not been established despite the improvements made via human rights legislation. It is observed that Turkey's transformation that started with its EU candidacy and continued with the reform packages, constitutional amendments and democratization process has now slowed down or even has come to a halt. One of the primary reasons of this final situation is the lack of 'overlapping consensus' introduced by Rawls in his theory of justice. As a result, initiatives with good intentions reach the level of awareness of differences but not cause realistic steps to be taken for 'recognition'. This study argues that, unless a citizenship model embracing all members of society is established, the cited initiatives will not result in lasting solutions.
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This study deals with the petroleum exploration policies adopted by the Turkish governments from the proclamation of the Republic until 1950, covering a period of 27 years and the effects of these policies on economy. The subject was handled under the following titles: petroleum exploration works during the Republic period (1923-1935); establishment of the General Directorate of Mineral Research and Exploration and petroleum exploration works conducted in its aftermath (1935-1950); and the rise of import due to increasing demand in Turkey (1935-1950). The evaluations are based on numerical data while analyzing the contributions of petroleum exploration policies to economy. With this study, the gaps in the literature regarding the subject of the study are filled based on the use of primary sources. To make the relevant evaluations, the condition of Turkey and the developments in the field of petroleum across the world in the above-mentioned period are taken into account. The findings indicate that reports were prepared by foreign petroleum experts with the support of the governments, and petroleum exploration works became more professional following the enactment of the Petroleum Law no 792, Law no 2189 concerning the Establishment of Gold and Oil Exploration and Operation Management, and Law no 2804 on the General Directorate of Mineral Research and Exploration.
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Algeria is important part of The North African states (Garb Ocakları) Which has been under the dominion of Ottoman from the beginning of XVI th century to the first quarter of XIXth. Century. One of provincial government of Ottoman State is Algeria, has special status as vassal (salyane),. the history of Ottoman Algeria has un known because of several reasons. In this study under the the ligate of Mühimme Defters, the history of ottoman Algeria belong to regional management, security, diplomacy and army ect. Topics will be illustrated.
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A great authority gap and havoc occurred in Western Europe following the collapse and
disintegration of the Carolingian Frankish Empire in 843. Being fed with the ideas of the
“Theocratic Perception of History” for centuries, the popes intended to benefit this situation
and desired to establish a world empire by transforming their office of Papacy into an instrument
of sovereignty. They pointed Jerusalem as a target to the Christian population of Western
Europe and got engaged in the usage of propaganda containing a powerful agitation. These
propagandas soon came up with the results the Papacy wanted. On the other hand, being
crushed under economic hardships and filled with religious enthusiasm, the masses of the West
wished to obtain heaven, worldly possessions, land, wealth, prosperity and happiness. Thus,
when the Pope’s ambitions of establishing a world empire united with the desires of the masses,
the world of Western Christendom suddenly went into action in the year 1095.
Eight great Crusades were launched on Palestine, the Holy Land in the eyes of the
Western Christian world. The first three of these crusades targeted the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate.
These crusades resulted with numerous progress regarding the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate,
Byzantium, Armenians, Western Christian world, Christianity and Papacy. They
also caused the Muslim Turkish world and the Christian Western world to know each other,
and resulted with the opening of the West to the outside world, transmission of the inventions
and accumulations of the Islamic world to the West and the beginning of Orientalist activities.
In our paper, we will attempt to clarify the issue as much as we can by determining the
results related with the topics we mentioned above. We can mention here that Sultan Kılıç
Arslan I, the ruler of the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate at that time, conducted the most perfect
and successful homeland defense against the Western world in Turkish history. More significantly,
with this unprecedented homeland defense, he has caused the Western world to accept
and recognise the fact that Anatolia had become a Turkish land. Thus, as the Westerners saw
during the Second Crusade (1147-1148) that Anatolia was already filled with the Turks who
vigorously defended it, they started to call the land “Turkey” (Turkhia, Turquia) afterwards.
Following the Seljuk victory at Myriokephalon, Byzantium completed the picture by accepting
this fact already put forth by the Western world.
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The word " Türk " had appeared in the written documents from the Kök-Türk period. In those documents the word was written either in one-syllabic form as " Türk " or in two-syllabic form as " Türük. " But in time the one-syllabic form has become popular. The word " Tu-kue " in the Chinese sources had been used to denote " Türk " and the words " Thrak " , " Targita " or " Tyrkae " in the Grek sources; the words " Turukka " or " Turuska " in the Indian sources; the word " Turki " as a country name in the pro-Asian cuneiform sources; the word " Turukku " in the Asyrian cuneiform sources and even with the word " Togharma " in the Old Testament. It has been put forth that the word " Türk " was produced from the verb " türemek " which means to reproduce and that it is connected with the words " türe " which means justice and " töre " which means ethical principles. It was used to mean " yaratılmış " (=created) and " yaratık " (=creature). The common belief of the ancient Turkish cultural environment that the Turks had descended from the wolf confirms the above mentioned meaning. Besides, the archeological description that a wolf lactating a human child also supports this meaning. At first the word " Türk " had been used both in singular and plural forms. It is thought that in time it gained the meanings such as " sound " , " powerful " and " strong ". Today the word " Türk " is used both to describe a person and nation.
Russia also acquired the Armenian cause.
In this study, it is aimed at revealing the policies that Russia followed in Eastern Anatolia,
especially in Bitlis. We will also look at how the relations were between the Kurds and the Armenians
amongst each other and how their relations were with the state as well as the uprisings in Bitlis that took
place in 1913 and 1914.
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Being a multi-ethnic Empire turned Ottoman territories in the Balkans a target of nationalism. After being established as a small Principality as a result of the 1877-1878 Russo-Turkish War, Bulgaria, became a threat to the Ottoman presence in the Balkans. The creation process of Modern Bulgarian nationalism and its priorities, affected negatively relations between Bulgarians and Turks, and two communities that were having centuries long peaceful coexistence found themselves among conflicts and wars. The rise and progress of Bulgarian nationalism followed parallel path with the success of the process " creating the other ". By studying Bulgarian nationalism historically and not seeing it only as a contemporary phenomenon, this work examines the way how new national borders were created in Bulgaria and to which extent the Turks were made as others during Bulgarian national resurgence. Focusing on different markers of identity such as language, religion and culture gives the possiblity to understand how the Turks were excluded from the nation building process in Bulgaria.
In this study, the foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the post-USSR era is analyzed. Influenced by its historical roots, the foreign policy of Russian Federation, has also been a subject worth to be analyzed due to its different characteristic properties in the new global order and depends on some basic paradigms. Keeping in mind the fact that the global system would be incomplete without Russia, philosophies , paradigms and perspectives that influence the Russian Foreign Policy especially in the last twenty five years are revealed. The topic is examined mainly under two headings, the Yeltsin era and the Putin era.
Security studies have involved a widening extent of agenda in the period following the end of the Cold War. This article will discuss environmental security in the context of human security concept. In doing so, the study first discusses when human security notion has emerged and how different definitions of human security have risen. While the 1994 UN Human Development Report was a milestone document in the rise of human security phenomenon, two major definitions of human security have earned utmost attention. The broad definition has taken poverty and development as reference points while the narrow definition has considered the use of physical force as the fundamental dynamic to define human security. Moreover, debates around human security concept have involved to a great extent normative and theoretical
dimensions. For this reason, the paper also examines major theories of international relations in
regard to their relevance for and position against human security phenomenon. Overall, realist theories
have a skeptical approach while liberal, constructivist and critical IR theories consider human security as
an important phenomenon in the realm of security studies. Thereafter, the paper analyzes how various
environmental problems, particularly climate change, pose threats for human security and inter-state
relations. In this regard, domestic and international migration arising from environmental catastrophes
could result in domestic instabilities for states and lead to inter-state conflicts. Environmental insecurities
also have potential for triggering hot conflicts such as happened in Darfur and Syria. In the concluding
part, several suggestions and criticisms take place in regard to human security, environmental
security and their potential and limits in the realm of security studies.
Parti, ilk önemli seçim başarısını, 1984 Avrupa Parlamentosu seçiminde kazanmıştır. O tarihten bu
yana, partiler arası rekabetin dikkate alınması gereken aktörlerinden biri konumundadır. Parti’nin
seçim başarısının nedenleri üzerine yapılan erken dönem analizler, konuya “tepki oyu” perspektifinden
yaklaşmışlardır. Daha geç dönem analizler ise parti ile seçmeni arasında “ideolojik bağ” oluşabileceğine
işaret etmektedir. Bu makale, Avrupalılaşma konusunun Fransız seçmeninin tercihini belirleyen konular
arasında artan önemini dikkate alarak, Avrupalılaşma sürecine katı muhalif olan Milliyetçi Cephe
Partisi ile seçmeni arasındaki ideolojik bağın partinin dış politikası ve özellikle partinin dış politikasının
yüksek oranda yoğunlaştığı Avrupalılaşma konusu üzerine inşa olabileceğini önermektedir.
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The French National Front is the prototype of radical right parties opposing multi-cultural society. The
Party’s first remarkable electoral success came in the 1984 election for European Parliament. Since then,
the party is one of relevant actors to party competition in France. The early analyses probing reasons
behind the party’s electoral success embrace protest-voting approach. Subsequent analyses, however,
highlighted the possibility of ideological-link between the party and its supporters. Driven by significant
role of Europeanization in shaping electoral preferences, this article suggests that the ideological-link
between the party and its supporters is likely to revolve around the issue of Europeanization.
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Smart defense is a concept which was formed to be a solution for an old issue within the Alliance-burden-sharing-in the framework of the negative impact of the global financial crisis. In this sense, Rasmussen named the concept in 2011. Smart defense has been made into a fundamental element of the Alliance's defense planning policy over time, by making many programs connected such as cyber defense , Connected Forces Initiative, missile defense systems which are components of the Alliance's military transformation. The aim of this article is to examine the smart defense which is a significant concept in terms of the future of the Alliance as well as the policies and processes which have been hugely influential on the creation of this concept. In this study, the concept is evaluated as a reflection of the changes of US foreign policy to NATO.
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First World War was started in 1914 in Europe, but by getting involved of the colonial states and other states it had great impacts to all countries participating in the war, its' effects are known to last for many years. This war is one of the milestones of Turkish history and also effected involving countries on the political, economic and social issues seems to be cause various changes. Considering of human dimension of what happened in First World War, there are soldiers losing his life in front, crumbling families, people who lost their lives in epidemics, psychological upheaval, missing people, prisoners, migration, refugees. There have been cases including more sad stories from each other. Every event that affects people, gives the same affects to the art which is a human product, this big war had unavoidably affected the visual, aural and literary arts. In this context, it is possible to see the traces of the war in works produced by artists in the war environment in Europe. Artists, reflected
the feelings aroused by this global war themselves and created their works to protest or contravene the
traditional values as an uprising. 20th century’s leading art movements European Cubism, Futurism,
Dadaism was gained due to the impact of the war or a taken new perpective.
In this study, it’s discussed First World War influenced works of the artists involved in art
movement was born in Europe and focused on the art movements that occur during this period.
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Generally dialect researches have been analyzed by linguists and folklore researchers up to now. Therefore, data that acquired from researches are limited by studies in these fields. However, there are many other data in texts of dialect which will contribute to different social sciences especially history, sociology, anthropology, cuisine culture and educational sciences. In history researches for which the documents are not enough about recent historical events, these texts are the important reference guides. The topics such as birth, marriage and death ceremonies and social relations in texts of dialect, make a significant contribution to sociology researches. The local meals that described by source people, have applied information about cuisine culture. In addition, attitudes and behaviors of individuals in complied texts include valuable information for social anthropology. There are important information about place and role of family and society in education of individual. In this article, these topics are discussed with reference from data of Turkey Turkish dialects. Giriş Dil insanlar arasındaki iletişimi sağlayan en temel araçtır. Dilin iletişim sistemi iki yönlü çalışır; bir yandan insanların zihin dünyasında söz (=parola) aracılığı ile kavram alanları da üretir, diğer taraftan bu kavramları gelecek kuşaklara taşıma ve aktarma görevini üstlenir. Bu sebeple, dil, yalnızca bir iletişim kurma
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One of the most widely used vegetables from Neolithic Age is flax in Anatolia. Especially linseed is used in Daily life until recently. However linseed is not found in Hittite Texts. It is said that the similarities between sesame and flax have caused this situation in analogy to the Ancient Near Eastern studies. It should be noted that some Sumerian and Akkadian words mentioned in Hittite texts associated sesame can be read as linseed. Hititçe çivi yazılı metinlerde geçen ve bir bitki çeşidi olduğu anlaşılan Sümerce ŠE.GİŠ.Ì ve Akadça ŠAMŠAMMÜ ideogramları üzerinde flora açısından belirsiz-lik vardır. Kelimelerin hangi bitkiyi ifade ettikleri belli olmamakla birlikte genel bir kanaat ile " susam " değerlendirmesi yapılmıştır. Bu çalışma ile birlikte her iki kelimeye ilişkin yeni bir değerlendirme yapılacak ve Neolitik dönemden itibaren Anadolu'da günlük yaşamda kullanıldığını bildiğimiz keten bitkisinin/tohumu-nun Hititçe metinlerde bulunamamış olmasına dair bir izahat düşülecektir. Hititçe metinlerde dâhil olmak üzere Eski Yakın Doğu kaynaklarında ke-ten bitkisinin yazılışı hususunda tartışmalar vardır. Taşıdığı ortak özellikleri nedeniyle keteni susamdan ayırt etmek bu kaynaklardaki bilgiler ışığında ol-dukça zordur. Ancak susamın ve ketenin kültür altına alındığı tarih aralıkları kıyaslandığında bu belirsizliklerin bir kısmı ortadan kaldırılabilir.
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Turkish Humor is generally analyzed under two main topics as the period of verbal humor and written humor. The beginning of the period of written humor goes to the humor magazines published in the second half of 19th Century. Although humor magazines have a significant place in the history of Turkish Media for about one hundred and fifty years, they have not been analyzed well enough academically. In addition to the variety of approaches in the historical development of Humor Magazines, Diyojen as a magazine, which was published by Teodor Kasab, has been shown as the first Turkish Humor Magazine and the beginning of the period of written humor by most of the resources related to the History of Media. However, Terakki as a magazine has been carrying the specialties of the first Turkish Humor Magazine of Turkey which has the same meaning with Terakki as a gazette that has been published as a newspaper supplement owned by Filip Efendi and Ali Raşid in 1870. This study analyzes the facts that in what ways Terrakki is shown as the first Turkish Humor Magazine of Turkey as opposed to Diyojen which is shown as the first humor magazine by literature.
bölgesi hem Büyük Güçlerin hemde Balkan devletlerinin ilgi odağı olmuştur. Osmanlı egemenliğinin
Balkanlarda giderek zayıflamaya yüz tuttuğu bir dönemde Büyük Güçler bölgede çeşitli arayışlar içine
girmişlerdir. Çarlık yönetimi, Doğu Sorunu’nun bir parçası olarak addettiği Makedonya Sorunu’nda
bölgede statükoyu koruma temel düşüncesi ile hareket etmiş ve Osmanlı Devleti üzerinde her hangi bir
Büyük Gücün öne çıkmasını engellemek için yoğun çaba sarfetmiştir. Makedonya vilayetlerinde yaşanan
asayişsizlik karşısında Avusturya-Macaristan ile işbirliği halinde hareket eden Çarlık yönetimi,
Osmanlı yönetimine endişelerini bildirmiş ve gerekli tedbirleri alıp bölgede ıslahat sürecini başlatmasını
talep etmiştir. Diğer yandan Rusya’nın bölgedeki temsilcileri Balkan devletleri ve komite liderlerine
yaptıkları çağrılarında Makedonya’da durumu daha fazla karıştırmamaları hususunda uyarılarda
bulunmuştur. Görüldüğü üzere, Balkan Slavlarının geleneksel hamisi olan Rusya bu dönemde daha
ziyade kendi çıkarlarını göz önünde bulundurmaya özen göstemiştir. Rusya, ıslahatların uygulanması
konusunda çok ısrarcı bir tutum sergilemiş olmasına rağmen Osmanlı Devleti’nin hükümranlık hakkına
halel getirmemeye çalışmıştır. Bu dönemde Rusya Büyük Güç olma statüsünü güçlükle koruyabilmiş
ve Osmanlı Devleti ile ilgili politikalarında sürekli bir müttefik arayışı içinde olmuştur. Rusya’nın
Uzakdoğu’daki sorunları ve kendi sınırları içerisindeki devrimci hareketleri korkusu Osmanlı Devleti
ile olan ilişkilerinde böyle bir starteji belirlemesinde etkili olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Türkçe ve Rusça
kaynaklardan yola çıkılarak Çarlık Rusyası’nın Makedonya Sorunu kapsamında uyguladığı siyaset
incelenmiştir. 19 yüzyılın sonundan itibaren Rusya’nın Osmanlı Devleti ile ilgili siyasetinde meydana
gelen köklü dönüşümlerin sebepleri anlatılmıştır. Araştırma sonunda Makedonya Sorunu konusunda
hem Rusça hem de Türkçe kaynaklar kullanılarak konunun çok yönlü değerlendirilebileceği ortaya
konulmuştur.
