H
Humanistic Perspective
Andrew M. Bland1 and Eugene M. DeRobertis2,3
1
Millersville University, Millersville, PA, USA
2
Brookdale College, Lincroft, NJ, USA
3
Rutgers University, Newark, NJ, USA
Synonyms
Constructivist; Existential; Holistic; Humanistic
psychology; Person-centered; Phenomenological;
Self-actualization; Third Force; Transpersonal
Introduction
The humanistic perspective on personality
emphasizes the individualized qualities of optimal
well-being and the use of creative potential to
benefit others, as well as the relational conditions
that promote those qualities as the outcomes of
healthy development. The humanistic perspective
serves as an alternative to mechanistic and/or
reductionistic explanations of personality based
on isolated, static elements of observable behavior
(e.g., traits) or self-concept. Humanistic psychologists contend that personality formation is an
ongoing process motivated by the need for relative integration, guided by intentionality, choice,
the hierarchical ordering of values, and an everexpanding conscious awareness. Humanistic psychologists employ an intersubjective, empathic
approach in their therapeutic and research
practices to understand the lived experiences of
individuals as active participants in their lifeworld – i.e., situated in sociocultural and ecopsycho-spiritual contexts.
From its inception, humanistic psychology has
been “a diverse amalgam of secular, theistic, individualistic,
and
communalistic
strands”
(Schneider et al. 2015, pp. xviii–xix) in both its
range of influences and its proponents. It is best
understood as a broad-based yet theoreticallydelineated movement rather than a highly specialized school. Humanistic psychologists share a
vision of psychology as a holistic, phenomenological exploration of the processes that organically promote psychological health and growth in
accordance with people’s innate nature and potentials. Such an intentionally non-exclusive
approach has been preferred in order “to keep
things open and flexible” (Bühler 1971, p. 378),
with the deliberate goal of continuous revision
and elaboration in order to “establish itself anew
for each generation” (Criswell 2003, p. 43). Contemporary humanistic psychology is a “concerted
brew” of three ontologies:
• Existential psychology – which emphasizes
freedom,
experiential
reflection,
and
responsibility.
• Transpersonal psychology – which stresses
spirituality, transcendence, and compassionate
social action.
# Springer International Publishing AG 2017
V. Zeigler-Hill, T.K. Shackelford (eds.), Encyclopedia of Personality and Individual Differences,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-28099-8_1484-1
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• Constructivist psychology – which accents culture, political consciousness, and personal
meaning. (Schneider et al. 2015, p. xviii/xxiii)
Taken together, these provide the foundation
for a human science and clinical outlook that
values the whole person in context and that, by
its methods, serves to reconcile the dualities of
objective/subjective, individual/species, dispositional/situational, nature/nurture, art/science, science/spiritual, mind/body, Eastern/Western,
aesthetic/pragmatic, etc.
Rather than view the healthy personality as the
absence of pathology and/or the achievement of
“happiness” as understood on an egoic basis,
humanistic psychologists highlight maturity and
the roles of meaning-making and of values – e.g.,
autonomy and commitment, freedom and responsibility, personal decision and worldly adaptability, and self-awareness and the awareness of
others. Humanistic personality theory emphasizes
individuals’ motivation to continually progress
toward higher levels of interactive functioning
and their present capacities for growth and change
irrespective of past limitations and future
uncertainties.
Humanistic psychologists also contend that theory or method should not univocally precede subject matter. They believe that the technocratic
assumptions and practices of the natural science
approach conventionally adopted by psychologists
in the interest of prediction, manipulation, and
control of behavior are insufficient to appropriately
capture and contextualize the nuances of human
experience, of which behavior is a by-product.
They question the placement of the observer and
the observed in passive roles in the interest of
certainty and generalizability at the expense of
contextually-situated perspectives gleaned from
meaningful empathic interaction. Likewise, at the
clinical level, the employment of monolithic theories and the preoccupation with technique in psychotherapy are considered inadequate to
appropriately understand and address human suffering. Rather, a more flexible, process-oriented,
descriptive approach is favored to promote individuals’ self-awareness and self-regulation and to
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explore how different values/belief systems influence commonalities and diversity in individuals’
lived experience.
Thus, humanistic psychologists “pose two
overarching challenges to the study of conscious
and nonconscious processes: (1) what does it
mean to be [a] fully experiencing human and
(2) how does that understanding illuminate the
fulfilled or vital life?” (Schneider et al. 2015,
p. xvii). Humanistic psychologists believe that
focusing on life stories or narratives – sometimes
in conjunction with objective data – is the ideal
means of understanding where individuals have
been and who they are becoming. In addition,
humanistic psychologists address societal/ecological conditions that promote or impede the development of social intimacy and personal identity
within a community as principal components of
healthy personality development.
Taking these assumptions together, the humanistic perspective is summarized by five basic
postulates that lead off each issue of the peerreviewed Journal of Humanistic Psychology.
Human beings:
• As human, supersede the sum of their parts.
They cannot be reduced to components.
• Have their existence in a uniquely human context, as well as in a cosmic ecology.
• Are aware and are aware of being aware – i.e.,
they are conscious. Human consciousness
always includes an awareness of oneself in
the context of other people.
• Have the ability to make choices and, with that,
responsibility.
• Are intentional, aim at goals, are aware that
they cause future events, and seek meaning,
value, and creativity.
The “common denominator of these concepts,”
said Bühler (1971), “is that all humanistic psychologists see the goal of life as using [one’s] life
to accomplish something [one] believes in” and to
create something that outlives oneself (p. 381).
Following is a brief overview of the evolution
of the humanistic perspective on personality. It
begins with an assessment of the historical context
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in which the humanistic perspective arose as the
Third Force in American psychology, followed by
a summary of the influences that inspired the
humanistic movement. It then provides a brief
outline of the progression of the humanistic perspective on personality from its Third Force conceptualization
through
three
subsequent
interrelated movements – existential, transpersonal, and constructivist. Note that the eras during
which each ontology gained prominence greatly
overlapped; thus the outline is more thematic than
chronological. Finally, examples are given of how
these movements coalesced into contemporary
humanistic constructs and of the interdependence
between developments in humanistic and conventional positivistic psychologies. Schneider et al.’s
(2015) Handbook of Humanistic Psychology is
recommended for additional perspective on contemporary conceptualization in and practical
applications of humanistic psychology in therapy,
research, and society and for a listing of current
participants in the humanistic movement.
Historical Account of Theoretical/
Philosophical Foundations and Key
Principles
Humanistic psychology began as a revolution
within the field in response to a concern that
prior to the mid-twentieth century “none of the
available psychological theories did justice to the
‘healthy human being’s functioning’ and ‘modes
of living’ or to the healthy human being’s ‘goals
of life’” (Bühler 1971, p. 378). The founding
humanistic psychologists believed that experimentalism/behaviorism and Freudian psychoanalysis, the disparately prevailing schools in
American psychology at that time, had each marginalized consciousness and reduced the fuller
range of human nature and its creative and spiritual achievements to the study of conditioned
responses in laboratory rats and of neurotic
patients’ unconscious drives and conflicts.