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Throughout the history, due to its strategic location in the Balkan Peninsula, Macedonia region became
the center of attention of both the Great Powers and the Balkan states. Since the nineteenth century, the
Great Powers embarked on a quest to take over the Balkans as the time Ottoman rule in the Balkans
was weakening. Tsarist Russia viewed the Macedonian problem as a part of the Eastern Question
and positioned itself to protect the status-quo in the region so that no other major power succeeds the Ottoman Empire in the region. While cooperating with Austria-Hungary for unrests in the Macedonian
provinces, the Tsardom passed its concerns to the Ottoman Empire and demanded the Ottomans to take
initiative reforms. In addition, the Russia’s representatives in the region warned the Balkan states and
committee leaders not to make the situation worse. As expected, as the traditional guardian of the Balkan
Slavs, Russia took any precaution to keep its own interest in the region. Although politically pressured
the Ottomans to implement the reforms, Russia worked diligently not to interfere the sovereignty of the
Ottoman Empire. In the late nineteenth and the early twentieth century, Russia barely kept its status as
a Great Power and was always in search of an alliance on the policies regarding the Ottoman Empire.
Russia’s problems in the Far East and fear of the reformist movements within its borders influenced
Russia to form this kind of strategy on relations with the Ottoman Empire. This paper analyzes the
Tsarist Russia’s policies on the Macedonian Problem in light of Turkish and Russian sources and elaborates
on the causes of radical changes in the Russian policy toward the Ottoman Empire. In the end,
this paper presents that Macedonian Problem can be analyzed from multi-perspectives by using Russian
and Turkish sources.
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During the years Turkish National Struggle there had been many domestic revolts against the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Among these, Şeyh Eşref revolt or with its different name Hart revolt had different characteristics compared to the other revolts because when the time that the revolt took place the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was not opened yet. However, in these days Heyet-i Temsiliye was trying to be in charge of the situation going on in Anatolia. In such an environment, in Hart district of Bayburt, Şeyh Eşref based on different sources declared that he would bring the king of seven states into his presence. Some other sources say he tried to spread Shi'i Islam by doing so. Therefore, it is understood that different reasons has been affirmed so far. In the article, this revolt with its uncertainty considering its reasons, results and targets will be
analyzed. In this research, Mustafa Kemal’s opinions of the topic, documents from the Prime Ministry
of Ottoman Archives and Republican Archives, Albayrak newspaper which is one of the important press
organs of the time, memories of the people who witnessed the event and the other works about the event,
Zabıt Cerideleri of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey that put the event on the agenda about a
year later will be used as the source material. The effects of the event on the Bayburt and its environment,
perceptions of the event of today’s Bayburt people and the revolts difference from the other domestic
revolts will also be analyzed.
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In 1912, the Balkan War I broke out between the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia,
and Montenegro. It came to an end with London Treaty on the 30th of May in 1913. Considering this
war in terms of the Ottoman dominance in Balkans, it can be said that it was a vital one. Following
the war, a psychological havoc was experienced besides the important losses of land. Even though the
Ottoman Empire did not directly participate in the Balkan War II, which broke out soon afterwards,
and took back the Eastern Thrace, Balkan Wars made their names in the history as the wars in which the Ottoman army, which was dealing with its domestic conflicts, failed to achieve anything against the
aforementioned four states and important cities such as Thessaloniki, Skopje, Bitola, Ioannina, Shkoder
as well as Edirne, which was previously one of the Ottoman capital cities, were lost
Edirne was besieged by the Bulgarian army during Balkan War I and it was protected at the
highest level as far as possible at the command of Mehmed Şükrü Pasha until the 26th of March in
1913. During the war, not only Ottoman people but also foreign diplomatic representatives maintained
their lives under the siege in Edirne. One of them was French consul Marcel Cuinet. He made daily
records of the incidents he had been through from the first days of the Balkan War I until the beginning
of the interim armistice. Cuinet’s diary was published in French Le Matin in 1913 shortly after Edirne
was occupied by Bulgaria. The Ottoman press also obtained the diary following its French edition. This
diary witnesses military interventions in the lives of people, soldiers, and foreign diplomats in Edirne as
well as the impressions of a French diplomat about the resistance of people.
geri çekilme süreci başlamış, bölge tarihini artık Habsburg egemenliğinin Karpat
Havzası’nda yayılması belirlemiştir. Habsburg seferlerinde eski Macar Krallığı topraklarının çasar
idaresinde birleştirilmesi amaçlanırken, özellikle Budin’in alınmasından sonra Erdel, krallığın son
parçası olarak görülmüştür.
Ele alınan dönem boyunca yönetimi I. Mihály Apafi’den İmre Thököly’ye geçen Erdel
Beyliği, Habsburg ve Osmanlı imparatorlukları arasında kalmıştır. Bu bakımdan her iki
kuvvetin de isteklerini yerine getirmeye çalışan; politik bakımdan zayıflamış bir yapılanmadır.
Ne var ki, amacı her şeyden önce hukuki varlığını devam ettirmek olduğundan bölgede
etkin konuma gelen Viyana idaresinden garanti vesikaları elde etmeyi başarmıştır. Buna
mukabil Bâb-ı Âli’de de Erdel üzerindeki hâkimiyetin sürdürülmesine yönelik belgeler kaleme
alınmıştır.
Çizilen çerçeve itibariyle çalışmanın amacı, söz konusu belgeleri analiz ederek Osmanlı
egemenliğinin Macar topraklarından ayrıldığı bir dönemde, eskinin güçlü, şimdinin ise varoluş
mücadelesi veren vasal Erdel Beyliği’nin politik durumunu yansıtmaktır. Böylelikle
XVIII. yüzyıla son veren Karlofça Antlaşması’nın Avrupa’da yarattığı politik ve ekonomik
dönüşümün temellerine ve üç devlet arasındaki diplomasiye ışık tutulmak istenmiştir.
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With the failure of the 2nd siege of Vienna, the withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire from the
Hungarian territory started. From then on the history of the region was going to be determined by the enlargement of Habsburg sovereignty over Carpathian Basin. While at Habsburg
campaign it was aimed to unify old Hungarian Kingdom under the Caesar administration,
especially after the confiscate of Buda, Transylvania was seen as last part of kingdom.
During the period examined, Principality of Transylvania administration of which
transferred from Michael I. Apafi to Imre Thököly remained in between Habsburg and
Ottoman empires, in this regard it was a politically weakened structure that tried to meet both
forces’ requisitions. Nevertheless, as its aim was primarily to continue its legal existence, it
succeeded to get guaranty treaties from administration of Wien which gained active status in
the region. Correspondingly at Sublime Porte, documents in order to sustain administration
on Transylvania were written.
In this regard, the purpose of the study is to analyze previously mentioned documents
in order to reflect the political situation of principality of Transylvania struggling to survive
on an era of separation of Ottoman sovereignty from Hungarian territories. Therefore, it was
aimed to throw light on the fundamentals of political and economic transformation in Europe
arising from the Treaty of Karlowitz that ended the 18th century and the diplomacy between
the three states.
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The aim of article is to analyze what kind of role NATO will play at maintaining the peace and security in the 21 st century. NATO will have to survive and contend with the differentiated risks and threats in the 21 st century; in where a new global political order is structured. To this end, NATO is expected to keep contributing the peace and security in the 21 st century by; being transformed into the globalized collective security organization, continuing to implement the expansion and partnership policies, increasing its military power and capacity, enabling forces and headquarters structure; weakening or eliminating the elements that can disrupt the stability, and responding crisis as required. However, in order to do so, NATO has to cope with internal and external dynamics consisting of various challenges.
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One of the most debated issues in journalism studies is the objectivity of the news texts. Even though the journalists argue that they are objective, every single word used in a news text may refer to some other meanings which can create a subjective point of view. How to define or how to name a person, an institution, an organization or a geographical place in a news text, not only presents a point of view, but also strengthens the idea of " objectivity is impossible ". Turkish media is also taking position inevitably, by choosing different definitions in news texts. The crisis in international relations, domestic politics or social circumstances may have affect on how to define the people, institutions or geographical places in news texts. Some of the terminologies appeared in the news texts have been transformed during and after the radical break of the relations of Turkey and Syria in 2011. It is observed that the terminologies of news texts were transformed with the suggestions and calls of the members of the political power. This
study investigates the preferred terminologies in the news texts of the state owned media institutions in
Turkey, as well as the main stream media institutions and the ideologically positioned media institutions.
The study focuses on the transformation of the terminologies from Esad to Esed, from IŞİD to
DAEŞ and from Kobani to Ayn el Arab.
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Basra territory is under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for a long time. Because of geo-strategic value of Basra territory, each period it witnesses important events. In the 19th century, Ottoman military and political powers start to decline, developments in the Ottoman Middle East concern to especially Britain, Russia, Germany and Persia. Due to British colonies in India, Basra territory is crucial for British Empire. In the first three quarter of 19th century, Britain protects Ottoman territorial integrity against Russia and Germany for own economic benefit and strategies about India colonies. However, after the
Treaty of Berlin in 1878, Britain gives up this policy due to changed situations and balanced elements.
Anglo-Ottoman relations are subject to many researches and works.
In this study, Anglo-Ottoman relations specific to Basra territory and subject briefly evaluated
with different perspective. In the light of the Ottoman archival documents, British activities of two periods,
British protective policy period and give up this policy period, will be described.
In the 19th century Anglo-Ottoman relations are increased. These relations include economic,
commercial, political and diplomatic dimensions. In this study, firstly, Basra territory’s situation in the
pre-19th century briefly overviewed then British activities for penetration in Basra territory in the 19th
century examined in detail.
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Since the start of the 19th century, the Esatern Question became a core issue for the European imperialism. As it focused on the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, this issue continued to be a major concern for the Allied Powers during the Great War. In this regard secret agreements were signed among the Allied powers during this war. Amongst this was the Sykes-Picot agreement with which the Middle East was divided according to imperialistic designs of the European powers. They not only created an artificial jewish state but also destroyed the political and geographic unity of the Middle East. It also became a hub of many problems and crises in the region fort the forthcoming decades. Turkey intitally posed a challenge to the Sykes-Picot order and looked after alternative political options. But later as Turkey continued with carrying out a National Struggle against imperialist powers she was unable to cope with the European imperialistic designs. Therefore, after the establishment of Turkish Republic, Turkey searched for balance of power politics with the regional powers of the Middle
East. The zenith of this policy was the setting of Sadabad Pact in 1937 under Turkey’s leadership. This
article hence deals with the events starting from the secret Sykes-Picot agreement till to the end of the
interwar period. Based on abundant archival documents the article examines Turkey’s foreign policy
towards the Middle East during the interwar period.
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Turkish-American relations have historically always experienced its several ups and downs. Turkish-American relations have maintained this continuity while Turkey's geocultural dimension have gained importance instead of its jeopolitical position during Justice and Development Party (AK Parti) decade. The dynamics of global politics have began to take shape within the framework of 'Islamic terror' after the September 11 terrorist attacks that influenced herein. This paper analyzes the axis of geoculture in the context of model country rhetoric in the U.S.-Turkey relations focusing particularly on the Middle East politics within the scope of public diplomacy. The main research question of the study is as follows: what is the primary factor and axis that determines the U.S.-Turkey relations? The research has two
AK Party government, which came to power in 2002, has pursued a more active foreign policy in the Middle East. Until 2012, it is observed that there is a harmony between foreign policy principles of the Western countries and those of Turkey about the Middle East. However after the emergence of internal fighting in Turkey, the western countries and experts have begun to cricitize the Turkey's Middle East policy in a radical way. The Western countries and experts do not approve the Turkey's New Middle perspective, its relations with the Syrian radical groups (like al-Nusra), its negative attitude toward the PYD and its close contacts with regional Sunni groups (like Muslim Brothershood). Although Turkey do not agree with these criticisms, its some behaviors have reinforced their perceptions. Nonetheless, deterioration of the bilteral relations is temporary. Fundamentally USA continues to see Turkey as its strategically important regional ally.
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Contemporary analysis of the Middle East and Turkey entails evaluation of different components as well. In this regard, the most outlined facts are newness and change. Due to new and different developments , to some, a change has to be occurred in the Middle East. Turkey's sometimes highlighted close relationship with the Middle East has to be analyzed according to this framework. Recognizing how many new elements are included in goals, threats, international politics and response of regional dynamics points out who aims what in the Middle East. Henceforth, as region is passing through critical process it is estimated that in what dimensions its future will be prone to changes will be figured out.
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Büyük petrol rezervlerine sahip olan Kerkük modern Irak'ta siyasi, etnik ve ekonomik olarak en tartış-malı konulardan birisidir. Tarihi olarak bir Türkmen şehri olan Kerkük Baas rejimi döneminde şehrin demografik yapısını değiştirme amaçlı olarak yoğun bir Araplaştırma politikasına maruz kalmıştır. Bu Baas rejiminin etnik ve dini açıdan karma bir yapıya sahip bu şehri kontrol etmek için kullandığı yöntemlerden birisi olmuştur. ABD'nin 2003 yılında Irak'ı işgalinden sonra Kürtler Türkmen ve Araplara şehri terk etme-leri konusunda baskı yaparak yoğun bir Kürtleştirme politikası uygulamaya başlamışlardır. Şehrin demografik yapısı, sadece şehrin statüsünü değil Irak ve Orta Doğu'nun geleceğini de belirleyecek olan referandum öncesinde şehrin nüfusunun çoğunluğunu oluşturmayı hedefleyen Kürtler lehine insanlığa karşı işlenen suçlar dahil her türlü yöntemle değiştirilmektedir. Kürtleri destekleyen Batılı devletler önce Araplaştırma, şimdi de Kürtleştirme politikasının esas kurbanı olan Türkmenlerin acılarını görmezden gelmektedir.
Savaşı öncesinden başlayarak yerel kabilelerin mücadeleleri ile uğraşan Osmanlı Devleti savaşla birlikte
sömürgeci devletlerin hakim olmak amacıyla yaptığı işgallere direnmek zorunda kalmıştır. Birinci
Dünya Savaşı’nda Osmanlı askerinin ve Osmanlı valisi Mahmut Nedim Bey’in çabaları ile Yemen’de
İngilizler istedikleri noktalara hakim olamamışlardır. Savaş sonrasında yapılan Mondros Ateşkes Antlaşması
ile Yemen’in yönetimine hakim olan İmam Yahya, Osmanlı Devleti’nin son valisi Mahmut
Nedim’in yardımları ile günümüzdeki Yemen devletini kurmuştur. Makalemiz, Osmanlı askerinin ve
Yemen valisi Mahmut Nedim Bey’in bu mücadelelerini konu almaktadır.
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Yemen has been the most troubled and far region of the Ottoman Empire. Since the beginning of the
First World War. Form the pre war period of the First World War the Ottoman empire had struggled
with the local tribes as well as had to resist the attacts of the colonial states to rulet the region. During
the first world war with the efforts of both the Ottoman soldiers and the last Ottoman governor Mahmut
Nedim Bey the British couldn’t succeed in controlling the parts that they wanted to rule. İmam Yahya
took control of the region with the assistance of the last Ottoman governor of Yemeni Mahmut Nedim
Bey and established the todays Yemen with the armistice treaty after the first world war. İmam Yahya
took control of the region with the assistance of the last Our paper is about the struggle of Ottoman
soldiers and the last Ottoman Governor of Yemen Mahmut Nedim Bey.
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Armenian Catholics were recognized as a separate community by Sultan Mahmut II in 1830. When they were recognized as a separate comunity, Armenian Catholics obtained certain rights. They built their administrative and religious organizations as part of these rights. Through direct intervention, the Pope tried to gain influence over the Armenian Catholics, as well as other Catholic community in the Ottoman Lands. Âli Pasha and Kastro Bey did not remain indifferent to the situation the Armenian Catholics were in and wrote a pleading each. This pleadings provide important information on the formation of the Armenian Catholic community, the confllicts in the community and the Pope's intervention in the affairs of the Armenian Catholics. In this study, pleadings by Ali Pasha and Kastro Bey is transcribed and studied in terms of material and content.
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Having been abolished according to the requirements of the Mondoros Armistice, Ottoman armies were undergone a rearrangement. Ottoman rulers who predicted that Anatolia will be occupied by their enemies soon, decided to found army inspectorship institution aiming at saving the motherland. By means of founding this institution, Ottoman Army apparently passed to a state of peace from a state of war. People appointed as inspectors got confidence of the government and the Sultan. One of these
inspectorships is the inspectorship of detachments of 2nd Army (Thunderbolt), beeing often neglected in
the studies done for the era, headed by Mersinli Cemal Paşa. Whereas, Mersinli Cemal Paşa did a similar
service to Mustafa Kemal Paşa in the same period and during the pro-armistice period, he had done
quite an important job. Furthermore, in order to comprehend the place and importance of the work done
by Mustafa Kemal Paşa fully, it has got a great importance to grasp the missions done by inspectorship
of 2nd Army. Centered in Konya, there were İzmir, Konya, Ankara, Kastamonu, Antalya, Kayseri,
Eskişehir, Kütahya, and Afyon regions in its work and influence region. This region was very important
for it has been under British, French, Italian and Greek influence areas.
The inspectorship of detachments of 2nd Army had played great roles in carrying out activities
to save motherland, in providing security in its responsibility area, in detecting and preventing disorders,
in gathering intelligence, in obtaining national unity and coherence, and in reinforcement of the
spirit of resistance against the enemy. In this study, primarily explanation and evaluation of the role
of the inspectorship of 2nd Army throughout period of the Armistice is aimed under the light of archive
documents.
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Middle East, with its most widely used meaning, is the region that covers Egypt in the west, Turkey and Iran in the north, Arabian Sea in the east, and Gulf of Aden and Yemen in the south. This region is the one that is thought to have witnessed the dawn of human civilization, which spread from the " Fertile Crescent " via Tigris, Euphrates, and Nile to the shores of Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea, Red Sea, Mediterranean Sea, and beyond. It is the home of the ancient civilizations of Mesopotamia and Egypt. It's the heart of Islamic Civilization, as well as the birthplace of the revealed religions, such as Judaism and Christianity. Islamic unity, which started with the leadership of Prophet Mohammad and established during the reign of Rashidun Caliphs and the reign of Umayyad and Abbasid Dynasties, disrupted by the Crusades and Mongol Invasions. Following a struggle of two and half centuries, it was established once again by the Ottoman Empire in 16th Century, after four major military campaigns. This was followed by a four centuries of peace(Pax Ottomana) in the Middle East. Ottoman Empire, paying attention to the local dynamics, established an administrative system. This administative system , united the locals under the " Ottoman Millet System " , thus Ottomanized them. Today, in order to achieve peace in the Middle East, it is essential to understand the four centuries of Ottoman experience.
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Ottoman State has two fundamental types of administration. 1. Formal System, 2. Annual System. There are also privileged provinces except for these. Formal Regime is a classic system of the State. Census is conducted , income is granted in these provinces which are included in these systems. Officials who are the users of national sources, are also responsible for executing of the national service. In this way, State can recruit soldiers, collect taxes and substitute the dominant culture in these provinces. As for the provinces directed with the Annual Systems there is no census and recruiting soldiers. As it is stated in the Legal Code (Rule book) governors and other officials were paid from the sources of these provinces. But if financial records are analyzed, it is observed that these governors were paid by the State, too. Ottoman State certainly control
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Öz Modern döneme ait bir kavrayış olan kültürün gerek sosyal ve toplumsal bir çözümleme kategorisi ola-rak, gerekse de bir yaşam biçimi olarak öneminin göz ardı edilmesi, günümüzde geçerliğini kaybetmiş ve kültüre yönelik ilgi yeniden canlanmıştır. Kültür, iktidar ilişkilerinin bir parçası ve iktidar mücadelesi-nin farklı biçimlerde devam ettiği bir alan olarak anlam kazanmıştır. Özellikle popüler kültürün iktidar ilişkilerinden bağımsız olmayışı ancak aynı zamanda direnişe geçit veren ve resmi söylemlerden başka alternatif söylemlere de olanak sağlayan yapısı büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu çalışma Eurovision Şarkı Yarışması'nı 50 yılı aşkın gelenekselleşen geçmişiyle dikkatle in-celemeye değer popüler kültür ürünü bir televizyon programı olarak ele almaktadır. Çoğunlukla " kitsch " olarak değerlendirilse de yarışma, katılımcı ülkelerin " kültürel kimliklerinin temsiline " dayalı forma
Caos while Soviet Union Separating: Demonstration, Action, Cconflict Process, 3. Karabakh’s Bonding
to Moscow and Unavoidable Caos, 4.The New Way of Seeking of Turkey, Azerbaijan and Armenia,
5. The Failure of the Union: Liberation Movements in Caucasians, 6. Abolition of Soviet Union and
New Consortium (CIS) while Conflict Running on Between Azerbaijan and Armenia, 7. Conlusion
and Evaluation.
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Karma Savaş eski bir konsept olsa da batılı devletlerde bu konuya yönelik teorik çalışmalar esas olarak Soğuk Savaş sonrasında ABD ya da İsrail gibi Batılı devletlerin konvansiyonel üstünlüğüne yönelik asimetrik tehditleri esas alarak başlamıştır. 11 Eylül saldırıları ve 2006 İsrail-Hizbullah savaşı karma savaş teorilerinin gelişiminde önemli rol oynamıştır. Bununla birlikte akademisyenler arasında karma savaşın tanımı konusunda bir uzlaşma sağlanamamıştır. Rusya-Ukrayna krizinin başlamasından sonra karma savaş batılı devletler özellikle de NATO için en önemli güvenlik sorunlarından biri haline gelmiştir. Batılı devletler tarafından " karma sa-vaş " olara nitelendirilen Rus askeri stratejileri Kırım'ın başarılı bir şekilde ilhakı ile sonuçlanmış ve NATO'nun askeri sisteminde önemli yapısal ve işlevsel değişimlere yol açacak şekilde batılı devletler için çok önemli bir güvenlik sorunu ortaya çıkarmıştır. Sürpriz, belirsizlik ve inkara dayalı Rus askeri faaliyetleri karma savaş açısından emsalsiz bir örnek teşkil etmiştir.
devlet teşkilatlanmasının parçası ve askerî bir tatbikat haline gelmiştir. Organize bir av teşkilatı, belli
aralıklarla ava çıkma ve avlanılan av sayısı hükümdarların bir güç gösterisi olarak algılanmıştır.
Genellikle hükümdarların, şehzadelerin ve beylerin uğraşı olan av, Türklerde gelenek halini almıştır.
Halk arasında eğitilmiş bir avcı kuşu ile av köpeğine sahip olmak övünç vesilesi olarak görülmüştür.
Düzenlenen av organizasyonları, hükümdara ülkenin ve halkın vaziyetini görmek, yöneticileri teftiş
etmek ve bunun yanında halkın dertlerini dinlemek için vesile olmuştur. Bütün bu sebeplerden ötürü
ava yüklenen anlam büyük önem taşımaktadır.
Osmanlı Devleti’nin kuruluşundan itibaren sarayda bir av teşkilatı vardır ve avcı kuşu
(alıcı kuş) yetiştiriciliği teşkilatı erken devirlerden itibaren kurumsallaşmıştır. Ayrıca teşkilatın taşra
idaresinde belli sancaklarda uzantıları da oluşturulmuştur. Taşra yapılanması; taşra doğancıları,
sayyad(avcılar), yavrucu, yuvacı, kayacı, görenceci ve tuzakçı şeklinde örgütlenmiştir. Bunların terkibi,
sayısı, yayılımı ve görevlerinin babadan oğula geçme yoluyla sürdürüldüğü konusu hakkında Osmanlı
arşivlerinde kayıtlar bulunmaktadır.
Bu çalışmada 16. yüzyılda Osmanlı Devleti’nde av teşkilatı ve bu teşkilatın taşra yapılanması,
Silistre sancağı bağlamında arşiv kaynaklarından da istifade edilerek ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmıştır.
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While hunting in traditional societies, was most commonly practised as a profession, for food, sports or
entertainment, it was fully a part of Ottoman State organization as a military exercise or war game.
From the first Ottoman rulers, there has been hunting institution in the palace. An organized hunting
institution, regular hunting practices and the number of hunted animals had been perceived as the
symbols of power of the ruler. Hunting organization was instrumental in identifying the situations of the country and people, inspecting government officials and listening to people’s problems. In this respect,
the meaning of hunting ceremony gains great importance.
Hunting bird-growing organization in Ottoman Empire palace had been institutionalized since
early years. Its provincial administration was created for particular sanjaks. The structure of provincial
hunting organization was organized in the form of taşra doğancıları (provincial falconers or hawkers),
sayyad (hunters), yavrucu (fledgeling careres), yuvacı (nest carers), kayacı (carer of nest rocks),
görenceci (bird observers), tuzakçı (bird catchers). There are records in Ottoman archives about this
units concerning their organization, numbers, how they were spread and how the duties were passed
from father to son.
In this study, in the 16th century provincial Ottoman hunting organization and services in
Silistra has been throughly examined, using archive documents.
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Modernite, toplum çıkarlarını değiştirdi; bireysellik ve liberal demokrasiyi idealize ederek dini in-san hayatının dışına itmeye başladı. Batı Hıristiyanlığı kendini moderniteyle ayarlayarak geli-şimini sağladı, Hâlbuki İslam sadece Kuran tarafından gerçekleri doğruladığı ölçüde kabul gördü. Bugün Oryantalizm oksidantalizm ve İslamcılık çeşitli bağlamlarda etkileyici bir rol oynamaktadır. Oksidentalizm Doğu'nun kimliğini güçlendirmek için yardımcı bir rol üstlenmektedir. Bu çalışma, insanlar ve kültürler arasındaki güç ilişkisini değerlendirmektedir. Roller ve kimlikler tarih boyunca değişiyor. Günümüzde İslam kültürü popüler bir konu haline gelmiştir. Yani, İslam dünyası ve İslam kültürünün canlanması Oksidentalizmin başlangıcıdır. Oksidentalizm doğuda gelişerek batıyı batılı olmayan Dünya noktasından araştırmaktadır. Arap dünyasında kimlik canlanması olarak (isteghrab için) Hasan Hanefi veya Talibanian veya ISIS Oksidentalistler tarafından Arap kültürü, Wahhabicilik veya uyanmasıyla ifade edilebilir. Bütün bu uyandırıcı hareketler İslamcılığı ideoloji olarak ele almak-tadır. Bu makalede, İran Kültür Devrimi'nden sonra İran Oksidentalizm canlanmasını ele almaktadır.
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Antonio Gramsci, having an important place in Marxist thought tradition, made theoretically original and important contributions to the fascism analysis. In this context, Gramsci analyzed the conjuncture, ensuring the development of fascism as a movement and then its accession to power, in Italian political life after the First World War in political and class contexts and also pointed out the crucial role of petit bourgeoisie during that period. Moreover, he made some predicts about the fascist up period in Italy in line with his analyses. According to the dialectical method he used, while he was analyzing the development of fascism in Italy, he competently presented the dichotomies imposed to the society by the Italian capitalism, being in a crisis, dichotomies emerged from the different tendencies in the fascist movement and also the dichotomies arising from the difference of opinion between the communists in their struggle against fascism. The fascism analyses of Gramsci, whose thoughts on fascism maintain their importance even today, are examined in this study.
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In history mankind has experienced the most devastating experience during the years of the First World War. This prewar and war in the later stages of a decision taken individually, even thousands, even millions of lives have been directly or indirectly affected. Experiencing the process and outcome of the war rather than the causes of human history has so much more busy. Therefore, the cause of the war which works popularity continues even today. Concerning the reasons for the war period, written by the German Finance Minister Dr. Helfferich especially in England, including working with its allies in the war of public opinion in the state has led to many discussions concerning the reasons.Dr. Helfferich’s “The Beginning of Great War”;
“German’s Case in The Supreme Court of Civilization”; was published under the title of The New York
Times by the Fatherland company in 1915. Dr. Karl Helfferich’s study has been translated in different
languages in following period.
Halk tıbbı ve halk hekimliği, binlerce yıldır tecrübe edilerek geniş ve açık şekilde öğrenilmiş, yararla-nılmış ve sözlü aktarım yoluyla sonraki nesillere bilgisi ve uygulamaları aktarılmış, düzenlenmiş bir sistem olarak tanımlanabilir. Diğer yandan hayli gizli, mistik ve son derece mahalli de olabilir. Halk
tababeti, geleneksel hekimlik uygulamaları, ilk insanların tabiat olayları karşısındaki reaksiyonları ve
ilişki halinde oldukları toplulukların hekimlik uygulamalarıyla kendi uygulamalarını karşılaştırma,
alış-veriş şeklinden doğmuştur. Uygulamaların şekillenmesinde sihrin (büyü) rolü büyük olmuştur.
Halk hekimliği, toplumların mitik dönemden başlayarak günümüze kadarki süreçte maddî ve manevî
rahatsızlıklara karşı geliştirdikleri çözümler bütünüdür. Halk hekimi ise, toplumun bu yönde maddî ve
manevî yönden en bilgilisi ve kendisine en fazla saygı duyulanıdır. Bu kişi, hastalıkları, rahatsızlıkları,
dolayısıyla bu rahatsızlık ve hastalıkların kökenini teşhis etme ve tedavi önerme iktidarında ve gelenekten
edindiği bilgi ve uygulamalarla rahatsızlığın, hastalığın tedavisine yönelik çeşitli ilaçları kullanma
veya pratikleri uygulama becerisine sahiptir.
Türkler, zengin ve derin kökleri olan bir kültüre sahiptir. Türk halk tıbbı ve halk hekimliği, değişik
kültürel kaynaklardan beslenerek günümüze kadar gelmiş zengin bir yapıyı içerir. İslâmiyet öncesinde
Türkler, hastalıkların ak ve kara iyelerle, ruhlarla aralarının bozulmasından, onları gücendirdiklerinden
veya kızdırdıklarından ileri geldiğine inanıyorlardı. Böylesi bir inanç ortamında göz ile görülebilen,
maddî sebeplerle meydana gelen hastalıklar, genel olarak yöredeki bitki, maden ve hayvanlardan elde
edilen ürünlerden veya bunların terkibiyle meydana getirilen ilaçlarla tedavi ediliyordu. Diğer yandan
gözle görülemeyen ve sebebi ruhlara, iyelere bağlanan rahatsızlıklarda ise, kamlar tedaviyi üstleniyor;
uyguladıkları çeşitli sihir ve büyülerle rahatsızlığı gideriyorlardı. Kamların bu özellikleri, Anadolu’nun
pek çok yerinde “ocak” veya “ocaklı” adıyla bilinen insanların özellikleriyle kimi noktalarda örtüşmektedir.
Çeşitli yörelerde görüştüğümüz ocak/ocaklı insanların verdikleri bilgilere göre, ocak veya ocaklı
olan insan, yaptığı uygulamalar, tedaviler öncesinde veya sonrasında belli bir ücret talep etmemekte,
dolayısıyla da hasta ve ocaklı arasında herhangi bir pazarlık söz konusu edilmemektedir.
Bu çalışmada Türk kültüründeki halk tıbbı ve halk hekimliği tanıtılacak ve değerlendirilecektir.
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This study aims to explain that after the Napoleonic invasion of Egypt, the decadence of Mamluk Beys
the traditional actors in the Egyptian domestic politics, and one of them, Muhammad Bey el-Elfî’s
solution seeking in London. Elfî was the last great Mamluk Bey in Egypt. After the invasion of Egypt,
his relations with Sublime Porte and England and also other Mamluk factions have not been clarified
completely. In addition Elfî’s power was based on his household and economic dignity. For this reason
Elfî Bey can be considerd as one of the representatives of the ‘ancien regime’ of Ottoman Egypt. In
that case, struggles between Mamluk factions and Egypt become an international issue in the eyes of
Britain and France. Elfî Bey, seeking an answer the question of How to survive the Mamluks?, asked
for help from Britain. It is very obvious that England supported the Sublime Port against Bonaparte
and also mediated between the Sublime Porte and the Mamluks. Even this was the reason for his travel
to London. So it will be described his activities in the October-December 1803 in London on behalf of
Memluks. The National Archives documents (in Britain), The Ottoman archive and news about Elfî
Bey and his activities in London in Brtish press elucidated this issue.
asker öğretim görevlisi ile eğitimini sürdürmektedir. Öğrenci Alay Komutanlığı ise Yalova’da
bulunan kampı ile tatbikî eğitim alanında faaliyetini sürdürmekte, ayrıca yıl içerisinde de askerî eğitim
ve duyuşsal alan eğitimi ile harbiyelilerin kişilik gelişimine katkı sağlamaktadır. 103 yıla varan geçmişi
ile yaklaşık 16.000 subayı mezun eden Hava Harp Okulu Türk semalarının korunmasını sağlayan
kadroyu yetiştirmektedir. Diğer taraftan Hava Harp Okulu hemen her tip savaş uçağında pilot olarak
uçan kadın subayların da yetiştiği ve kendine yer bulduğu özel bir yere sahiptir.