Humanistic psychologists believed that the
prevailing schools served to uphold a societal
status quo characterized by mechanization, materialism, bureaucratization, authoritarianism,
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conformity, compartmentalization of experience,
and disempowerment of the individual in society
(Arons 1999; Wertz 1998). They cautioned that
the “limited and limiting images” (Frick 1971,
p. 10) propagated by “low-ceiling psychology”
(Maslow, quoted in DeCarvalho 1991) would
seep into the greater culture and lower ordinary
people’s expectations of themselves and their
potential. At best, the prevailing schools offered
images of personality that were comparable to
“pages torn from a book, only parts that contribute
to a greater whole” (Frick 1971, p. 10).
Several of the psychologists who affiliated
themselves with the humanistic movement had
been trained as experimentalists/behaviorists
and/or psychoanalysts, and many had developed
respected reputations in the field during the 1930s
and 1940s. However, by the 1950s, their own
experiences as both people and professionals prompted them to question the conventional thinking
in psychology and to note its limitations. It should
be clarified that humanistic psychologists did not
deny the contributions of behaviorism and psychoanalysis. They incorporated the insights of the
existing schools into a broader phenomenological
orientation that emphasized the validity of human
experience and meaning. Humanistic psychologists thus referred to themselves as the Third
Force – i.e., a third option – in psychology that
sought to consolidate the best of the prevailing
schools while also drawing from additional traditions both within and outside of psychology.
Humanistic psychologists incorporated these
traditions with the intent of exploring areas of
human experience that otherwise had been either
ignored by the field (due to the attitude that they
were not easily operationalized and measured) or
corrupted by incomplete theories and/or myopically limited observational techniques (Allport
1955; Arons 1999; May 1983). They believed
that “a complete psychology should include issues
of freedom and creativity, choice and responsibility, and values and fulfillment” (Resnick et al.
2001, p. 79), as they had noted that these themes
were common among individuals whom both they
and the larger culture/society deemed healthy personalities. They called for studying these themes
from a more viable and comprehensive vantage
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point for psychology insofar as “the conscious
experience of creative, healthy persons should be
at the center of psychological investigation”
(Resnick et al. 2001, p. 79).
The Roots of the Humanistic Perspective
To restore a fuller vision of human experience and
potential, rekindle the greater possibilities of psychological science, and promote the science of
healthy personality, humanistic psychologists
drew from an array of sources both within and
outside of psychology for inspiration:
The Humanities
In response to the problems of psychology in the
modern era – which values certainty and progress,
is skeptical of the past, and often strives to conquer and transform nature rather than understand
and accommodate itself to it (May 1983) – several
of the founders of humanistic psychology intentionally revived concepts from the humanities to
introduce relevant human problems and questions
that had been ignored or distorted by the prevailing schools. For example, Greek dramatists
had created images of human life as a quest and
of the person as a hero struggling powerfully
against fates during a journey of psycho-spiritual
integration. Greek philosophers valued dialogue
as a means of seeking deeper truths from everyday
situations: knowledge as prophylaxis against
wrongdoing and self-examination, self-discipline,
self-determination, and self-challenging as tools
for living. (Thus the Greeks influenced the third,
fourth, and fifth postulates of humanistic
psychology – see above.) Humanistic psychologists also drew from literature (e.g., Dostoyevsky,
Goethe, Hesse, Kafka, Shakespeare, Steinbeck,
Tolstoy, etc.) as a means of providing familiar
narratives to support their principles.
European Existential and Phenomenological
Philosophies
The nineteenth- and twentieth-century existential
philosophers (e.g., Camus, de Beauvoir, Heidegger, Jaspers, Kierkegaard, Marcel, Nietzsche, Tillich, etc.) were critical of societal norms that
promoted the fragmentation and compartmentalization of experience and/or complacency via a
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false sense of security. They emphasized the
empowerment of each individual via transformation of values that affirm existence and that
encourage openness and flexible responsiveness
to the world of which the individual is considered
part (and therefore part-author of). Similarly, the
early twentieth-century phenomenological philosophy/psychology (e.g., Dilthey, Heidegger, Husserl, Merleau-Ponty, Ricoeur, Spranger, etc.)
emphasized the intentionality of human mental
activity and the roles of the relationship between
consciousness and objects of perception in
experiencing phenomena and of situational context in understanding the structure of behavior
(the third and fourth postulates).
Eastern Wisdom Traditions
The founding humanistic psychologists referred
to Taoism, Buddhism, and Hinduism in their writings. For example, May (1983) noted the similarities between existential and Zen philosophies in
their focus on ontology and their emphasis that
Western desire for power over nature had resulted
not only in individuals’ estrangement from nature
but also from themselves. Later, transpersonal
psychologists (e.g., Wilber 2000) more openly
embraced and adopted Eastern ways of knowing
in their conceptualizations of psycho-spiritual
development and processes (the second
postulate) – more below. Mindfulness-based practices have been part of the humanistic therapeutic
repertoire since its beginning.
Holistic Philosophy in the Natural and Applied
Social Sciences (Including Systems Theory, Gestalt
Psychology, and Organismic Psychology)
Biologist/neurologist-philosophers Coghill, Jackson, Meyer, and Smuts proposed holistic, evolutionary conceptualizations of the nervous system,
memory, consciousness, and behavior. Frick
(1971) summarized their contributions to humanistic thinking, as well as the process and functional views of applied philosophers Dewey and
Whitehead, the open systems theory of von
Bertalanffy, and the focus on irreducible, interrelated patterns and the uniqueness of the ongoing
interaction between organism and environment by
Gestalt psychologists like Lewin. Taken together,
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these influences “vigorously fought artificiality,
oversimplification, and the unnecessary abridgement of human nature” in favor of models that
prized “the essential nature and integrity of the
organism found in [people’s] capacity for unity,
organization, and integration” (Frick 1971,
p. 135) (the first and third postulates).
Goldstein, an organismic psychologist, was
also highly influential. His term self-actualization
referenced the pattern of resilient reorganization
of a person’s capacities following an injury. It was
adapted by humanistic psychologists to describe
the process of living authentically despite one’s
personal, environmental, and historical shortcomings and of overcoming obstacles (real and perceived) notwithstanding inherent risks (the first
and fifth postulates).
William James
James regarded personality as integrally related to
both environment and consciousness (i.e., the
self) as a result of pure embodied experience in
continuous formation (the first, second, and third
postulates). As both psychologist and philosopher
of science, James viewed subjective reality as
essential to understanding human possibility, and
he discouraged psychologists from limiting the
field to “quantification of data restricted to the
senses” (Taylor 1991, p. 59). James thus assumed
the proto-phenomenological position of radical
empiricism, in which experience is favored as a
starting point over a priori theories, thereby facilitating the assumption that nothing within the
realm of experience could be de facto excluded
from the domain of scientific psychology.
Maslow’s interest in a humanistic approach to
psychology was sparked in the 1940s as he compiled notes for a textbook designed to explore
psychology’s developments in the half-century
since James’ seminal Principles of Psychology.