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Turkish aviation has started as a military entity. The foundation of ‘’Tayyare Komisyonu’’ (Airplane
Comission) in June 1, 1911 has been accepted as the official starting point. The organization of aviation
includes pilot training, airplane supply, fondation of aviation school, establishment of combatant units,
and building the air vehicles with local and national endeavour. Later, air defense systems, meteorology,
training observers, machine specialist and technicians has gained importance as well.
Turkish aviation has been built upon the ruins of the last wars of Ottoman Empire. After the
invasion of the British and the French, Ottoman aviators moved to Maltepe and then to various parts
of Anatolia eventually. During the Independence War, aviation school was founded in Eskişehir, moved
to Adana, Konya, and came back to Adana again. After the Greek forces were expelled from Anatolia
via İzmir, aviation school was moved to İzmir. In 1925, it was brought back to Eskişehir on October
1, 1951. After WWII, the duration of training in order to be a pilot was six years. In 1929, aviation
school turned out to be an academic institution as well. On October 1, 1951, Air Force Academy was
established in Eskişehir. Due to high sound of jet air planes, the academy was moved to İzmir in 1954.
Education and training were restructured there and the quality was raised. In 1967, Air Force Academy
was moved back to Yeşilköy where Turkish aviation was born some 47 years ago.
Due to academic diversity and rich culture heritage, a productive period has started in Istanbul.
Air Force Academy has been an institution offering BA level education since 2001 whose process goes
back to 1990s. Around 90 civilian and 50 military academicians conduct education and research per
year. Military training including Yalova encampment site, affective domain training, and sports activities
are also conducted as well. With a 103 years history and around 16.000 graduates, Turkish Air
Force Academy trains the staff who will safeguard the Turkish skies. Female cadets are also trained in
Turkish Air force Academy with the same opportunities and priviliges as well.
Enver Pasha was a statesman who has leaved his mark upon an important period of Turkish history. In the aftermath of the First World War Enver Pasha went to Turkestan, where he died in a battleground against Russian forces on August 4rd 1922. He was buried near the town Balchuvan in Chegan Hill in current-day Tajikistan. Due to incentives of Süleyman Demirel, Turkey gave Enver Pasha his reputation back and brought his remains to İstanbul and reburied in the Hill of the Monument of Freedom. This situation led to new discussions among Turkish elites, in which represented thoughts could be divided into two groups. First group consisting of proponents for the removal of Enver Pasha's remains from Tajikistan to Turkey thinks that this decision of the Turkish Government shows faithfulness and merit for Enver Pasha. Second group consisting of opponents for the removal of Enver Pasha's remains from Tajikistan to Turkey believes that Enver Pasha was not in favour of Turkey’s interest. Therefore this initiative by the Turkish Government was considered to be as not just. This research work examines the reflection of the removal of Enver Pasha’s remains from Tajikistan to Turkey in the national newspapers such as Hürriyet, Milliyet, Cumhuriyet, Akşam, Yeni Yüzyıl, Sabah, Türkiye, Yeni Şafak, Zaman,
Milli Gazete and Akit using the method of content analysis.
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Through XVI and XX centuries Ottoman State called Algeria, Tunisia and Tripolis as Western Colonies (Garp Ocakları). The Ottomans, for the first time, entered Algeria in 1516 owing to Captain Oruc; then in 1551 they took Tripolis and Tunisia in 1574. After those conquests, Algeria remained as Ottoman land between 1516 and 1830, Tripolis between 1574 and 1881 and Tunisia between 1574 and1881. The most significant military force of the Western Colonies was the fleets. Those colonies, having a significant nautical power within the Mediterranean basin, made a great contribution to the naval forces of Ottoman state after they were captured. The Ottoman State governed here establishing a semi-independent policy. The appointed governors could rule independently when necessary. However, the reign of the Sultan of Ottoman State was always in power in those colonies like all other parts of the
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Ottoman Empire ruled Cyprus between the years 1571-1878, in 1878 with Treaty of Lausanne was officially passed to England temporarily. Greeks who want to take advantage of this situation, gave fresh impetus to activities for " Enosis ". This process which led to the struggle for existence of Turks in the island and has resulted Peace Operation in 1974. However, Turks emigrated to different parts of the world, mainly toTurkey due to the pressure that they are exposed in the period leading up to the Peace Operation. Therefore, after the operation, Turkish control of the labor needed to eliminate the deficit for the processing of the soil and the new government in order to ensure the economic development of the population of Turkey was carried transplant candidates. " Agricultural labor " the province's population transfer carried out of Adana. In this regard all farmers from Adana, 1.480 men in 531 households, 1.287's including women 2.767 people were resettled on the island. In this study, after the operation settlement the process with the transplant population of immigrants from Adana has been discussed.
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In 1942, some Turkish citizens gained great benefits by the increasing inflation in the period of the World War II. 1 million men were under arms because of World War 2. Production in Turkey decreased. To eliminate the state budget deficit, the property tax was legislated on condition to be applied once in order to transfer a part of the wealth of people, who profited greatly of war, to the goverment. The goal was to reduce the load which the government was burdened because of the war. In recent studies, it has been stated that the property tax was collected only from non-Muslims. However, with this study on the city of Aydın, wealthy Turkish-Muslims in the cities of Anatolia, too, had paid this tax; and in Aydin, there were not any non-Muslims among the property tax payers. Adnan Menderes, the future prime minister of DP, was among the people who paid the property tax in Aydin.
First prison in cities was established in 1555 and quickly, became widespread in the European continent. The prisons that were first setup in Europe then in America in 1773, have developed new forms in limiting freedoms. Before the modern prisons, Ottomans have imposed fines to mild to moderate crimes while, heavy offences were punished by rowing in the empire's galleys or by being confined to a fortress. During the Ottoman period, the other form of punishment was shackling. This was defined in the documents of the Ottoman Archives with a phrase " confinement to iron " and it has been noted that this punishment was also imposed in the late Ottoman period. In general, the research informs about the prison establishment as one of the the Westernization attempts of the Empire. Karesi Prison was singled out as an example to illuminate the escapes, bribery and corruption that prevailed under the light of the documents of the archives.
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SSCB'nin yıkılmasından sonra yeni kurulan devletlerin demokratikleşme süreçleri büyük dikkat çekti. Yıllardır komünist rejim altında idare edilmenin sonrasında bu devletler kendi ulusal hassasiyetleri-ni devlet inşa süreçlerine adapte etmeyi denediler. Milliyetçi eğilimler demokratik kurumların ortaya çıkmasını hem desteklemiş hem de engellemiştir. Bir devletin demokratik değerlerin mutlak önşartlarını kristalize etmeyi başaramadığı durumda, radikalleşen milliyetçi eğilimler, toplumsal farklılıkların ve diyalog ortamının aşınması sonucunda demokrasi olgulaşmamıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı Dağlık-Karabağ çatışmasının Ermenistanın demokratikleşme sürecindeki rolünü anlamaktır. Milliyetçi hareketlerin radikalleşmesi ve milliyetçi değerlerin çatışmacı tarzı demokratikleşme sürecini engelleyerek otoriter rejimleri güçlendirmiştir.
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The racist approaches has began to take place on international area intensively after Cold-War period in the European Union countries. Generally, when we think about xenophobia and racism in Europe, Germany becomes the first country that comes to mind. However, the European Parliament Election in 2014 has shown that the racist approaches are not restricted to Germany. Xenophobia and racism are increasing day by day in nearly all the European Union countries. So far, the racism has been raised as a form of Islamophobia in expressions of far-right parties in Europe. Today the movement, which arised in September 2014 and called Pegida, has started to use these approaches. In this article the Pegida movement will be examined in the context of rising Islamophobia, racism and xenophobia in the European countries recently. Giriş Avrupa kıtasında özellikle Avrupa Birliği üyesi ülkelerde 21. yüzyılın başlangı-cından itibaren aşırı sağcı partilerin yükselişe geçtiği görülmektedir. Sürecin başlangıcında daha çok Avusturya ve Fransa'da etkili olan bu tehditkâr durum günümüzde neredeyse tüm Avrupa ülkelerini sarmış durumdadır. Birçok ya-zar Avrupa'da aşırı sağcı partilerin yükselişinin nedenini 2008 yılında ABD'de başlayıp dünyaya yayılan küresel ekonomik kriz olarak görmesine rağmen tek nedenin bu olmadığı aşikârdır. Örneğin; İspanya 2008 yılı küresel ekonomik krizinden en çok zarar gören ülkelerden biri olmasına rağmen sağ popülist par-tiler ön plana çıkmamıştır.
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Turco-American relationship had a long history with cordial relations. Diplomatic relations that were severed in 1917 with the entrance of US into the World War could be reestablished only in 1927. One of the major factors in this delay was the anti-Turkish activities undertaken by Armenians living in US. The figure of Vahan Cardashian (Kardaşyan) who functioned almost as a one-man lobby against Turkey until 1934 is especially worthy of attention. Born in Kayseri in 1883, Cardashian completed his higher education in the same town and received a Law degree at Yale University. He nurtured good relations with Ottoman officials until 1915 and even served as translator in the Empire's Consulate in New York. After 1915, however, Cardashian started his anti-Turkish activities. Among these activities were the foundation of an independent Ar-menia, one of the issues discussed in the Sevrès Treaty, non-ratification of the Turco-American treaty signed on 6 August 1923 in Lausanne and his negative propaganda against Turkish ambassador to Washington, Ahmed Muhtar Bey.
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Armenians who had used terrorism in order to gain their independence since the second half of the 19th century continued this policy during the World War I and also after the war. When they began terrorism activities again in 1970s, their aim was to draw the attention of world public to Armenian Issue. Reaching their aim, Armenians also sought to move the issue into the political arena. To this end, in 1979, 1983 and 1985, the World Armenian Congresses were organized by the Swiss James Viktor Karnusyan. The overall objective of the Congresses was to combine the Armenians scattered in different parts of the world in a political platform and by doing so make world states, at first Turkey, accept the Armenian Genocide. However, two main problems were about the congresses. The first one was that these congresses were in the shadow of the terrorism, and the other one was that the traditional Armenian Parties did not support these congresses. Despite all of them, the decisions taken at the congresses, the National Council of Armenian that was created and Armenian Constitution which was declared had historical nature. In addition, it is evident that these congresses also had a role in transporting the Ar-menian issue into the Political platform.
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Malatia had a strategic position for the Turkish armies raiding Anatolia. The city has a position that can control eastern trade routes. In addition, it is an important city of Byzantium's defence line from east to south. After the Battle of Manzikert, Armenians started to settle in Malatia under the command of Phileratos. But they could never become a sovereign state in this region. Malatia and its surrounding areas fully joined Ottoman State during the reign of Sultan Selim the Stern. The city was organized as a district under the Ottoman State. Cadastral records indicate that there were Armenians in the region both in the city centre and in the villages. Upon studying archive records, it was determined that Armenians lived in the villages of the sub-districts of Malatia in widespread rural areas. It was found that Armenians were living in four quarters of the city as minority compared to Muslim population.
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Before Berlin Congress assembled, Armenian Patriarch Nerses Varjabedyan had sent a delegation to the Congress in order to present the countries participating in the Congress with a memorandum that contained the requests of Armenian people and to secure these countries' support throughout the Congress. The delegation, which was sent unknown to the Ottoman Empire, consisted of three members, i.e. former Patriarch Migirdic Kirimyan and Khoren Narbey as representatives, and Minasse Tcheraz as clerk and translator. The delegation left Istanbul on 8 March, 1878, and situations and experiences they had during the aforementioned journey to Europe was written by Minasse Tcheraz. He stated that they made contacts in Italy, Rome, London and Berlin, respectively. In accordance with these contacts, he mentioned meeting with Foreign Minister Luigi Corti in Italy, and Lord Salisbury in London. By means of these meetings during the journey, it became apparent that Armenians were unknown to Europeans. Various meetings , dinner parties and situations encountered at schools they visited were given as examples to illustrate
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Armenians, were able to establish a state on their behalf in consequence of the Crusades and do not miss the great historical opportunity, in Cilicia (Çukurova). Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia in the vicinity of Cukurova have been fed with the support of the Crusader States and Cyprus, and especially after being subjected to the Il-Khans in their regions had reached a certain strength. However, the Armenians, they apply their attacks and with trade embargoes, they were made themselves the target of the Mamluk State. By the capacity of a single state to stop the Mongols in the region, proved the power of the Mam-luks, and it was not possible to remain silent this situation. From 1260, the Armenian capital, Sis, reduced date that until 1375 the period of time, as a result of political, struggle, almost continuous-time war between Mamluks and the Armenians, Mamluk had been the empire continue to existing side, In this study, 115 years of laying down the Mamluk-Armenian relations, will be presented with detailed information about the subject.
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The most important instruments of expansionist policies of European states after the Industrial Revolution's were steamship navigation companies. France's economic, political , social and cultural areas of politics, like other European states, had serious effecs on the steamship navigation companies. Ottoman lands were very important geographic areas for France and Messageries Maritimes which is a France steam navigation company. Therefore all kinds of intruments which may serve this purpose had been used by them. In this study, we tried to reveal the effects of France's influence policies about Ottoman Armenians which effected Messageries Maritimes Company (1851-1914) and the direct and indirect role of the company on the Armenian cases. Giriş Türk-Fransız siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyo-kültürel münasebetleri tarihi süreç bo-yunca büyük bir ehemmiyete sahip oldu. Osmanlı Devleti'nin Batılı devletler karşısında gücünü kaybetmeye başladığı andan itibaren, bu münasebetlerde ibre, genelde Batılı büyük devletler, özelde ise Fransa lehine dönmeye baş-ladı. Bu münasebetlerde ibrenin Fransa lehine dönmesinde değişik dönem-lerde verilen kapitülasyonların yanı sıra Osmanlı gayrimüslimlerinin bilhassa
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After the Ottoman Empire lost the first Balkan war, its situation changed drastically. All the weaknesses of the army and the administration came into notice. The issue of the Armenian reforms resulted in the interfering of the Great Powers in the empire's internal affairs. With the Yenikoy treaty signed between Russia and the Ottoman Empire on February 9 th , 1914, the reform demands of the Armenians were met. After that treaty, though, it had been observed that the Armenians started losing allegiance to the state and began arming themselves. Moreover, the Russian pressure on the Ottoman Empire also increased. After the bursting out of the World War I, Armenians thought that they could gain independence from the state with the help of Russia and the other Allied Powers. Therefore, Armenian National Delegacy started recruiting Armenian volunteers to fight in the Russian army. These volunteers were organized as separate units by the Russians. Their duties were to conduct intelligence duties for the Russians and opening the frontiers for the Russian army by performing guerilla wars. Armenians successfully conducted their duties, which resulted in the retreatment of the Turkish army from lots of places, even including Van. However, the Turkish army also put some effort in band activities. In this study, both the effects of Russia and the other Allied Powers on the Armenians and their standpoints towards the Ottoman Empire will be investigated.
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The death of the first Armenian Archbishop of İstanbul during the Republican era, Mesrob I Naroyan, in 1944 led to an unprecedented leadership crisis throughout the whole history of the Patriarchate of İstanbul, which was established in 1461 upon the orders of the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II. Several international actors, including the main opposition candidate Bakhtiyarian to the locum tenens Archbishop Kevork Arslanian, were involved in the process when the latter refused to initiate the election process for the post of next Archbishop. As this period coincided with the beginnings of the Cold War, the Turkish government strove to solve the interim crisis within its boundaries, a process which started with the Prime Minister Şemsettin Günaydın in 1949 and was finalized in the first months of the Democrat Party government. Finally, in December 1950, an unexpected candidate from South America, Karekin I Khachadourian, who was born in Trabzon, was elected as the 112th Archbishop of İstanbul. This study focuses on unfolding the events during this crisis period of almost seven years from a political history perspective with the help of American government documents and the leading Turkish papers of the time. This article also introduces the history of the Patriarchate of İstanbul before the Republican era with special reference to cornerstones of the Turkish-Armenian relations.
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By the rise of the industrial America, the prosperous living conditions in the United States has begun to pull immigrants and hard economic conditions became a powerful driving force behind the immigration. Ottoman emigration to America has approximately the 80-90-year-old history. Ottoman emigration to America has continued between 1908-1914 years even after the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) issued the proclamation of the Constitution. Another feature of migrations in this period, the return of Armenians previously migrated from where they went. This study focused on repatriation of Armenians from United States. The population emigrated from Ottoman Empire to America has been encouraged to return under Tashnak political campaigns. It has been tried to get the picture of repatriation campaigns and politics regarding Armenians and after returnees how the question of nationality and property has been solved by CUP.
başarılı bir şekilde yürütmesiydi. Bir seferin başarılı şekilde yürütülmesi için birden fazla ve bazen
birbirinden bağımsız hazırlıkların yapılması gerekmekteydi. Sefer esnasında bu organizasyonu eksiksiz
ve muntazam yürütebilmek için elzem olan ihtiyaçlardan biri ise yeterli hazinenin sağlanabilmesiydi.
Osmanlı Sefer organizasyonlarında en önemli gereksinimlerden olan sefer hazinesine dair en önemli
kaynak sefer ruznamçeleri ve bu kayıtlar kullanılarak oluşturulan icmaller yani sefer bütçeleridir. Bu
çerçevede bu makale iki ana konu üzerinde odaklanmıştır. Bunlardan ilki sefer ruznamçeleri (ve bütçelerinin)
benzer nitelikteki kaynaklarla kıyaslanarak, fiziki özelliklerinin tanıtılıp açıklanmasıdır. İkinci
üzerinde durulacak nokta ise sefer ruznamçelerinin (ve icmal yahut bütçelerinin) bir sefer hazinesine
dair içeriğinin tespitidir. Devamında, tespit edilen içeriğin yanında, bu kaynakların Osmanlı askerîmalî
tarihi için hangi açılardan önemli olduğunu gösteren izahlar yapılacaktır.
The Gallipoli campaign is still a widely studied issue in Turkey and abroad. Gallipoli reminds us of the Anafartalar hero Mustafa Kemal and the legend of the victory written by the Turkish soldiers despite all the impossibilities. It is little known that the Turkish troops were commanded by a German general called Liman von Sanders, and the fact that there were a lot of German officers in his command chain should be remembered. Nevertheless, incomparable to the number of the Turkish soldiers and much less than them, there were a small number of German troops who fought and lost their lives during the Gal
Gallipoli Campaign, launched shortly after the Ottoman Empire's entry into the WWI, was an operation from which the allies, especially Britain, expected a fast and easy result. Lord Kitchener, British Secretary of State for War and the most important person in British war council, made joint attemps with the other officials to launch a landing operation in Alexandretta and for this purpose, they sought consensus with the French allies. Yet, even from the early days of the Dardanelles Campaign, it became clear that a victory would not be won easily and quickly contrary to expectations. Besides, despite being allies, the power struggle and controversies between Britain and France, especially the lack of consensus over Syria's postwar status, prevented an operation on Alexandretta. Although at this point the British authorities expected that the Armenian population in the region would support them and the scarcity of Ottoman troops in the region would ease the success of the operation, they did not dare such an operation. Despite all preparations, the resistance in Gallipoli deterred the French allies and the British war council from launching a second operation.
Sırbistan ile Osmanlı Devleti arasında, Balkan Savaşları sonrasında 14 Mart 1914’te İstanbul’da
bir barış antlaşması imzalanmıştır. Bu barış antlaşmasıyla Sırbistan’da yaşayan Müslümanların
hakları güvence altına alınsa da, 28 Temmuz 1914’te I. Dünya Savaşı’nın patlak vermesi üzerine 1
Kasım 1914’te Osmanlı Devleti ile Sırbistan arasındaki ilişkiler kesilmiştir. 11 Kasım 1914’te Osmanlı
Devleti’nin de savaşa dâhil olmasıyla Sırbistan ve Osmanlı Devleti, iki ayrı düşman kampta yer
almışlardır. Dolayısıyla Sırbistan, ülkesindeki Müslümanlara karşı angarya yükleme, askere alma
ve emlâka el koyma şeklinde uygulamalara başlamış ve bu konular Müslümanların şikâyetlerine ve
başkaldırmalarına neden olmuştur.
Ottoman Empire faced a new problem with losing lost their territories after 1683. Muslim-Turkish inhabitants' migration had begun from the Balkans and the Caucasus to the Ot-toman territories. The attitude of the state had been generally positive towards the motion of migration occurred in lost territory. Migrants and refugees to the territory of the country were accepted and were settled in various places. However, this time internal migration had started in Anatolia refuged by migrants and refugees with conquering started after the Armistice of Moudros. Under these circumstances, the attitude was different towards migration occurred because there is no place to migrate. In this study, the reasons of the efforts to prevent migration supported by believers of both Ottoman Government and National Struggle and the results are discussed.
İki Balkan Savaşı (1912-1913) süreci, Birinci Dünya Savaşı başlayana dek eksik kalmıştır. Bu çalış-manın amacı, Birinci Dünya Savaşı ve ulusal bilinçlerin belirginleşmeye başlayan Balkan halklarının savaşta oynadığı roller hakkında bazı bilgiler vermektir. İki Balkan Savaşlarından sonra bütün Balkan devletleri ulus-devletlerine ortak vatandaşlarını toplamak için çabalarını sürdürmüştür. Aynı bölgede birçok krizin Avrupa'da genel bir savaşa götürmeden çözüme kavuşurken Balkan Savaşları bu durumu daha geniş bir alana yayarak krizin uluslararasılaşmasına yol açtığı sonucuna varılmaktadır. 1914 yı-lında ve Balkanlar bölgesinde başlayan Birinci Dünya Savaşı, aynı bölgede ve 1912-1913 döneminde yaşanan savaşların devamı niteliğinde olduğu düşünülmektedir.
The most important events in Red Sea and Arabian Peninsula started in Hijaz during the World War I. Religious, political and military importance of this region caused both Ottomans and the British not only fight for regional but also get wider and bigger consequences over winning the governor of Mak-kah Sherif Husayn. During the World War I, Ottomans tried to defend holy cities n Hijaz but they couldn't provide sufficient military, materials and warfare. In 1916, in consequence of British provocation Hasheemi Arabs rebelled and the Governor of Makkah Sherif Husayn declared independence against Otoman Empire and then captured most of Hijaz. Fahreddin Paşa defended Medinah with tremendous effort and only after Mondoros Treaty he delivered it in January 1919. With him, Otoman Empire drew completely back from holy lands which he dominated for centuries.
The Ottoman State fought on the Caucasian, Iraqi, Sina-Palestinian-Syrian, Yemen, Hijaz, Suez, Canakkale, Galician, Macedonian, Romanian, Iranian and Libyan frontiers during World War I. However, The Ottoman State and its allies were overwhelmed, and experienced a great loss in this war. To our great sorrow, hundreds of thousands of soldiers were killed and held captive. The martyrs who were killed in the frontiers were buried where they died. Those who were held captive-mostly by the English and the others like the Russian, French, Italian, Romanian and Italian-were taken to captive camps, and passed away there. After the war, based on different international treaties notably Treaty of Lausanne, 54 Turkish Martyrdoms were built in 26 countries where the war took place or Turkish captives were taken to. Of these martyrdoms, 36 are in the areas where the war took place while 18 are in the areas where our soldiers were held captive.
addedilen Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası süreçte özellikle Wilson İlkeleri büyük önem taşımaktadır.
On dört maddeden oluşan ve aslında ifade ettikleri ve hedefledikleri farklılıklar gösteren Wilson İlkeleri
1918 yılında ilan edilmiştir. İlanıyla birlikte savaşın mağlup ülkelerinin tamamında olduğu gibi Genç
Türkiye’de de büyük heyecan ve umut yaratan İlkeler, çalışma kapsamında farklı bir perspektiften
değerlendirilerek günümüz Türk dış politikasına etkileri nezdinde incelenecektir. Wilson İlkeleri’nin kısaca
dönemin Amerikan başkanı Thomas Woodrow Wilson tarafından açıklanan, Amerika Birleşik
Devletleri (ABD)’nin Birinci Dünya Savaşı’na ilişkin on dört maddelik savaş amaçları bildirisi olduğu
ifade edilebilir. Self-determinasyon ilkesi temelinde uluslararası bir yapılanmayı önermesi bakımından
dönemin Türk aydınları tarafından da kabul görmüş olan İlkeler, aslında gizli amaçları çerçevesinde
kendi ülkesine hizmet etmeyi planlayan bir zihniyetin çalışması olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bu bağlamda
çalışma kapsamında Birinci Dünya Savaşı sonrası büyük güçler tarafından oldukça önemli olduğu
bilinen Genç Türkiye’nin Wilson İlkeleri’nin özellikle beşinci ve on ikinci maddeleriyle değerlendirilerek,
günümüzde Wilson İlkeleri benzeri içtihadi normlar kapsamında Türkiye’nin uluslararası ve özellikle
Kürt meselesi bağlamında bölgesel politikalarının nasıl şekillendiği analiz edilecektir. Bu değerlendirmede
öncelikle tarihsel arka plana yer verilecek ve günümüzde de benzeri nitelikte yaşanan bir sürecin
varlığına işaret edilerek, Türk dış politikasının nasıl şekillendiği, bu politikaların olumlu ve olumsuz
yönleri ele alınacaktır.
The impacts of the First World War on Africa and the colonialism in Africa are a subject which is not sufficiently studied in the disciplines of political and military history, political science, and international relations. In this article, it is aimed to partially fill the gap in question. In this context, the conduct of the First World War battles in Africa and their effects on the Continent have an importance. In addition, the exploitation of human and other resources of the Africa by the colonial powers, especially Britain and France, in the battles fought in European fronts is an issue to focus on. In this respect, the colonial recruitment practices, the resistance of indigenous peoples, the employment of Africans in the battles and the casualty rates are noteworthy. The war's contribution to the national liberation struggles and the changes emerged in the colonialism fact also need to be emphasized. The First World War has had significant negative effects on Africa in the economic, social and military fields. German colonies changed hands between the victors of the First World War and colonialism with all the violence has continued. But the war gave the first spark of the national liberation movements in Africa.
The First World War is one of the major turning points of world politics. Therefore, one of the characteristic features of the postwar period is the quest for a new world order. The emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline is a product of this quest. In this context, this article deals with the effects of First World War on the emergence of International Relations. In first place the impact of the war on the international system and the quest for a new order will be addressed. Afterwards, the autonomy of the discipline of International Relations will be explained under three questions. First, how did the First World War helped to identify the disciplines' own topics and questions relatively distinguishable from other disciplines. Second, how has the postwar period led to the emergence of the institutions of the new discipline. Finally, how did the discipline set up its own terminology and determined its theoretical boundaries through the theoretical debates.
World War, which will later on have " First " annex, defined as " la Der Des Ders (the last of all wars) " at the end of 1918. It may be asserted that purpose of this phrase, which may be seen poetically at first sight, is substantially to create a " sustainable peace " perception on public opinions via new structure of international system constituted at the end of war if aforementioned era is examined in detail. In this context, firstly development of international system will be explained in general terms and facts effecting on changing of structure of international system in the process of the First World War, will be explicated in our work. In the last chapter of our work, international system constituted at the end of the First World War will be analysed and it will be argued that trying to create an ideal(ist) system perception via this structure as of the end of the First World War.
There is an increase in the amount of the historical novels in Turkish Literature since 1990. This increase has accelerated during the 2000s. Some of these novels are on the World War I era, and some of them focus on the individual fronts of the war. Çanakkale and Sarıkamış fronts are the most important ones among these fronts. There are around 60 novels on the Çanakkale front, and some 25 novels on the Sarıkamış front. This article focuses on the WWI novels in the Turkish Literature. Especially three novels are evaluated in detail. These novels are as follows: 1. 58 Gün, Mustafa Kemal ile Filistin'den Anayur-dun Dağlarına (58 Days – From Palestine to the Homeland together with Mustafa Kemal), Mustafa Yıldırım, 2. Azap Günlerinde Harput-Yemen-Sarıkamış (Harput-Yemen-Sarıkamış: Painful Days), Zekeriyya Bican, 3. Paylaşılamayan Topraklar (Lands That Cannot be Left), M. Talât Uzunyaylalı.
Geography of Anatolia, the Western and Eastern civilization in transition between the route, these cultures tweakers. East-West spread in society, followed by European countries to get out easy problems in which during the war has been an enemy in front of them. Birth dates back to the 1880s coinciding with military painters zone painters, Balkan war, World War I and the war of independence. This environment consists of the artist personalities. See education in Sanayi-I Nefise then they continue their art education in Paris. You have to go back to the dorm with the rest of the first World War the painters, " 1914 generation " referred to by name. They are looking at the previous generation of photographic as a reaction to Impressionism while most. After World War I, the National efforts, and in the war of independence and a new regime set up an empire crumbles pains an environment, the presence of social art hissedilemezken, art community, many artists after World War I and was wounded or killed in the war of liberation, has been. Therefore, for the first time in Turkish war issues tables. In the years after World War I and last this uncertainty, rather than evaluating the approach of community problems, art philosophy, culture and art policies applied.
" The 21st century is a period in which Turkey is going through deep changes not only in domestic policies , economic and social issues but also in foreign policies and diplomacy. The opening-up of Turkish people to the world in the 1990ies paved the way to their interaction with other countries which, in turn, played a major role in the transformation of the country. In this period, the parallel diplomacy practiced on a one-to-one basis by Turkish educational institutions, local governments and various NGOs through activities ranging from cultural events to humanitarian aid, has been the invisible power of Turkish foreign policy. As a country which has a universal narrative story of its own to tell the world, Turkey's way to expressing itself in a correct and efficient way, goes through the development of individual rights and freedoms, the granting of a sense of belonging to its citizens which they will be proud of as well as the support of cultural diplomacy carried out by NGOs. Thus, a strategy to be developed by leading NGOs which are the main actors of cultural diplomacy, and providing them the resources they need, will not only strengthen the democratic structure of the country. Above all, through such a strategy, Turkey's soft power which plays a leading role in the practice of cultural diplomacy on a global scale will become all the more so efficient and perceptible. Taking into consideration the changes currently occurring in the world, this article dealing with cultural diplomacy aims at shedding a light on the evolution which Turkish diplomacy is going through in terms of its enforcing institutions and practice.
It is not a new idea that European states gather and form a union. This idea had been discussed since the nineteenth century. However, it was not until the end of World War II that Europeans realized their idea. The most important reason is the struggle for power and dominance that great powers on the continent were engaged in with each other. After World War II, Europeans set up several organizations both not to suffer similar disasters anymore and to become more powerful against the Soviet Union making its power felt in Europe day by day. The Council of Europe is one of the most important of such organizations founded around the idea of the European Union. This organization which stipulates cooperation in such areas human rights, social affairs, education, culture, sports, youth, public health, environmental, architectural heritage, urban planning, local and regional authorities, and law as well as defence and security was founded on 5 May 1949 by ten European states. The Republic of Turkey was invited to the Council of Europe about three months after its foundation and by accepting this invitation participated in the Council as a founding member. The Statute of the Council of Europe was adopted on 12 Decem-ber 1949 by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.
Turkey and Germany are two countries which have well advanced relations in the fields of politics, economy, military, education and science for many years. These relations contribute to both sides in different aspects. However, when two countries are compared with each other, Germany transfers massive amounts of science and especially technology to Turkey. The present study deals with the transferring scientific experience from Germany to Turkey within the framework of universities, especially focusing on the Turkish-German University. Following a brief history of Turkish-German relations, the importance of the republican period as well as Turkish-German universities regarding the relations between both countries will be analysed through expert opinions and empirical data. Giriş Türkiye ile Almanya arasındaki bilim ve eğitim alanındaki ilişkiler başka bir ülkeyle kıyaslanamayacak şekilde oldukça ileri bir boyuttadır. Özellikle tarihsel süreç içerisinde Osmanlı Devleti'nin Batılı ülkelere göre çağın gerisinde kalma-sı nedeniyle başlayan modernleşme hareketlerinde bilimsel boyut arka planda kalırken, Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ile fark
" Batı'nın Yükselişi " , " Büyük Sorun " ve " Büyük Iraksama " , sosyal bilimlerdeki çok eski bir problema-tike işaret eden farklı terimlerdir. Burada, Batı'nın Doğu üzerinde üstünlük sağladığı varsayılan bazı alanlar vasıtasıyla " Batı " ile " Doğu " arasında bir fark oluştuğu düşünülmektedir. Çalışmamızın birinci bölümünde okuyucuya ilgili literatür tanıtılmaya çalışılmıştır. Ayrıntılı bir anlatımdan ziyade, konuya ilişkin önemli hususlar ön plana çıkarılarak, tartışmanın ana hatları belirlenmeye çalışılmıştır. " Batı'nın Yükselişi " literatürüne yönelik bu genel değerlendirmenin ardından, konunun önemli bir boyutunu oluş-turan " kronoloji sorunu " üzerinde durulmuştur. " Kronoloji Problemi " olarak adlandırdığımız problem, şu sorunun cevabını aramaktadır: " Batı ne zaman yükseldi? ". Araştırmacıların cevaplaması daha zor ve önyargılara daha açık olan " Neden ? " sorusuna odaklandıklarını düşünmekteyiz. Bize göre daha belirgin ve somut olması nedeniyle " Kronoloji Problemi " ni tartışmaların merkezine koymak daha faydalıdır. Ancak burada da öncelikle cevaplanması gereken soru, " Kronoloji Problemi " nin hangi alanlarda inceleneceğidir. Mann'ın sosyal güç teorisi ile realist Uluslararası İlişkiler teorisinden türetilen üçlü bir yaklaşımın bu soruya metodolojik olarak tatmin edici bir cevap vermede faydalı olabileceğini düşünmekteyiz.