Maslow noted that while remarkable discoveries
had been made in some areas (e.g., animal behavior, learning theory, testing), others (e.g., aesthetics, altruism, religious experience) had
mostly been passed over. He thus decided to
abandon the James project and devote his career
to filling in what he referred to as psychology’s
“huge big gaping hole.”
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Personality Psychology
“Historically, humanistic psychology was closer
to personality theory than to any other current in
psychology” (DeCarvalho 1991, p. 76). Personality psychologists including Allport, Kelly, Murphy, and Murray aligned themselves with
humanistic psychology when it formalized during
the early 1960s. Allport focused on functionallyautonomous, intentional, teleological dispositions
of personality that involve continuous maturation/
transformation and that include attributes like
interpersonal warmth, realistic perceptions of
one’s environment, proactive behavior, work and
responsibility as meaningful, and conscience and
values as essential to a unifying philosophy of life
(the fourth and fifth postulates). Kelly’s personal
construct theory focused on meaning-making, the
dialectic exploration of how events are construed
(vs. focusing on the events themselves), and
developing the courage to step out of the security
of one’s present world into the unknown (the
fourth and fifth postulates). Murphy emphasized
how curiosity, social feeling, openness to experience, and commitment to an experiential orientation to life all stimulate heightened identification
with the cosmos (the second postulate). Murray
provided a taxonomy of human needs, stressed the
primacy of emotion, criticized the problems of
differentiating between scientific facts and
human values, and cautioned that focusing on
superficialities both stunts the creative imagination and impedes healthy personality development (the fourth and fifth postulates).
Post-Freudian Psychodynamic Psychology
Founding humanistic psychologists (e.g., Jourard
1974; Maslow 1999) openly acknowledged the
influence of dynamic psychologists and considered them part of the humanistic movement. Adler
emphasized that human behavior is purposeful
and goal-oriented, that humans are socially
embedded, and that social interest and dialogue
both are crucial for human development (the third
and fifth postulates). Jung explored the narrative
role of myths and symbols in the process of
psycho-spiritual development (the second and
fifth postulates). Rank regarded human life as a
process of self-creation and distinguished
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between neurotic tranquilizing/people-pleasing
and heroic living wherein individuals courageously reach for unfamiliar horizons (the fourth
and fifth postulates). Erikson proposed a dialectical process of forging an autonomous identity in
order to love and to make a contribution to one’s
greater community (the third and fifth postulates).
Reich explored the physical embodiment of character defenses against unacceptable feelings and
impulses (the first postulate). Horney and Fromm
emphasized self-realization and aspiration toward
and fulfillment of goals as an alternative to
Freud’s focus on homeostasis as the objective of
human life (the fifth postulate). They, like Jung,
also differentiated between self and ego/persona
in their conceptualizations of developmental
maturation.
The First Wave of Humanistic Psychology
(1940s to 1960s): The Third Force
As noted above, American psychology during the
early twentieth century had departed from James’
call for psychology to “address the problems of
everyday experience in terms of [individuals’]
potential for growth” (Taylor 1991, p. 69) and
instead rigidly adhered to the natural science
approach which eliminated mind, consciousness,
and agency from both its theory and its clinical
and research methods. Beginning with Allport,
who introduced the phrase humanistic psychology
to the study of personality during the 1930s, the
founders of humanistic psychology – including
Bugental, Bühler, Combs, Frankl, Fromm,
Gendlin, Goodman, Jourard, Kelly, Klee, Laing,
Maslow, May, Moustakas, Murphy, Murray, Rogers, Snygg, Sutich, etc. – shared in common the
goal of reintroducing the self into psychology’s
purview during the mid-twentieth century (see
DeCarvalho’s (1991) account of the rich history
of the humanistic movement’s development as
psychology’s Third Force).
The Third Force founders sought to bypass
notions of self as a fixed, static, impermeable
structure inside the human organism (e.g., the
psychoanalytic ego or cognitivists’ notion of
mind as homunculus executor) or merely as selfconcept. Instead, they emphasized self as an I am
experience of being in the process of becoming
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(Allport 1955); an embodied pattern of ongoing
gradual movement toward optimal functioning,
wisdom, and fulfillment relative to one’s current
identity and circumstances (Maslow 1999; Rogers
1961/1995); and the integrative character of the
whole developing individual embedded within a
life-world context (i.e., being-in-the-world-withothers, May 1983). Personality development is
assumed to be an ongoing process and the outcome of healthy growth, not a functionalistic goal
or moral injunction: “It should be supposed that
total fulfillment is never reached” (Combs 1999,
p. 164). Taken together, humanistic personality
theory emphasizes:
• The dialectical relationship between process
(the personality is always in flux, evolving
toward higher levels of consciousness) and
organization (the personality seeks to create
self-consistency and to bring completion to
incomplete structure) – i.e., transcending and
including (Wilber 2000) and chaos and form
(Frankl 1978).
• Sovereign motivation (the personality is
guided, energized, and integrated by the
motive of self-realization/self-actualization in
relation with one’s culture/environment).
• Potentiality (conceptual focus on healthy personality rather than pathology). (Frick 1971)
Key constructs, terminology, and foci vary
from one humanistic personality theorist to
another. However, they share several common
tenets with regard to the outcomes of healthy
personality development, as summarized by
Jourard (1974):
• Able to gratify basic needs through acceptable
behavior and relative absence of anxious selfconsciousness. Freedom to attentively participate in the world outside oneself. Lively interest in and pursuit of goals beyond one’s own
needs for security, love, status, or recognition.
• Efficient contact with reality (perception and
cognition not distorted by emotion and
unfulfilled needs).
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• Capacity for aesthetic cognition (perception
and thinking that is receptive, contemplative,
free to play/enjoy versus selectively choosing
experiences based on their relevance to one’s
immediate personal needs).
• Freedom to experience the full range of feelings. Appropriate emotional responses to situations and capacity to control their expression
versus repression or uncontrollable outbursts.
• Valid knowledge about the structure, functions, and limits of the body. Healthy acceptance of one’s body and control over its
functions and movement. Doing one’s best to
foster optimum bodily functioning.
• Self-structure is fairly congruent with the real
self (i.e., the process/flow of spontaneous experience) versus self-alienation (driven by pride,
impulses, hyper-conscience, external authority, others’ wishes). Behavior reflects responsible real self-direction versus defensive
responses to threats (actual or perceived) to
one’s ideal/public self or façades/social roles.
• Conscience fosters the individual’s fullest
development (vs. blind obedience or compulsive rebellion) and permits guilt-free gratification of various personal needs.
• Interpersonal behavior is compatible with
one’s conscience and the demands of the
social/cultural system. One can enact a variety
of interpersonal roles in ways that are acceptable to others.
• The power to give and receive love. Interpersonal relationships are characterized by concern for the other’s happiness and growth,
respect for the other’s autonomy and individuality, having an accurate concept of the other’s
idiosyncrasies, self-disclosure, and having
realistic and feasible demands and expectations of the other.
• Meaningful work balanced with absorbing leisure pursuits.