Somalia, as one of the poorest countries in Africa has been on the top list of the failed states, and tried to meet the challenges such as armed conflicts, poverty and mass migration since 1991. The attempts by the international community to ensure the peace and stability in Somalia have not produced the desired results by 2011. With the famine crisis in the 2011 summer, Turkey has initiated an opening towards Somalia. Turkey's intervention and aids are soon welcomed by the people of Somalia and the expectations for the provision of the peace and stability have increased. Yet some critiques have arisen about Turkey's policy toward Somalia. The critiques are focused on Turkey's work in isolation from the international community, unawareness of Somali's realities, the lack of institutional capacity and a long term strategy. The historical backdrop, social context and multi dimensional causes of the Somalia crisis indicate that the peace and stability can only be achieved by a long term and comprehensive work coordinated with all actors. In this context, Turkey should review the current Somalia policy and develop a comprehensive strategy. Giriş Somali, Avrupalı sömürgeci güçlerden Fransa, İngiltere ve İtalya'nın 19'uncu yüzyıl sonlarından itibaren topraklarını nüfuz bölgelerine ayırarak yürüttükleri
Selçuklular devrinde bunlara “uç beyleri” dendiği, hatta Osmanlıların da bu uç beyliklerinden
biri olduğu bilinmektedir. Osmanlı Devleti daha merkeziyetçi bir siyaset izleyerek, sınır güvenliğini,
Selçuklar gibi, “uç beyleri”ne vermeyip, “akıncı ocağı” denilen bazı akıncı ailelerine bırakmıştır. Bu
ailelerin Arnavutluk ve Dalmaçya taraflarında Evrenos-oğulları, Bosna, Semendire ve Sırbistan’da
Mihal-oğulları, Silistre taraflarında Malkoç-oğulları ve Mora bölgesinde ise Turhan-oğulları en tanınmışlarıydı.
Akıncıların görevi, Osmanlı Devleti’nde sınır güvenliği sağlamak, fetih bölgelerinde keşif
yapmak, istihbarat toplamak, düşman ülkelere akınlarda bulunmak ve ordu için öncülük hizmetleri
gibi, zamanın tabiri ile “beşinci kol kuvveti”nin vazifelerini yapmaktır. Akıncı teşkilâtını, Evrenos
Bey’in kurduğu sanılmaktadır. Bunlar, hafif süvari kuvvetleriydi ve belli bir teşkilât yapıları vardı.
Tımarlı olanlar, deftere eşkâlleri ile birlikte kaydedilirlerdi. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman zamanında sayıları
elli bini aşmıştı. Akıncı Ocağı, 16. yüzyılın sonuna kadar büyüyerek sürmüştür. 1595 yılında
Eflak voyvodası Mihal’in isyanı harekâtında yenilen Veziriazam Sinan Paşa’nın tedbirsizliği sonucu,
Osmanlı ordusu Tuna nehri üzerindeki tahta köprüden geçerek geri çekilirken, ordunun gerisinde kalan
akıncılar, Mihal’in saldırısıyla “imha” olurcasına “zayiata” uğramışlardır. Bu hâdiseden sonra akıncı
ocağı bir daha toparlanamamış, onların görevlerini, Akkerman, Dobruca ve Bucak tatarları ile Kırım
Hanlığı kuvvetleri üstlenmiştir. Akıncı Ocağı hakkında İ. Hakkı Uzunçarşılı’nın -muahhar kaynaklara
dayalı- kısa araştırması dışında, akıncı tımar defterleri, mühime defterleri ve mahallî sicil defterlerine
dayalı ciddi bir çalışma yapılmamıştır. Bu araştırmada, akıncıların sonunu getiren 1595 tarihli “köprü
hâdisesi”, Mustafa Âli’nin Künhü’l-Ahbâr ve İbrahim Peçevî’nin, Tarih-i Peçevî adlrihleri arasında ı
eserleri başta olmak üzere dönemin kitabî kaynakları ile 1595 yılı sürecindeki mühime defterlerindeki
akıncı ocağı kayıtları birlikte incelenecek ve bulgular araştırmanın sonucuna yazılacaktır.
It has been known that the Akıncıs were in the Ottoman Empire an extention of the corps which provided
the border security of the Turkish states. They were named in the Seljuki period as “margraves”. Even the
Ottomans were one of these margraves. Adopting a more centralist policy, the Ottoman Empire didn’t
leave the border security to margraves as it was the case in Seljuks, but they assigned this job to some
akıncı families. Evrenesoğulları in Albania and Dalmatia, Mihal-oğulları in Bosnia, Semendire and
Serbia, Malkoç-oğulları in Silistre and Turhan-oğulları in Mora were the most famous ones among
these families. The missions of the Akıncıs was to ensure the frontier security, to undertake reconnaissance
mission in the regions which would be conquered, to gather intelligence, to raid the enemy territories
and to act advanced guards, which was called as the fifth column activities at that time. It is assumed
that Evranos Bey established the Akıncı corps. They were the light cavalry forces and had a certain
organizational structure. Those with manor were registered in the account book with their descriptions.
Their number exceeded fifty thousand during the period of Suleyman the Magnificient. The number of
Akademik
Bakış
Cilt 7 Sayı 13
Kış 2013
108
Mustafa Alkan
Akıncıs continued to increase until the 16th Century. In 1595, during the attacks carried out against
Walachia Voivodina Mihail, who rebelled, the Akıncıs which stayed behind the Ottoman army, which
was retreating over the wooden bridge, were nearly destroyed due to the inconsiderate act of Grand Vizier
Sinan Pasha. After that incident the Akıncıs could not recover and their mission was undertaken by the
Akkerman, Dobruca and Bucak Tatars and Crimea Khanate’s forces. With the exception of the short research
of İ. Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, which is based on secondary sources, no serious study has been produced
on the guild of Akıncıs by benefiting from the manorial books, muhimme books and local registry books.
In this study the “Yergöğü bridge incident” which brought the end of the Akıncıs will be examined by
referring to the secondary works of that time such as Mustafa Ali’s Künhül Ahbar and İbrahim Peçevi’s
Tarih-i Peçevî. Registers of the Akıncıs in mühimme books of 1595 will also be taken into consideration.
The findings will also be reflected in the conclusion.
In this paper, muftiates which was founded in Tsarist Russia, composed important part of policy of Rus-sian government on Muslim people and Islam religion and lasted for a long time was analyzed. Factors which influenced foundation process of Orenburg Ecclesiastical Assembly, Crimean Muftiate, Southern Caucasia Sunnite and Shiite Muftiates, their duties and authorities were put forward. It was mentioned that religious organizations which have equal rights and authorities were not formed in regions where Muslim people were dominant in Russia. The difference between perspective of Tsardom government and Muslim people towards muftiates were determined, the reflection of this situation on relation between Empire and Muslim people was stated in the sense of policy.
aldığı hatıratındaki 1915 yılının Haziran ayının son haftasında geldiği Van şehri hakkındaki izlenimleri
ve bu şehirde yaşanan Ermeni isyanına dair verdiği bilgiler değerlendirilmiştir.
In this article, it was evaluated the impressions and the information given about Armenian rebellion at
Van according to the Alexsandra Lvovna Tolstaya’s Memories (Daughter of the famous Russian author
Lev Nikolayevich Tolstoy) Where she came the last week of June in1915.
Diyarbakır, after a long imperial experience and in the transition to the Republican period that represents the beginning of a reformist phase, will continue to be administrative, cultural and economic center in accordance with its historical position. Although developmental approaches have been tried to apply during the Ottaman period, it has been stayed away to achieve the objectives due to the deficiencies in the social structure, administrative and financial problems. With the transition to Republican phase, " Birinci Umum-i Müfettişlik " taking public intervention in the center with a regional developmental approach is going to be established. This gives significant clues about overcoming the economic development of Southeastern Anatolia as well as on the general developmental geographic-based political approach of the public. However, the nature of the inherited social structure, financial applications, factors such as industrial and agricultural production factors will be decisive in the struggle to the problem of development in Diyarbakır.
The base of Baghdad Pact, which was organized for the purposes of preventing penetration of the Soviet Union into Middle East, was laid by a convention entered by and between Turkey and Iraq on February 24, 1955, and Iran, Pakistan and England joined the pact at a later date. Effects of Baghdad Pact, which alienated Turkey from the region while reinforcing anti-western camp, on Arabian society were not positive at all; particularly Egypt protested against this pact accepting it to be the heaviest strike on Arabian Union. No Arabian state other than Iraq has taken part in this convention, which is kept open to member states of Arabian Union as well as governments of Middle East wishing to create cooperation. Iraq Government officially announced its secession from Baghdad Pact in 1959 upon the military coup of General Kasım, which was replaced by a new convention including the USA with the new center in Ankara. The name of pact was changed to be Central Treaty Organization (CENTO). Organization completed its historical mission after Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979.
bir siyaset adamıdır. İlk kez 1935’te CHP Kars milletvekili seçilen M. Fuad Köprülü,
1945’te Demokrat Parti’nin kurucuları arasında yer almış, 1950-1956 döneminde Dışişleri
Bakanı, Devlet Bakanı ve Başbakan Yardımcısı olarak görev yapmıştır. 1957’de Demokrat
Parti’den istifa etmiş, bir daha milletvekili olamasa da aktif siyasetten kopmamıştır. Önce
Hürriyet Partisi’ni sonra da Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’ni desteklemiştir. 27 Mayıs 1960’da
ordunun yönetime el koymasından sonra 6-7 Eylül Olayları sebebiyle Yassıada’da yargılanmış
ve beraat etmiştir. 1961’de Yeni Demokrat Parti’yi kurmuş, ancak umduğu başarıyı
elde edemediği için 1965’te fiilen siyasetten çekilmek durumunda kalmıştır. Bu makalede M.
Fuad Köprülü’nün Demokrat Parti’den ayrılması, Demokrat Parti’ye karşı muhalefeti desteklemesi,
Yassıada’da yargılanması, Yeni Demokrat Parti’yi kurması ve sonrasındaki siyasi
mücadelesi arşiv belgeleri, dönemin gazeteleri ve diğer kaynaklar ışığında değerlendirilmiştir.
M. Fuad Köprülü who is known with his historian, thinker and the man of letters identity, is
also a politician. He, who was the first Kars Parliamentarian of Republican People’s Party
in 1935, was among the founders of Democratic Party in 1945. He served as a Minister of
Foreign Affairs, minister of state and deputy prime minister between 1950-1956. He resigned
from the Democratic Party in 1957, and couldn’t be a politician again, but he was still
interested in active politics. He firstly supported The Freedom Party and then the Republican
People’s Party. After the army’s confiscating to government on 27th May 1960, due to the
events of 6th-7th September, he stood trial in Yassıada and was acquitted. He founded The
New Democratic Party in 1961, but because of the fact that he couldn’t get the success he had
expected, he had to withdraw from the active politics. In this article, M. Fuad Köprülü’s leaving
the Democratic Party, his supporting the opposition party, his standing trial in Yassıada,
foundation of the New Democratic Party and the political struggling after it, will be evaluated
in the light of archival documents, newspapers of that period and other sources.
Ramadan Principality is a Turkish state which was established in Cukurova, having Adana as center, in 14th century. Uc Ok Turcoman, constituting this state, were Turkish raider lords who served Mam-luks from the beginning of the establishment. They showed maximum effort during the campaigns by Mamluks onto the Armenians living in Cukurova, and after the collapse of this state, they secure their position in that region as being subject to Mamluks. Insomuch that Ramazan Beg, signified as " Turco-man Emir " , was accommodated by Mamluks Sultan in Cario, and dressed Khalat. Mamluks attached great importance to the region forming the north border in which Ramadanids was established. They formed three regentships named as Ayas, Tarsus and Sis and constantly supervised these three cities by sending regents from the capital city, Cairo. Despite the attitude of Mamluks, Ibrahim Beg, successor of Ramadan, who took courage from the achievements of Dulkadirids, allying with them revolted against Mamluks, but this revolt did not produce result and moreover cost his life. Since the histories of Ramadan and Dulkadir Principalities, established as subjected to Mamluks in close regions, crossed with each other's frequently, activities of Dulkadirids will also be mentioned where relevant. But what we know about Turcoman is limited to the information given by Mamluks' chronicles.
Koldere is a small municipality of Saruhanlı district of Manisa. It was a farm of Karaosmanoğlu notable family until the 19th century. Even after notables loss of power, the large part of the land remained as the property of Karaosmanoğlu Sadık Bey. When analysis the 1844-1845 temettüât register of the farm, it is seen the fact that the place was organized as a form of a village. However, the farm also plays an important role in agricultural production, as well as small ruminants. Furthermore, in the mid 19 th century, almost all of the Koldere population consists of the Ottoman Greeks.
Amasya is one of the most important cities in the chain of Ottoman silk manufacture. From the standpoint of Ottoman silk production, the early role of the city was in the way of being the entrepot of Iranian silk. In later periods, it is reflected in documents that silkworm-breeding and branches of work and production depending on silk reached very important dimensions. It is observed that from the last quarter of the 18th century onward, tax records regarding silk production are mentioned more than the records concerning the tax of mizan-ı harir. It is also observed that at an accelerating rate within the 18th century, records about mulberry fields and wormhouses are intensely mentioned. In line with what has been stated, it is thought that the dependency on Iranian silk decreased in time. Negative effects of the silkworm disease that was effective in the second half of the 19th century were felt in Amasya too. To the degree that it is reflected in the archival material, it is understood that government officials attended perhaps most sensitively to the Amasya silk-production. When examined under the light of the documents and the information, it is thought that there was an Amasya silk production comparable to that of Bur-sa. Although the city of Bursa played a dominant role in Ottoman silk production, the total production of a few cities such as Amasya was able to nearly balance the Bursa silk production or perhaps provide a production level above that of Bursa.
There are remarkable intellectual and institutional similarities on numerous subject/area in the ancient/ traditional World. In this context, it is possible to witness and to see such thoughts and intellectuals that resemble to the Ottoman's state understanding based on justice-too old-both at the East (Iran and India) and at the West (ancient Greek). Besides, it is also known that such institutions similar to the Ot-toman's " timar " and " guild " system were present at different places and times in the ancient/traditional world. This situation is on the one part related with the fact that similar conditions and requirements in the ancient/traditional world (however) have created and resulted in similar reactions/consequences/ institutions, and on the other part it is related with the fact that there existed mutual interaction between cultures/civilizations or states/communities. In this respect, however, there are close and intimate relationship between understanding, concept, institution etc. in that world under the conditions of the ancient/traditional world,-as between the present conditions of the world, specifically, (at the areas of agriculture, transportation, communication etc.) developed/developing technology and concept/ideology and institutions
The rebellions called Jelali Revolts inflicted great damage throughout Anatolia at the turn of the 16th century and in the early 17th century. Former studies have already treated this destruction in general, however, new documents from archival records give some clues about the details of the destruction. This study is formed by using the records kept by kadıs after the destruction in Kütahya perpetrated by Tavil Hail. The study focuses on two points using sources that have not been used before. The first one is the destruction in Kütahya perpetrated by Tavil Halil during Jelali Revolts. Two different aspects of this destruction will be treated. The first one is social destruction, in other words the rapes and attacks suffered by the society. The second one is economic hardships faced by the people due to extraordinary taxes imposed on the people of this province by Nasuh Pasha who had been sent to confront the Jelalis and had to retreat to Kütahya after an unsuccessful effort to stop Tavil Halil. Thus we will emphasize the hardships faced by ehl-i örf and reaya as well as the problems caused by Jelali Revolts. The second subject in this study is the economic loss in the province of Kütahya caused by Jelali revolts. In this context we will try to determine the decrease in tax income collected by the state.