• The abilities to live decisively and to face death
with courage; to produce happiness for oneself
and others despite some degree of tragedy,
failure, and suffering; and to have peace of
mind despite adversity because one is not
plagued by doubt/conflict over what he/she
should be doing.
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In sum, “healthy personality is a way for [people] to act, guided by intelligence and respect for
life, so that [their] needs are satisfied and [they]
will grow in awareness, competence, and capacity
for love” (Jourard 1974, p. 28).
When conditions are appropriately conducive
to healthy personality development, individuals
are more capable of becoming fully
functioning – “[making] choices that express
[their] authentic values and [having] available
the undistorted full range of [their] life possibilities” (Polkinghorne 2015, p. 90). They gradually
become more accepting of themselves, as well as
increasingly open to experience, more appreciative of ambiguity and complexity, and more
appropriately trusting of themselves and others.
In addition, they become better able to shake off
others’ destructive or inhibiting expectations, to
view themselves more positively, and to assume a
greater sense of autonomy, striving to create and
act on healthy challenges for themselves and to
take healthy risks (vs. remaining homeostatically
fixated in their comfort zones) that result in further
growth/development. They become more capable
of self-reflection, spontaneity, creativity, selfdetermination, and a greater sense of fulfillment.
Furthermore, there is a greater sense of oneness
and identification with humanity and therefore
compassion and altruism akin to Adler’s notion
of social interest – i.e., individuals are able to
devote themselves to socially-relevant concerns
beyond their own self-interest and/or need
gratification.
While such terms had not yet been popularized
in the mid-twentieth-century psychology, the
founders of humanistic psychology believed that
a secure attachment relationship, authoritative
parenting, and other attributes of a supportive,
accepting, and enriching but also appropriately
challenging family, school, and community environment are requisite for the likelihood of the
creative self-expansion to occur. Otherwise, “the
press of social conformity produces self-concepts
that distort and hide aspects of people’s true selves
. . . [and people become] directed by socially presented distortions of who they are” (Polkinghorne
2015, p. 91).
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Rogers (1961/1995) referred to these distortions and denials of certain experiences (and
therefore parts of the self and their humanity) as
the result of internalized conditions of worth.
Individuals assume façades/social roles that they
believe they must enact based on the problematic
learning from their formative experiences/environments. The corresponding incongruence with
the real self and void of personally meaningful
existence forms the core of psychological suffering. Efforts to evade the freedom and responsibility of independent thinking and action lead to
rigidity; fear of uncertainty and the future; resistance to change and clinging to outmoded, ineffective behaviors/beliefs; need for approval; and
guilt/regret when facing the discrepancy between
one’s self-concept and the ideal of who one wants
to be. Thus, humanistic psychology accounts for
psychopathology and problematic behavior as the
result of social conditioning away from one’s
inherent self which results in the frustration of
human needs for security, love/belonging, and
self-esteem as prerequisite for self-actualizing
(Maslow 1987).
Humanistic psychologists believe that individuals have the freedom to change and to create/
recreate aspects of their personality as they learn
new information about themselves based on life
experiences and social encounters, especially
those which challenge their ordinary ways of
thinking, being, and relating and which liberate
and integrate their intellect, emotions, and body.
This paves the way for both self-transcendence
and transcendence of one’s environment. They
become better able to regard healthy challenges
as opportunities for growth (vs. threats) and also
to intentionally rise above the “imperfections of
[their] culture with greater or lesser effort at
improving it” (Maslow 1999, p. 201) by living
according to an intrinsic sense of ethics.
The Second Wave (Late 1960s–1970s to
1980s–1990s): Beyond the Third
Force – Existential-Phenomenological and
Transpersonal Psychologies
Seemingly as a pendulum swing away from the
mechanization of the experimentalists/behaviorists and the pessimism of Freud, many of the
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Third Force psychologists tended to focus most
on the constructive aspects of human nature,
regarding them as a biological disposition toward
fulfillment. In addition, in the spirit of their American worldview steeped in expansiveness and
unlimited horizons (Yalom 1980), they explored
the farther reaches of human possibility as an
alternative to the reductionism of the extant
models espoused in the field. In contrast, existential psychologists like Binswanger, Boss, Frankl,
May, Yalom, etc. suggested that personality is
better understood as founded upon diverse potentials for worldly involvement in the form of general growth parameters rather than a sovereign
instinct-like tendency toward self-actualization.
Drawing more directly from European
existential-phenomenological traditions, which
emphasized human limitations and the tragic
aspects of human nature over a preordained pattern of goodness, they proposed that human nature
is both constructive and destructive and that the
conscious, active process of grappling with and
integrating these potentials within oneself results
in creative expression and growth. For instance,
Yalom (1980) proposed that the ongoing negotiation of four dialectics – death/existence, freedom/
destiny, isolation/connectedness, and meaning/
meaninglessness – is essential for healthy personality.
The
influence
of
existentialphenomenological psychology served to deepen
the humanistic perspective, and the Third Force
psychologists (e.g., Maslow 1987) revised their
theories to better account for the psychology
of evil.
At the same time that existential psychologists
deepened the focus of humanistic psychology, the
transpersonal psychology movement “[emerged]
as a reaction to the de-sacralization of everyday
life in modern Western technological society and
to despiritualized religion” (Arons 1999, p. 191).
It served to widen the map of human potential
beyond the ego structures ordinarily assumed to
be the personality by conventional Western
psychology – including the greater conceptualization of self proposed by the Third Force – to also
include humans’ psycho-spiritual dimensions,
particularly those espoused by wisdom traditions
including Buddhism, Sufism, Christian and
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Jewish mysticism, etc. For transpersonal psychologists, the self is “more of a witness (active voice)
than an entity” (Hoffman et al. 2015, p. 124). As
such, transpersonal psychologists explored states
of awareness that transcend self-actualization and
emphasized that ordinary human suffering is not
overcome until the illusion of separate selfhood is
realized. The transpersonal (or Fourth Force
movement, as Maslow termed it) began as an
extension of the Third Force and was extrapolated
by the likes of Assagioli, Frager, Walsh,
Washburn, Welwood, Wilber, etc. The transpersonalists were influential in having spiritual
crises added as a category of clinical concern in
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSM).
The Third Wave (1970s to Early 2000s): The
Relationship Between Postmodernism/
Constructivism and Humanistic Psychology
By the last quarter of the twentieth century, some
humanistic psychologists turned to postmodern
philosophy as its next ontology. This was partly
out of concern that implementation of the Third
Force, existentialist, and transpersonal views promoted the continuation of an individualistic
Western worldview and its problematic implications – i.e., colonialism and endangerment of
indigenous worldviews – in a globalizing society.
Postmodern philosophy had emerged in
the humanities and social sciences during the
1970s–1980s out of disillusionment with the
failure of modern positivist science to deliver on
its promises of utopia built on natural order as an
alternative to blind religious faith. Accordingly,
the postmodern worldview shifted focus from
“what we believe to how we believe” (Hoffman
et al. 2015, p. 109), employing deconstruction of
narratives (a) as a coup against the tendency
within positivist science to assume natural lawfulness as its object of discovery and (b) as a means
of revealing inherent political/power structures
that underlie the language employed by scientists
in their quest for objective truth.
With regard to personality, postmodern psychologists like Gergen, O’Hara, etc. questioned
the humanistic idea of a permanent, autonomous
self conceived as a fictional creation of Western
9
grammar and cognitive schemes which do not
inhere cross-culturally. Instead, postmodern psychologists insisted upon the possibility of multiple
truths and the supposition that reality is socially
constructed. They suggested that “personal
essence is based on social context, and a multiplicity of relationships means that the self is under
constant construction and reconstruction without
opportunity for introspection” (Hoffman et al.
2015, p. 114). As such, postmodern psychologists
argued that there is “no universal ground for
ethics” insofar as “all is subject to context” and
“language, culture, and [history] predispose
meanings which precede [individuals] and inescapably guide and limit [their] individual meanings and values” (Arons 1999, pp. 198–199).
Hence, postmodern psychologists attempted to
place subjective experience within the context of
ongoing relations among people, meaning in people’s efforts to coordinate action within various
communities, and responsibility within a
culture – all in the interest of deconstructing the
problems of individualism and of promoting new
forms of interdependent discourse.
While postmodernists questioned the singularity of truth and ushered in the possibility of multiple truths in psychology, its “heyday of
relativistic skepticism is drawing to a close”; in
lieu of continuing to dichotomize between certain
truth and no truth, post-postmodernists have
“turned to the idea of ‘good enough’ knowledge”
(Polkinghorne 2015, p. 94). Accordingly, humanistic psychologists have begun reexamining the
role of the self in human existence insofar as
“the myth of self sustains many people, helping
them survive what otherwise would be an
unlivable life” (Hoffman et al. 2015, p. 125).
Polkinghorne’s (2015) review of contemporary
self-theorizing and narrative-based therapeutic
modalities summarizes many contributions from
Third Force and existential founders as well as
their phenomenological influences while
assessing advances in cognition, consciousness,
and mind/body science within a vision of “a more
holistic, complex, nuanced, and adaptive self that
is actively engaged in the world” (Hoffman et al.
2015, p. 111).
10
The Fourth Wave (2000s to Present):
Revisiting and Reconciling the Roots of
Humanistic Psychology and Dialoguing with
Conventional Psychology
Despite their nuances, the Third Force, existential,
transpersonal, and constructivist movements
share a post-positivist critique of the limitations
of the natural science model in psychology and a
propensity for a phenomenological alternative.
Since the new millennium, humanistic psychologists have called for rethinking their purpose and
priorities to meet the needs and pressing concerns
of a new era which “inhibits freedom” in its “prizing sensationalism over sustained and reflective
inquiry, easy answers – be they military, religious,
or commercial – over discernment and struggle,
and certitude over mindfulness and wonder”
(Schneider 2015, p. 74). Some (e.g., Criswell
2003; Taylor 1991; the current authors) have
advocated for a return to the roots of humanistic
psychology in the phenomenological tradition of
James and the personality psychologists like
Allport, Murphy, and Murray. This has inspired
updated constructs that reflect the Third Force
founders’ basic ideas in conjunction with subsequent elaborations upon their principles by the
existential, transpersonal, and constructivist
movements.
For instance, Schneider (2015) proposed a
model that builds upon the narrative conceptualization of self espoused by Third Force and existential paradigms (as an alternative to simplistic
reductionism as a defense against complexity and
mystery in life) while also acknowledging and
incorporating the psycho-spiritual aspects of
transpersonal
psychology
and
socially
constructed aspects of postmodern/constructivist
psychology. Schneider suggested that the healthy
personality embraces paradox and awe by negotiating and creatively integrating the fluid center
(i.e., dialectic) between constriction (focusing,
limiting, yielding) and expansion (seeing possibility, incorporating, asserting) by coming to
terms with and developing faith in the creative
energies of the cosmos and within oneself despite
the inherent uncertainty. In addition, the contemporary personality construct of hardiness (Maddi
et al. 2011) is a composite of the interrelated
Humanistic Perspective
attitudes of commitment, control/coping, and
challenge that together provide the courage
needed to resiliently transform ongoing stressors
from potential disasters into growth opportunities
and therefore to construct meaning rather than
cling to preconceived, familiar ways of knowing
and understanding life.
During the new millennium, humanistic psychologists also have embraced recently-emerged
parallel constructs from conventional psychology
and psychiatry that demonstrate the validity of
humanistic principles. For example, the humanistic emphasis on authenticity and autonomy contributed to the expansion of the five-factor model
of personality to include an additional first factor
of honesty-humility that encompasses truthfulness, positive values, honesty, sincerity, and reciprocal altruism (Maltby et al. 2012). In addition, it
inspired Cloninger et al.’s (1993) seven-factor
model of personality, which involves the
interdependent relationships among dimensions
of temperament (novelty seeking, harm avoidance, reward dependence, persistence) and character (self-directedness, cooperativeness, selftranscendence) in the development of selfidentification both as autonomous and as an integral part of humanity, society, and the universe/
unity of all things.
Furthermore, the recently-emerged positive
psychology provides operationalization and quantitative support that temporarily receded from
humanistic psychology during a litigious era. For
example, Patterson and Joseph (2007) suggested
that research based on self-determination theory
supports Rogers’ ideas on the organismic valuing
process and self-concordant goals, autonomy versus impersonal orientation, conditional regard
from significant others leading to introjected conditions of worth, increased congruence/openness
to experience and reduced defensiveness as outcomes of therapy, and deeper relationships
marked by sensitivity to and acceptance of others
as common among fully functioning people. Also,
humanistic and positive psychologists share in
common interests like authenticity as a foundation
for ethics, mindfulness, and self-awareness
(Patterson and Joseph 2007; Resnick et al.
2001). However, whereas humanistic psychology
Humanistic Perspective
is inherently (though not exclusively) phenomenological, positive psychology as a movement
continues to cling dogmatically to the strictures
of positivism. Accordingly, humanistic psychology offers a broader range of epistemologies and
methodologies from which positive psychologists
can draw to deepen their conceptualizations to not
only focus on virtue, optimism, and positive selfappraisals but also on the constructive value of
transforming struggle (Resnick et al. 2001;
Schneider 2015).
11
•
•
Applications: Therapy
•
The founders of humanistic psychology believed
that, while it is possible for personality development to occur in most interpersonal contexts, it is
likely to occur most directly by way of a therapeutic encounter. Humanistic therapy is a phenomenologically-oriented approach intended to
assist clients in living authentically in accordance
with their values, aspirations, and limitations and
in assuming an active role in their growth.
Therapeutic Principles
Humanistic therapy assumes that clients are holistic/irreducible (i.e., not determined by their past or
conditioning, capable of agentic change) and that
they are experts on their own experiences, their
potentials within themselves, and the social, community, and cultural contexts within which they
forge their identities and senses of control, responsibility, and teleological purpose. Thus, clients are
granted an autonomous role in the therapy process, with therapists respecting their freedom and
potential to make choices about whether and how
to change.