While Ottoman Empire was exhibiting its severity with all its magnificence in foreign policy; on the other hand it was the source of all ally components in XV. and XVI. centuries. It was this effective and of no compensation foreign policy which brought it the identity of being a world wide country. Furthermore it managed to keep this affect for a while in XVII. and XVIII. centuries when it started to lose its force. In this study we studied the relation between Ottoman Empire and Habsburg which was appreciated in a political window so far as different form the formers considering their comprehension and giving meaning to each other. Subsequently, we tried to explain political and military narrations which were in need of a long methodological assessment to date in different facts.
The Dardanelles Strait is one of the conflict fields during the Tripolitanian War that was started by Italy, in the context of Italian colonial policy, to seize Tripoli which was the last Ottoman possession in North Africa. For the possession of Tripoli, Italians attempted to force the Porte to peace table by attacking the Dardanelles Strait. However, Italian naval operation against the Dardanelles Strait has failed and thus Italian attempt to force the Porte to peace table by widening the conflict to the Strait ended in frustration. This article primarily focuses on political and military aspects of the Italian naval operation against the Dardanelles Straits on 18 April 1912. This article also studies how the interests of Euro-pean Great Powers-that were in alliance system-with each other and the Porte have been reflected to the field of diplomacy as an effect of the operation.
The coronation of Wilhelm II as the German Emperor in 1888 constitutes an important milestone in Turco-German relations that had a long historical background. Having left Bismarck's prudent policies for a more aggressive imperialism, Wilhelm II visited the Ottoman Empire twice in 1889 and 1899 in order to improve the relations between the two states. A third visit took place during the turbulent years of World War I when the Emperor arrived in Istanbul through Bulgaria. This visit was intended to boost morale and give support to Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria, both German allies. During his four-day sojourn, the German Emperor made several official visits and visited the battleground where the Battle of Gallipoli took place.
As an " American Board " missionary, Joseph Kingsbury Greene served in the Ottoman Empire for 51 years. He spent most of his time in Istanbul. During his long stay he followed carefully all the events. Meanwhile he formed slowly his judiciary and ideas of what was going on two sides of the Bosporus. Green who witnessed the war and developments of the Balkan wars that has an important place in the Ottoman Empire published his opinion and evaluations in 1913 in a pamphlet entitled " Turkey and the Balkan War ". In this pamphlet, with an American protestant missionary point of view, Greene discussed Turks, the secret of the power of the Turkish armies, the causes of the decline in the Ottomans and the Young Turk revolution of 1908 and analyzed the causes and consequences of the Balkan Wars. In this article, the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan War will be discussed through the eyes of Joseph K. Greene.
In this article, we are going to research Müze-i Hümâyûn school which is the combination of museol-ogy and education which are two important fields of Ottoman modernization. The school documents of constitution of which were approved by the Sultan in 1875 was planned to educate experts related with museology and ancient piece of arts. The status of museums in European countries, the pieces of art that were taken out of Ottoman land and taken to other countries and the uncivilized status of these in the Ottoman land, made the existence of such school a necessity. Besides an Ottoman rank having practical and theoretical implement would be formed in direction of function of education in modern period. However the museum school which could not be activated became unnecessary after the establishment of Sanayi-i Nefise (Excellent Industry) School which had a wider range of syllabus. Nevertheless Müze-i Hümâyûn School project which was a modernization attempt was important in terms of reflecting the mental status of Ottomans in that period.
Matrimony, which provides a basis for family and population policies, has frequently occupied the agenda of the country since the War of Independence. Incentivizing bachelors to get married has been considered among the measures to be taken for the purpose of increasing the population. In this sense, the first legislative proposal with regards to collecting tax on celibacy was made on the date of October 19 th , 1920 by Canik Parliamentarian Hamdi Bey. Subsequent to the proposal submitted by Hamdi Bey, the " The legislative proposal regarding the Compulsory Marriage " by Erzurum Parliamentarian Salih Efendi was made on February 22 nd 1921. Although these proposals had not been validated by the Parliament, such actions show us the efforts in increasing the population of the country in the early years of the Republic. Following the foregoing proposals, Süleyman Sırrı İçöz, who was the Parliamentarian of Yozgat, had brought his proposal regarding the " Tax on Celibacy " to the agenda of the Parliament on March 18 th , 1929. Although the said proposal initially had a broad repercussion in the press, the Parliament failed to pass it. The proposal made by Mr. İçöz was later repeated in 1931, 1940, and 1944 with several amendments. The celibacy Tax proposals, its respective contents and the repercussions of the said in the press will be elaborated in this paper.
There is not enough informations about Kaškas living in the North of the Hittite State. According to the information obtained from the Hittite cuneiform texts, these people are nomadic, grabber and barbaric tribes. However, the accuracy of this information has not been investigated enough. In this study, informations that collected from the Hittite sources are compared with the adverse informations that collected from the same sources and tried to make some determinations about the subject. As a result, understood that at least portion of these people are community that have settled life and producing. For this reason, should be evaluated that Kashkans are as a people, civilized the period up to other communities in Anatolia. Giriş M.Ö. II. binyıl Anadolu'sunda varlıklarını hissettiren en önemli halk hiç şüp-hesiz Hititler'dir. Anadolu'ya merkezi devlet geleneğini kazandırmış olan bu halk sadece siyasi değil aynı zamanda kültürel açıdan da yaşadığı toprakla-ra değer katmıştır. Yazı, bu değerler içerisinde elbette ki en kıymetli olanıdır. Anadolu'da çivi yazısının kullanımını yaygınlaştıran Hititler, bu sayede sadece kendileri hakkında değil aynı coğrafyayı paylaşmış olduğu diğer halklar hak-kında da önemli ve hatta yegâne bilgileri vermektedir. Söz konusu binyıl içe-risinde Anadolu'da yaşayan ancak yazıyı kullanmadığı düşünülen Kaškalar da,
Siyasi, iktisadi ve toplumsal gelişme sürecinde, esaslı bir sivil yönetimin oluşturulması, demokrasinin kurumsallaştırılmasındaki anahtar faktörlerdendir. Bu süreç, gelişmekte olan ülkelerin siyasi ve iktisadi modernleşmeyi aynı anda gerçekleştirme gereksiniminden dolayı daha da karmaşık bir hal almaktadır.
The water is a kind of food without an alternative. The guaranteed usage of water is a basis for civilization that indicates the importance of water. The Aral Sea in Central Asia was the fourth largest lake of the world; today there is only 10 % of old size. The pollutive characteristics of industry in East Europe and the harmful applications of political decision makers caused ecological problems in the Aral Sea basin. Today the ecological problem in Aral Sea became a political problem among the sharers of that problem, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, and affected the safety of region. Within the framework of Aral Sea ecological problem, at first the strategies developed by EU and Russia caused to enlargement of the problem instead of solving it.The expedience conflict of regional and global powers in Central Asia was appeared and a solution could not be produced till today.
In this study, the experiences of being ethnic and try to look at the functioning of the international mechanisms. Empires and Globalization in the process of post-nation-state, will try to look at the role of ethnicity in processes. Ethnicity, and tried to understand the process of nation-state and the global. Ethnic groups in foreign policy issues posed by the use of pressure and sanctions, as an agent, the effect of the problems of ethnic democracy asset, ethnicity, and economic, social and reflections on diplomacy discussed the links between social status. Ethnic asset, how the wealth to be removed and turned into a problem of the national-and international examples of countries experiencing the problem tries to understand the role of managers in this process. At the end of the study, together with the globalization of the nation-state and the nation-state reshaped carving on many aspects of the basic features, observed that redefined the problems of ethnic identity. Giriş Etnik gurup kimliği, vatandaşlık bağından öte, gurup üyelerinin ortak değerler etrafında oluşturduğu, ırki olmaktan öte, bir kimliktir. Millet kimliği ile ilgi-li olarak yapılan değerlendirmede ise ayırt edici kriter, gurubun azınlık ya da çoğunluk olduğuna ve coğrafi olarak hangi idari yapı içinde yaşadıklarına ba-kılmaksızın, aynı birlikte yaşama isteği, aynı yaşam idealini, aynı amaç ve tut-* Doktora Öğrencisi, İnsan Hakları Uzmanı, abdullah.buksur@gmail.com
The uncertainty that had followed the demise of the Cold War, at which time the enemy was apparent, threats were obvious and the appropriate response to those threats could easily be determined, as well as the acceleration of globalisation led to a series of changes in how the notion of security should be conceived. As a consequence, it has increasingly become difficult to come up with a definition of security that is easily understood, reliable and long-lasting. Nor could the boundaries and contours of the concept be established in mutual terms. Since the question of whose security could no longer be answered with a traditional and automatic response, that was the nation-state and individuals as well as non-state actors needed to be taken into account. Again, threats have been evolving from their classic status of being cross-border in origin and military in form into one whose source, timing and form could no longer be easily predicted while the frontiers of the new battle-lines appeared to be the entire world. As the concept of security acquired new meaning, international terrorism, organized crime groups, cyber terror, states with hostile intents, proliferation of conventional weapons and weapons of mass-destruction have been reformed into physical threats. Assaults towards national economies, international economic order or financial markets, aggressions committed against wealth, health and the environment, migratory and * Yrd. Doç. Dr., Balıkesir Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Öğretim Üyesi.
Industrial relations together with the social and economic developments have experienced substantial changes through a transformation process from the industrial society to the information society. The most important underlying reason for this transition is the rapid changes in information technologies. These technologies affect organizations and require them to change as much as they change and affect everyday of life. Because globalization, gained momentum with technological innovations and the disappearance of borders in all areas in global markets have led organizations to look for new ways to survive and thus, organizations should follow new oppurtunites and make changes in their structures to keep up with the developments. Otherwise, they would fail to realize their goals and targets, and ultimately they would disappear. Consequently, change is a indisputable fact in today's world forces organizations to produce financial and physical capital, human capital effectiveness, and the result is directly proportional to the effectiveness and competence. The purpose of this study, is to change and establish a correlation of human capital literature, especially in the first degree of change which is required to perform a successful express ability or power to examine the human capital literature. In this research, after emphasized on which reasons these changes stem from, and on their characteristics, it was debated over the importance
In Old Russia, Istanbul was called Tsargrad, " The City of Tsar ". The city that gathers attention for all the times has gained huge importance after it has been conquered by Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror, and then been subject to many works of literature. In old Russian literature, especially after the second half of XV th century, with the improvement of writings which were touching on the non-religious subjects also contemporary, social and political problems, the story of Constantinopolis' fall and its invasion by Turks has been one of the common subjects. The well known author of XVI th century, Ivan Peres-vetov had criticised the Russian state government system at the " Sultan Mehmet the Conqueror Saga " (Сказание о Магмет-салтане), which shaped Russia's socio-political thought system and within that saga, the author have informed young Tsar Ivan IV (Ivan The Terrible) and shaped the future of social reforms that Russia had needed. Sultan Mehmet The Conqueror who gained a " political utopia "
When the Second Constitution Era was declared by the Committee of Union and Progress the idea of establishing a nation-state wasn't developed yet. However, the Committee of Union and Progress had found common ground with the Balkan nations. This was to overthrow the regime of Abdul Hamid. It was thought that declaration of the Constitution would solve all the problems in the Balkans. However, contrary to expectations, atmosphere of peace and friendship lasted for a very short. Non-Muslims were concerned about the awakening of the Empire under the leadership of the Turkish majority. This would threaten the privileges of religious communities that organized under the " millet " system. Non-Turkish societies were afraid of centralization and Turkification policies of the Committee of Union and Progress. To prevent this, they were relied on the states such as England, France, Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. it was known that those states wouldn't take kindly to Turkish affords that would challenge their hegomony in the region. These states were concerned that they will lose their acquired rights in the Ottoman Empire. In this study, the Committee of Union and Progress's centralization and Turkification policies in the economy, education and foreign policy areas and the purpose of " the Unity of the Elements " (İttihad-ı Anasır) will be analyzed. And the alliances formed against the Ottoman Empire as a result of these policies will be studied.
The Black Sea Region has gained importance for the United States in terms of security, energy, the liberal political and economic values, balancing Russia, the accessing and controlling Central Asia and the Middle East after the Cold War era. For this purpose a new strategy which was named under 'the Wider Black Sea Region' was put into practice by America. The United States has mostly reached the objectives identified for the Black Sea Region and have applied the transatlantic policies in harmony with EU. But, the changing security perceptions and the revival of Russia have removed the 'power gap for the United States in region. In article, it has been reached at conclusion that the United States has begun to present low-intensity attention to Black Sea due to shift of the strategic priorities of the U.S. from Europe to East Asia, the Pacific region and the Middle East.
izlediği Kıbrıs politikası incelenmektedir. Söz konusu dönemde, Kıbrıs’ta iki toplumlu devlet yapısının
temelleri atılmıştır. Bu nedenle bu dönem, gerek Türkiye’nin dış politikası açısından, gerekse Kıbrıs’ta
yaşayan Türk toplumunun geleceği açısından günümüzde de çok boyutlu olarak etkileri görülen önemli
gelişmelere tanıklık etmiştir. Adım adım Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti’nin doğmasını sağlayan bu süreçte, Demokrat
Parti Hükümeti’nin görüşleri ve adanın milletlerarası statüsü ve ada halkının geleceği hakkında takip
ettiği dış politika, üç safha halinde irdelenmiştir. Büyük ölçüde arşiv belgelerinden yararlanılan çalışma
sonucunda, 1923 Lozan Barış Anlaşması ile Kıbrıs’ı İngiltere’ye bırakmak zorunda kalan Türkiye’nin,
Demokrat Parti’nin izlediği dış politika ile Kıbrıs’ta tekrar hak sahibi haline geldiği görülmüştür.
In this study, the Cyprus policy of Turkey is analysed between the years 1950-1960 when the
Democratic Party was in power. In the period in question, structure of bi-communal state in Cyprus was
laid. Therefore, this period, has witnessed important developments which have multi-dimensional effects
nowadays as well in terms of both Turkey’s foreign policy, and the future of Turkish society living in
Cyprus. During the process that provides the rise of The Republic of Cyprus gradually, the Democratic
Party’s vision and the policy followed about the island’s international status and the future of the people
of the island have been analysed in three phases. As a result of the study during which the archive documents
greatly benefited, it is seen that Turkey which had to leave Cyprus to the UK with the Lausanne
Peace Treaty1923, became eligible in Cyprus again thanks to the Democratic Party’s foreign policy.
In this research, the essentials concerning the territorial negotiations in Cyprus have been addressed according to the Ghali Plan. Based on this, the main purpose of this research is to display the technical dimension of the above-mentioned negotiations, the political approaches of the parties, the economic features, and the possible effects of the negotiations according to the new system wanted to be established in Cyprus. Actually, the works conducted regarding territorial adjustments in Cyprus could be understood by correctly examining the reasons of events and the factors affecting these, because considering the territorial negotiations developed between the sides simply as 'expansionism' or 'territorial fetishism' is a great mistake. Therefore, making territorial adjustments between the sides draws attention as one of the most important parts of the solution considered. Moreover, the issue of territory stands out as one of the main criteria in the meetings held over Cyprus, because breaking off the connection of the issue with other factors or displaying it as if 'this is the only issue' during the adjustments to be made is not a correct approach. If an opposite situation develops, it will not be possible to meet the parties' legal requirements, expectations and worries. Therefore, in order for both sides to achieve a permanent
World War II was a term that many changes happened both in the world and the Turkish Republic. After the war, a new danger appeared named as the cold war that resulted in coming close Turkey to the West. Because of the fact that, İsmet İnönü gave a permission to the West after the World War II about passing to the multy party system in the Turkish Republic. In that case, İnönü behaved objectively during foundation of the first opposition party, " the Democratic Party " even he supported generating an opposition group in the governing party, " Cumhuriyet Halk Party ". In this perspective, " 35'ler Vakası " was very important event because this occasion sould be analysed a civil coup movement against to the governing party " Cumhuriyet Halk Party ". In this way a critical last barrier to the passing multy party system was eliminated definitely.
TCF is the first independent opposition party in the life of Turkish democracy. The culture of Turkish democracy arrived to the level of civilized countries after ninety years with the governing and the opposition parties. It is the known the fact that, the foundation of TCF is the one of the most important turning points of Turkish democratic culture. The political argue when started with the foundation of TCF, ended with the foundation of a political party that declared its programmes and aims definitely. Althought, today TCF party is accepted normally one of the opposition movements, in the past the party was accepted as a complot and misprision organization by some political gorups.