Contemporary humanistic psychotherapies
share several therapeutic evidence-based principles of practice, many of which are rooted in
Rogers’ (1961/1995) person-centered therapy:
• An authentic therapeutic relationship is central
to effective practice. Therapists attempt to
enter empathetically into clients’ subjective
experience – deemed an essential aspect of
their humanity – in a way that provides them
•
with a new, emotionally-validating interpersonal experience.
Tacit experiencing is an important guide to
conscious adaptive experience. An attuned,
supportive therapeutic relationship serves to
help clients develop comfort looking inward
and therefore to render emotional pain more
bearable.
Therapists’
responses/interventions
are
intended to stimulate and deepen the process
of clients’ immediate experiencing and ongoing awareness throughout the course of therapy. This includes clients’ perceiving, sensing,
feeling, thinking, and wanting/intending.
Emphasis is given to clients’ integrative, formative tendencies toward survival, growth,
personal agency, and the creation of meaning
through symbolization. The collaborative
nature of the therapeutic relationship is key to
the unfolding process of therapy and to clients’
disclosure of narratives/personal stories which
further develops/maintains a shared understanding and trust.
Clients are seen as unique individuals with
complex arrays of emotions, behaviors, stories,
and capacities that can, at times, be viewed as
representative of a particular clinical diagnostic category but never reduced to one. Instead
of viewing clients through the lens of pathology/deficits, humanistic therapists understand
them from the stance of thwarted potential and
truncated development and emphasize their
strengths. (Angus et al. 2014)
Transformation Versus Tension Reduction
Rather than focus on first-order change processes
(i.e., symptom reduction and adjustment) that
offer temporary relief to clients but leave underlying/root problems relatively unaddressed and
prone to eventual return, humanistic therapists
focus on second-order (transformative) change
processes. These involve a deep restructuring of
self that results in long-term, core-level shifts in
and expansions of clients’ perspectives of their
presenting concerns, of their world, and of themselves, as they create and maintain new ways of
being. Humanistic therapists rely less on prescriptive techniques that uphold their role as expert and
12
instead employ their presence and reflexive capacities as instruments for understanding clients’
unique patterns of lived experience.
Forging a New Self-Narrative
Humanistic therapists attend to clients’ narratives,
metaphors, nonverbal behaviors, responses to
feedback, and other interaction patterns in order
to help them explore how these may point toward
attachment histories and other relational patterns
that contribute to defensive interpersonal/behavior patterns in an effort to uphold a false sense of
self. Therapists “reflect back aspects that are evident but unnoticed – in effect, holding a mirror up
to the client” (Schneider and Krug 2010, p. 2/37).
Accordingly, clients’ resistance to growth
becomes exposed and challenged to promote
disidentification – i.e., surrendering the need to
defend their current position, having confused it
for their greater self-identity. Rather than cling to
past knowledge and expectations of themselves,
others, and situations, clients become better able
to realize and act on a sense of personal meaning
in all their experience. The therapeutic relationship offers a safe emergency that stimulates neural
plasticity and therefore new learning. When the
process goes well, “clients reclaim and re-own
their lives” (Schneider and Krug 2010, p. 1),
developing a worldview and behavior that authentically express their core values.
The therapeutic encounter serves to present
clients with the choice between (a) becoming consumed by suffering to the point that they attempt
to evade it (experiential avoidance) and thereby
create even more suffering for themselves or
others and (b) suffering well – i.e., accepting the
aspects of their lives over which they have no
control and committing their attention and energy
to those which they do. This sense of intentionality enables a person to set goals and move forward
instead of becoming mired in the face of adversity.
Accordingly, therapists employ role play,
rehearsal, visualization, mindfulness-based techniques, etc. to help clients try out new experiences
in the interest of incorporating them outside the
therapy relationship and thereby maintaining their
progress.
Humanistic Perspective
Outcomes of Therapy
The humanistic approach to therapy – specifically
Rogers’ (1961/1995) facilitative conditions in
conjunction with the principles espoused by
other founding humanistic therapists (e.g., Frankl
1978; May 1983) – anticipated the contemporary
outcome literature on common relational/experiential factors which account for the most substantial sustainable change (as opposed to isolated
techniques). Moreover, Angus et al.’s (2014)
meta-analysis of empirical studies conducted during the last quarter century suggests that humanistic approaches to therapy result in large effects in
pre-post client change and longitudinal maintenance (suggesting that clients continue to develop
on their own after termination), as well as in
demonstrated effectiveness in addressing interpersonal/relational issues, depression, psychosis, and
chronic medical issues.
Influence
The humanistic approach stimulated a relationally-oriented revision of psychoanalysis and the
advent of applied behavior analysis as an extension of behavior modification with increased
focus on interventions that address the underlying
functions of behavior (vs. mere behaviors). In
addition, humanistic approaches to therapy have
been influential in the development of third-wave
cognitive-behavioral (CBT) approaches (e.g.,
acceptance and commitment therapy and dialectical behavior therapy with their emphases on
mindfulness and developing openness to experience), motivational interviewing (with its emphasis on promoting agency), and narrative therapies
(with their emphasis on meaning-making).
Applications: Research
As discussed, during the mid-twentieth century,
humanistic psychologists became increasingly
concerned that while modern science had
attempted to explain the material structures and
mechanisms of psychological phenomena (in the
case of personality, usually traits and pathological
behavior patterns), it was unable to describe the
natural dynamic interactions and interdependent
Humanistic Perspective
structural relationships of meaning within and
between phenomena. They argued that the
detached attitude of science – which intentionally
excluded individual subjectivity – lent itself to a
precarious scientific ethic. The tendency within
natural scientific psychology to treat phenomena
as disconnected and compartmentalized lent itself
to the capacity for destructiveness insofar as it
served to control and conquer – instead of understand and cooperate with – nature in the interest of
prudent and efficacious scientific progress.
Applied to personality assessment, this meant
that psychologists were given power to employ
positivistic concepts to measure, screen, classify,
and sometimes confine individuals based on predefined constructs (e.g., those that undergird the
MMPI) without adequate reference to the context
behind their dispositions and/or situational behavior. As aforementioned, humanistic psychologists
questioned psychology’s conventional scientific
values of prediction, manipulation, and control
of behavior at the expense of adequate perspectives, interpersonal relationships, cultural phenomena, creativity, and the complex nuances of
developmental processes as they pertain to understanding personality. They believed that psychology needed to account for the whole person in
context; otherwise, “exclusively explanatory psychology leads to skepticism, superficiality, sterile
empiricism, and an increasing separation of
knowledge from life” (Wertz 1998, p. 51).