This article focuses on traditional calendar of Kyrgyz nomads. Because, this traditional calendar has some differences from calendars of other Turkic rooted nations since it mainly created basing on game animals, and the period of hunting. Within this context, there particularly emphasizes the role of nomadic way of life of Kyrgyz people in the formation of the months names and the calendar itself. There also put forwarded numerous of samples that exemplifies close relationship of nomads with environment and their strong harmony with the nature. Kırgız Türkerinin takvimleri onların konargöçer hayat tarzına dayanır. Yıllık bazda olan takvime özellikle özen gösterirler ve bunu çok yaygın olarak kullanırlar. Kırgız konargöçerleri söz konusu takvime cıl sürüü (yıl takibi) adını verirler. Cıl sürüyü bilmek, bir bilgi, birikim ve yetenek işidir. Bu sebepten dolayı her konargöçer kişi bunu iyi bilmeyebilir. Aralarında yetenekli, doğa değişimlerinden anlayan ve zamanı iyi takip eden esepçi (hesapçı) adlı kişilerle yaşlılar, cıl sürünün hesaplamasını iyi bilirler 1. Belli bir zaman dilimine göre hesaplama usulü geliştiren esepçiler, hesaplarını aya, güneşe, yıldızlara ve doğadaki olaylara göre yaparlar. Mesela onlar, otuz günlük zamanı, gökyüzündeki ayın görünüşüne göre, iki ayrı dilime bölerler; aydın carımı carık, carımı karangı (ayın yarısı aydınlık, yarısı karanlık) diyerek ay yüzünün, bir aylık sürenin on beş gününde aydınlık, on beş gününde ise karanlık olduğunu belirtirler.
The zaviyes that arose from charecteristics of the Turkish culture, played important roles in succession of the Ottoman State's settlement policy and in securing domestic safety. In this article, it is analyzed that economic and religious conflicts of the administration of the zaviye of Yakub Abdal that founded at the side of Elmadağ to do a safety service for passengers. The administrative problems at the institution changed according periods as a reflection of the society. The economical conditions that got worse in the Ottoman State, effected people working in waqfs deeply. Corruptions and irregularities in the administration of waqfs point out that situation. In this context, tasks of tevliyet and meşihat in the Yakub Abdal Waqf frequently changed hands. Based on the archival sources, this article examines the history of the zaviye of Yakub Abdal in details. In this article that focuses on the zaviye, it is discussed that big administrative and economical conflicts appearing on the institution from its foundation to the 19th century. Giriş Zaviye, içerisinde belirli bir tasavvufî görüşü paylaşan ve şeyh adı verilen dinî bir otoritenin başkanlığı altında tasavvufî inanç uygulamalarının yerine
Campaigns which started under the leadership of Genghis Khan (1155-1227) and were sustained by his successors after his death affected the whole Asia. There are important differences between the other authors that interpret the worldwide effect of Genghis event and Subki's point of view. Subki, as a Muslim historian who belonged to oppressed side, approaches to Genghis' event from different point of views. In this paper, the perception of Genghis by Muslim peoples will primarily be tried to be specified in the form written in Subki's work. The information he gives in his work is going to be analysed and compared with other sources so that researchers and the readers could know both Genghis and his society and comprehend their importance and their place in history of the world. Giriş Şimdiye kadar Cengiz'in kişiliği ve onun tarihte bıraktığı izler hakkındaki gö-rüşler birçok tarihçinin ilgisini çekmiş ve bu ilgi bazen kitap, bazen makale, bazen de film konusu olarak farklı dillerde ortaya konulmuştur. Bu çalışma-larda Cengiz daha çok siyasi açıdan ele alınarak onun " seçilmiş millet inancı ve dünya devleti " kurma idealiyle dünyayı fetheden, bir şeyler yapmaktan çok, yakıp yıkan büyük bir savaşçı veya cihangir olarak tanıtılmıştır. Bu durum isti-laya uğramış milletlerin tarihçileri tarafından da dile getirilip vurgulanmıştır.
That the state of undeveloped and hopeless industry potential of the country in the years when Turkish Republic was formed is a common truth. In a short time, one of the thrusts the foundation of Turk-ish Aircraft Community with the order of Mustafa Kemal Pasha towards to aircraft industry which was thought as the last level of heavy industry which occurred after three-four centuries of development in western countries was. Mustafa Kemal Pasha said " The future is in the sky! ". What was meant there is undoubtedly the future of the nation rather than the future of aviation. The thing that was summarized in two words is our today. We all witness the things that happen to states which stems from the threats coming from the skies. It was greatly cared that the institution's income resources were powerful when the institution was formed. Income resources included twenty one items in the times when it was founded. Over time, income resources were decreased to eight. The institution was founded with big ideals; it helped to save the money through donations which was enough to buy about 350 aircrafts between years of 1925-1940. In the history of Turkish Air Institution another application area was to train pilots. Especially in Second
Mustafa Kemal Pasha, and fate determination to come to Ankara on 27 December 1919 as a place where decisions on election result of a process of Ankara. 19th of the Ottoman Empire demolished at the end of the wars during the century it was realized that enters. In spite of all adversities, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, a Turkish government wanted to establish independent and national. Mustafa Kemal, the Turkish nation will struggle for independence, declared in Amasya, Erzurum and Sivas Congresses after the tribunal and has established representative who will conduct the National Struggle. However, a more strategic for the conduct of military and political struggle in the center of Ankara were selected. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, for the establishment of a national parliament in Ankara have been in serious attempts that failed in the Deputies of Parliament decided to gather in Istanbul worked in the emergence of national will.. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the opinion will be opened in Istanbul parliament must intervene. Immediately from Sivas, Ankara, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, met along the way and a great enthusiasm here.
The main goal of royal dreams is to indicate the legitimacy of a dynasty/ruler. As a " manifest of foundation " of the state various royal dreams which were narrated about the foundation of the Ottoman State have also such aims. The meaning of dream depends on the symbols of dream closely. However the meanings of symbols in the dreams have been not evaluated yet. As the most widely narrated royal dream by the early cronicles The Dream With Motif of Tree Emerging from the Navel is analysed by the article. The elements of the dream are brought under the scope to understand the massage correctly. These are dream-seer, place, time, preparations and symbols of the dream, dream-teller and his interpretation and the message of the dream. The dream bearing the peculiarity of right dream (rüya-yı sâdıka) gives the good news of fertility and abundance that will come with the Ottoman hegemony. Expressing the message by means of right dream aims to explaine that God's Will is in this direction.
Lebanonisation expresses a destabilizing process used to describe the societies, which have been deeply divided on ethnic, religious, sectarian, linguistic and ideological grounds and which are open to the intervention of big-imperialist forces and highly susceptible to civil war. The basic problem in Leba-nonisation is the presence of a social-political structure built on an exclusive commitment depending upon ethnic, religious, sectarian groups and sub-clusters and, in accord, the absence of an interiorizing belonging to the secular-constitutional citizenship, which constitutes a national upper cluster. As shown in our examples, this process breaks the national structure into ethnic, religious, sectarian pieces and produces a political and governance model based on such representation. In this context, in order to overcome the system crisis caused by " the sub-national scale " , " national-scale " may be an important instrument for solution.
Of the foreign service and aid agencies whose number increased towards the end of Ottoman Empire, especially American missionaries maintained their existence during the First World War and The Turkish War of Independence, thus took part in some political and social events. The relations between Near East Relief (NER) and Ankara Government during the Turkish War of Independence is revealed in a report prepared by the two relief workers of this organization. The relations that the Ankara Government had formerly established with the two relief workers of NER, Annie Allen and Florence Billings, later conduced to the preparation of a report that was based on observation and interviews illustrating the demolition in seven vilages of Sivrihisar providence caused by the Greeks during their retreat. This report is important in that it indicates the efforts of Ankara Government to make its cause known throughout the world and it reflects the Greek destruction from a realistic and neutral point of view.
In this study missionary activities of American missonaries in İzmit has been explored. During the fall of the Ottoman Empire American missionaries had operated in many areas. In Izmit station of Western Turkey Mission, which was one of the areas where missionaries operated, religious, educational and charity works were conducted by the missionaries. In the part of religious activities of the study İzmit, Adapazarı, and Bahçecik Church has been mentioned. In the section of educational activities, schools in İzmit Station and and particularly Bah-çecik College which has a special place among those schools has been discussed. Finally, information about Bahçecik Orphanage has been given within the scope of the charity works. All activities has been tried to be elucidated in the light of archive documents of the American Board, and providing some brief information about missionary activities in İzmit has been attemped.
19 century is a period in which the foundations of " traditional empires " , also the bases of Otto-man State, changed in a radical way. A new understanding of society and state, based on the premises of language-culture-nation and spurred by the French Revolution, changed the international policies throughout the Europe. States having multi-cultural and multinational structures such as Ottoman State witnessed crisis during this period. Moreover, Ottoman State had to struggle with the interventions of big states, which were intended to facilitate the process of disintegration and during these times, the state was losing power. Since the Ottoman society lacked crucial social and civic parties that assume responsibility of
change, it could be said that the Ottoman bureaucracy assumed that role. Assuming this role which
fitted the traditional structure of the state, consequently, resulted in intervention of the state in all areas
of life.
From the beginning of the 19th century, to control the increasing out-of-control domains and
facilitate the transition from nomadic life to settled life, housing policies that had been implemented for
years accelerated. The foundation of Fırka-i islahiye (Division of Renovation) was a result of these expectations.
Although conducted in the recent past, practices of Fırka-i islahiye are regarded as military
actions. However, it should be noted that, Fırka-i islahiye which re-established the authority of state
between the years of 1865-1866 in Çukurova, Gebel-i Bereket (Mount Gavur) and Mount Kozan
was not only a military action but also an organization which managed the settlement movements of
nomadic tribes. Beside this, the villages and cities that were founded at these times, later, have become
important centers and played crucial roles in development of neighboring cities. The reason of foundation
of Fırka-i islahiye dates back to Crimean War which took place in 1853. Military difficulties experienced
especially in finding soldiers to fight in Crimean War brought about a call for soldiers from the regions
of Cebel-i Bereket and Mount Kozan. However, this call remained unanswered because of oppositions
of tribes to the state.
The political borders of the Turkish Republic have been determined with the Lausanne Peace
Treaty. Many people living in Anatolia during the Ottoman Period have lost their life during the
Ottoman-Russian War, Balkan Wars, First World War, and the Turkish War of Independence. This fact caused the deterioration of the political, social and economical structure. The newly founded Turkish
Republic gave prime importance to the reestablishment of these structures. Hence, first the socio-economical
system was reestablished after the military victory. As the Turkish economy was based in those
years heavily on agriculture and livestock farming, the need for a working force emerged. Thus, different
policies to increase the population in Turkey have been developed and immigrants from the Turkish and
Moslem world were received with open arms. During this period a significant number of people migrated
from the Balkans, Caucasus, Afghanistan, India and Arabic geography to the Republic of Turkey. This
population had been settled in various areas of Turkey. Within this framework, population coming from
the Turkish and Moslem world was settled in Konya.
Factors such as the climate conditions, transportation (railway), extensive farmlands, and the
small impact of the long lasting wars led to the preference of the immigrants to settle in Konya during
that period.
Hence immigrants coming from the Arab geography such as Damascus, Aleppo, Benghazi,
Medina, Tripoli, .Beirut, between the years of 1923-1928 have been settled into different settlement
areas within the city district of Konya City such as Çifte Merdiven, Şems and Tarla.
In order to determine the immigrant from these regions, the Ankara Republic Archives have
been consulted. Thus the archive logs with the numbers 16, 18, 33, and 39 written in Ottoman language
have been analyzed together with the logs concerning the real estate’s given to the immigrants. The
analysis of these records reveals data about the immigrants from Arab world, their place of immigration,
immigration dates, numbers, places they were settled in, and the real estate’s they were allocated.
This article is about the examination of the female characters' experiences during the National War of Independence in Halide Edip Adıvar's stories. As known, the women of that era suffered a lot. They were tortured and they endured the difficulties of the War. In her stories about that period the author Halide Edip depicts the tragedies of the women. She signifies the characters that lost their honor, husbands, children, minds, happinesses and lives. The stories reveal some facts about the effects of the War on women. Thus the Turkish nation by showing the suffering experienced by women in the struggle for independence, they emphasized the importance of the liberation war.
This study tries to examine how building a nuclear power plant (NPP) in Turkey may redound on Turkish foreign policy. This issue has long been on the agenda of Turkey and has been subjected to debates specifically with its technical specialties. So, study begins with this technical perspective to understand whether NPPs are good options in terms of radiation, environment and economics. Secondly, NPPs probable contribution to energy issues of Turkey is assessed. Then article suggest that transferring nuclear technology is the main point of building a NPP and if obtained, Turkey may become an advanced technology country and so, pursue its national goals more effectively. Additionaly, the agreement signed between Turkey and Russia to build a NPP in Mersin/Akkuyu is assessed.
Afghanistan, which has became the focal point of the global power struggle after the 9/11, is on the verge of a new era with Obama's new Afghanistan-Pakistan (AfPak) strategy prepared in 2009. With this new strategy, the aim of nation and state building, and establishment of democracy in Af-ghanistan was given up. Instead, it is emphasized that there is a need to enhance Afghan Government's capacity, attach the international actors and the regional countries to the problem and need for political solution by reconciling Taliban. As a result, this brings with it a debate about the justification of occupation and the stage that has been achieved. Therefore, in this study, some predictions will be made about 2014 and after in the context of the current situation in transition process, the overall security situation in Afghanistan, probable developments in the process leading to 2014, and the new roles of U.S. and NATO. And also, approaches to enhance stability in Afghanistan at the level of actors-dynamics, regional organizations aims to solve new problems those are likely to occur after 2014, and suggestions about how to construct new security and cooperation mechanisms will be discussed.
Political culture contains the rules, understandings and principles related to the process of political life. Especially with the effect of political socialization, the leaders internalize the political culture, mediating between political culture and foreign policy. Turkish political culture has also considerable effect upon the Turkish foreign policy. Kemalist political culture played an influentical effect upon determination of Turkish foreign policy between 1923 and 1950. But, in the course of time fundamental elements of the Kemalist political culture are reinterpreted by the political elites. Justice and Development Party, while respecting the orthodox Kemalist political culture, made concrete contributions to the evolution process of the Kemalist political culture similar to those of President Ozal. JD Party on the one hand reinterpreted the elements of the Kemalist political culture, including Westernization, secularism, nationalism and strong state mentality in favor of the Ozal's concerns, on the other hand strictly went away from the National Outlook of Necmettin Erbakan. JD Party's interpretation of political culture has had considerable impact upon the current government's foreign policy.
It is unavoidable that being of differential design of the political, military, social and economic at the beginning of 20th and 21 st of centuries and this is a result of human being development. The developments at these centuries have considerable implication regarding human being history. Therefore, the intensiveness, velocity and prevalence of the developments have differentiated in many ways when comparing the former centuries and millennium. However, although the political, military and economic situation at the beginning of the 20 th and 21 st of centuries are different from each other in essence they have many commons facts either. The excessive growth of imperial power, the competition among major powers, the unstable alliance system, support of terrorism by some regimes and the existence of major powers balancing each other are the common characteristics at the beginning of the 20 th and 21 st of centuries.
Energy-related issues gained a prominent place within the NATO's new strategic concept declared during the Lisbon Summit (November 20, 2010). This final strategic concept is to address two new sources of threat within the new energy geopolitics-'resource nationalism' and 'energy terrorism'-which deeply concern those NATO members that require imported energy resources to meet their soaring domestic demand. Lisbon Summit to remove, if not alleviate, these security challenges tasked NATO with a set of specific roles. As a melting pot of the said two energy related risks, Turkey with its pledge to become the fourth energy artery of Europe will likely serve as a litmus test for NATO's new energy role. To what extent NATO will contribute to Turkey's energy security will depend on the degree to which Ankara will find conformity/coherence in between Turkey's own energy security reliance on Russia and NATO's possible demands sourcing from the Alliance's new role conception (based around energy). The prospect of such conformity/coherence matters for both the future terms of relations between the Alliance and Turkey and the relevance of NATO as a security providing organization within the upcoming decades. Especially, in a period of time when the Georgian War of 2008 still haunts the Wider Black Sea Region meanwhile the Arab 'Spring' further eclipses already weak stability within the Middle East.
Journal Impact Factor (IF), designed initially for the assessment of relative quality of scientific journals, is being used recently also to assess the impact of individual articles and their authors. But, IF is increasingly being questioned regarding its suitability for that purpose. Therefore alternative approaches started to appear which make use of the interactive capabilities of web technology. These are called article level metrics. During the last few years, some of the international publishers of scientific journals have initiated services which provide this kind of metrics. It would not be wrong to assume that the article level metrics will gain importance in the future in line with the growing need for a reliable method of assessing the quality of individual works. This article deals with this issue within the framework of kaynakca.info, a web based reference management service that provides these metrics in Turkey. It is hoped that this work would lead to a serious questioning of existing practices of impact assessment based almost solely on citation counts.