Toward a Human Science Approach
Humanistic psychologists believed that if psychology was to be a complete and relevant
human science, it was necessary to revisit its
philosophy of science. In the spirit of James,
humanistic psychologists (e.g., Giorgi 1970;
Maslow 1987; Rogers 1961/1995) argued that
psychological science must remain an open process and not arbitrarily exclude anything of potential interest and relevance to the greater human
species. They criticized psychologists’ disingenuous claim that they were value-free, as well as
their desire to limit themselves to generalizations
based on spectator knowledge and technical
methods that benefited privileged groups or institutions. They argued that psychology can and
13
should be a human science, which employs a
“personal attitude” (Giorgi 1970, p. 317) and a
way of seeing the world as it is valid for everyday
people. They called for the development and
incorporation of both experiential and meaningoriented ways of knowing, and chose existentialphenomenological philosophy as the basis for a
renewed human science approach. With its foundational assumption that individuals are subjective selves inextricably related to the world, the
humanistic approach to research provides an alternative to probabilistic cause-and-effect explanations, specifically in its focus on the nuanced
understanding of human experience via the reflective attitude, which treats perceptions, memories,
emotions, etc. as moments within a continual process (i.e., the self as being in becoming) as
opposed to isolated, static elements (e.g., personality traits).
Phenomenology and Other Qualitative
Research Methods
The humanistic approach broadens the concepts
of both science and objectivity and supplements
the range of available methods. For example, the
phenomenological method discerns the essential
features and structures of psychological phenomena by asking what are its most revelatory, invariant meanings? The method involves thick
description drawn from direct observations
and/or reported events as primary data to arrive
at an intersubjective perspective. Researchers are
expected to be mindful of their own experience
and interactional processes as they inquire into the
experiences of others. With its focus on phenomena that are not readily conducive to operational
definitions and measurement but nonetheless
assume a role in conscious human experiencing
and are verifiable via intersubjective agreement,
such a perspective provides an objective platform
for appropriately understanding subjectively
co-constituted meanings in human experience.
The method thus remains rigorously empirical
insofar as its fidelity to its topics of inquiry is
arguably more comprehensive than that afforded
by traditional positivistic empiricism.
In addition to phenomenology, humanistic
psychologists have developed and/or adapted a
14
host of additional qualitative methods for psychology including hermeneutics, grounded theory, discourse and narrative analyses, and
intuitive methods of inquiry (see Barrell et al.
1987; Wertz et al. 2011) that bridge the subjective
and objective in the experiencing person to honor
and adequately address the richness of human
experience in its manifold levels: individual,
group, social, political, physiological, cognitive,
affective,
imaginal,
artistic,
spiritual,
etc. (Resnick et al. 2001). For an illustration as
applied to personality, Maslow’s (1987) study on
the characteristics of self-actualizing people
entailed a qualitative analysis in which he extracted themes from interviews and biographies to
develop a list of their common attributes.
Not One-Sided
Although many humanistic psychologists gravitate toward qualitative methods, it should be noted
that they do not eschew quantification and that
they encourage competence in multiple methods
of inquiry. To illustrate, Rogers’ clinical research
(see 1961/1995), the original empiricallysupported treatment, drew from statistical analyses of observations of clients’ movement toward
self-congruence. Maslow’s (1987) needs hierarchy was developed based on qualitative analysis
of extant theory and empirical research in conjunction with quantitative studies he had
conducted during his early career. It is crucial to
note that both theories were developed as an outcome of research (not a priori to it), and Rogers
and Maslow acknowledged the need for the theories to be further tested and revised as appropriate
(see Frick 1971).
Thus, both qualitative and quantitative
methods are considered necessary but incomplete
on their own, and it is assumed as given among
humanistic psychologists that phenomena and
their associated research questions should drive
the method. Quantitative methods are maximally
useful when there are clearly discernable categorical boundaries between phenomena and their
context and when standardization is necessary;
on the other hand, qualitative research is better
suited to subtler and more complex phenomena
and contexts that require description. The two also
Humanistic Perspective
can complement each other in mixed-methods
designs. Furthermore, this approach to research
also underlies an individualized, humanistic
approach to personality assessment – in which
reported and observed life experiences are treated
as primary data while test data, norms, and related
research/theories are regarded as tools for collaborative dialogue and exploration.
Influence
As a result of the efforts of humanistic psychologists, psychology has moved beyond being
merely the science of behavior to also including
the study of the meanings of personal experience
and behavior. Qualitative inquiry has become
increasingly legitimized in conventional psychology, with training in qualitative methods now
included as a required component of graduate
training and increasing numbers of qualitative
studies presented at psychology conferences and
published in its peer-reviewed journals. Furthermore, the research division of the APA has
expanded to include a subsection devoted to qualitative inquiry, and APA’s policy on evidencebased clinical practice has been expanded to
include the contributions of qualitative methods.
Furthermore, research into creativity and consciousness has become embraced by conventional
psychologists – with a division of APA devoted to
the former – largely due to humanistic psychologists’ emphasis on their place in the study of the
healthy personality.
Critiques and Counter-Critiques
This section provides an overview of the strengths
and limitations of the humanistic perspective. The
section begins with a summary of the critique of
humanistic psychology typically provided by conventional psychologists, followed by a dialogue
with that critique.
Traditional Critique
A sampling of textbooks in introductory psychology, personality theory, and critical thinking in
psychology generally suggests that the strengths
of the humanistic perspective include its
Humanistic Perspective
innovative approach which helped move psychology past the theoretical dogma of Freud and
which provided research-based explanations of
the therapy process and its outcomes (e.g.,
increased self-congruence and creativity) that
have been successfully replicated. In addition,
humanistic psychology has been acknowledged
for its focus on prevention (vs. intervention),
which influenced not only psychology but also
the fields of education, parenting, and business
management and for popularizing psychological
principles in society at large.
With regard to its limitations, Schneider et al.
(2015) have grouped the criticisms of the humanistic perspective into three principal categories of
concern, all of which seem to stem from humanistic psychology’s focus on the integrity of the
individual. First, some academics – typically
operating
from
a
natural
science
perspective – regard humanistic psychology as
undisciplined, impractical, and therefore worthy
of obsolescence. They argue that, with its emphasis on subjectivity, the humanistic perspective
provides only impressionistic descriptions without precision and specificity and that at the clinical
level it does not offer standardized, stepwise techniques/procedures. At the research level, it is seen
as overly philosophical with ambiguous constructs not conducive to scientific verifiability
via falsification.
Second, others believe that humanistic
psychology’s focus on what is distinctively
human and fulfilling is shortsighted and indulgent. Humanistic psychology’s deliberate “openness to everything” (Arons 1999, p. 196) has left it
vulnerable to stereotypes that associate it with
sloppy eclecticism and with the excesses of the
1960s–1970s counterculture and therefore to
being criticized as promoting narcissism; as
being simplistic, naïve, and overly optimistic;
and, at best, as more relevant for therapy than for
hardnosed psychological research.
Third, still others contend that humanistic
psychology’s individualism is oppressive in a
multicultural, global society insofar as humanity
has come to be conceptualized as a social construction and fulfillment as a relative value – thus
rendering the notion of global transcendence of
15
self and environment impossible. Humanistic psychology has been criticized as not having an
explicit construct against selfishness (i.e.,
although social interest is included in the definition of self-actualization, it is not explicitly
referred to as such; consequently, it remains
biased toward a Western worldview). This leads
to criticisms of moral relativism and even of elitism and colonialism.
Responses
Humanistic psychologists have responded that
many of these criticisms are based on “negative
stereotypes and misinformation” (Elkins 2009,
p. 268). Indeed, many of the criticisms are generally unfounded insofar as they reflect either
(a) reliance on secondary sources (which are
prone to the problems of an academic “telephone
game”) without appropriately consulting the original writings of humanistic psychologists;
(b) incomplete readings of the original primary
texts without accounting for the progress/evolution in humanistic theorizing since the mid-1960s;
or (c) focus on popular writings by humanistic
psychologists but bypassing their more substantial theoretical and research scholarship (Patterson
and Joseph 2007).
More specifically, the criticism that humanistic
psychology is unscientific tends to overlook
(a) the traditional natural scientific work of
founding humanistic psychologists like Maslow
and Rogers and (b) the commitment of humanistic
psychologists to developing phenomenological
methods out of a passion to be not less but
“more empirical – that is, more respectful of
actual human phenomena” (May 1983, p. 127).
Thus, the criticisms arguably reflect the pre/trans
fallacy (Wilber 2000), the tendency to confuse
post-rational thinking for pre-rational because
both are transrational/transpersonal. Several of
the founders of humanistic psychology have
been described as ahead of their time, and their
contributions to psychology have subsequently
become embraced and regarded as given within
psychology.
For
example,
humanistic
psychology’s emphasis on holistic, dialectical,
and systemic thinking paved the way for developmental psychology’s resolution of the nature/
16
nurture debate and for principles that are now
standard fare in lifespan development (e.g.,
attachment, parenting styles, Bronfenbrenner’s
bioecological model, Kohlberg’s/Gilligan’s
moral development models) as well as the
replacement of the categorical emphasis of the
twentieth-century psychology with dimensional
perspectives at the clinical level.
Next, regarding criticism of humanistic psychology based upon mistaking the problematic
popular implementation of fragmentary principles
of humanistic psychology for the greater intellectual contributions of its founders, it is worth noting that several of the founding humanistic
psychologists (e.g., Maslow 1987) expressed concern that their concepts had been misunderstood
and inappropriately reified by the counterculture’s
shortsightedness. That said, the accusations of
humanistic perspective promoting narcissism
overlook the founders’ emphasis on social interest
and self-sacrifice as aspects of self-actualization
as well as humanistic psychologists’ focus on
social justice (Schneider et al. 2015). Meantime,
the accusations of naivety and over-optimism
overlook the revisions of the humanistic perspective based on the existentialists’ input in order to
better account for the psychology of evil and the
social conditions that promote humans’ destructive behavior. Finally, the criticism that humanistic psychology has more of a place in therapy than
research ignores the rigor of Rogers’ empirical
studies, which not only demystified and legitimized the effectiveness of psychotherapy during
the Eysenck era but also paved the way for today’s
evidence-based focus on the power of the therapeutic relationship as a common factor across
theoretical traditions.
Finally, concerning the criticism of humanistic
psychology as being oppressive, primary-source
humanistic texts (e.g., Combs 1999; Maslow
1999) emphasize that individuals with healthy
personalities perceive themselves as competent
and effective in ways appropriate for their culture.
In addition, humanistic psychologists emphasize
the often-unheeded adaptive qualities available
within marginalized populations. Furthermore,
this criticism overlooks the wealth of humanistic
literature involving multiculturalism, cross-
Humanistic Perspective
cultural studies, and gender studies (Schneider
et al. 2015), which arose out of its constructivist
focus.
Taking these arguments together, Wertz (1998)
observed that conventional psychologists who
present humanistic psychology as a revival of
the humanities in psychology with a sophisticated
alternative philosophy of science that integrates
traditional psychological theory/research with
new orientations/techniques for therapy and/or
new methods/topics for research tend to be more
receptive to its contributions. In addition, those
who look beyond the seminal but ultimately
incomplete contributions of Maslow and
Rogers – i.e., also acknowledge the contributions
of the existential, transpersonal, and constructivist
movements
as
part
of
humanistic
psychology – also tend to be more supportive. In
contrast, those who associate humanistic psychology with the worst of the 1960s and with efforts to
disrupt the status quo tend to be more antagonistic, minimizing humanistic psychology’s greater
contributions and emphasizing negative evaluations. In addition, they tend to critique humanistic
theorizing as if it was a priori rather than appropriately treating it as phenomenological.
Summary
The humanistic perspective began as an alternative to the limitations of and disparities between
experimentalism/behaviorism and psychoanalysis. It both subsumed the strengths and transcended the limitations of those traditions by
using intersubjective methods to develop a
growth-/process-oriented conceptualization of
personality that had been inadequately available
in the field. It drew from classical and contemporary literature, existential-phenomenological philosophy, Eastern wisdom, systems theory, Gestalt
psychology, Goldstein’s organismic theory,
James’ radical empiricism, and personality and
post-Freudian psychodynamic psychologies to
develop a predominantly phenomenological
approach to the science of personality. Following
its establishment as the Third Force in American
psychology at the mid-twentieth century, it further
Humanistic Perspective
evolved by way of elaborations on its principles
by the existential, transpersonal, and constructivist movements in psychology. Today, the humanistic perspective has become further refined based
on an integration of these ontologies in conjunction with dialogue with parallel constructs in conventional psychology.
The humanistic approach to therapy involves a
collaborative relationship between therapist and
client designed to promote transformative change
by cutting through clients’ defenses and helping
them forge a new worldview and behaviors that
authentically express their core values. This
approach has been influential in its contribution
of relational factors and experiential techniques
that are now considered the core ingredients of
effective and sustainable therapy and of principles
of change and case conceptualization that have
influenced other systems of therapy (e.g., relational psychoanalysis, applied behavior analysis,
third-wave CBT, narrative therapy, etc.).
The humanistic approach to research draws
from existential-phenomenological philosophy
as its basis for descriptive qualitative methods
that supplement the quantitative methods valued
by the natural science model of psychology in
order to broaden the foundation for psychology
as a human science faithful to its subject matter.
Humanistic psychology has been influential in
introducing and legitimizing qualitative methods
and the study of creativity and consciousness in
psychology. This approach to research also forms
the basis of a humanistic approach to personality
assessment.
In general, the strengths of humanistic psychology include its innovativeness and its degree
of influence on psychology and society. Its limitations involve its focus on individuality, which
renders it incompatible with the natural science
model valued by conventional psychologists as
well as prone to associations with its problematic
popular implementation by the 1960s–1970s
counterculture and to accusations of Western
bias. However, these criticisms tend to reflect
incomplete and/or inaccurate readings of primary
17
humanistic texts as well as an antiquated view of
the humanistic perspective.
The humanistic perspective emphasizes the
individualized qualities of optimal well-being
and the use of creative potential to benefit others,
as well as the relational conditions that promote
those qualities as the outcomes of healthy development. Rather than conceptualize personality as
a fixed structure, set of traits, or self-concept, it
holistically/systemically portrays the person qua
self as continually evolving and as uniquely situated in sociocultural and eco-psycho-spiritual
contexts. It assumes that optimally functioning
people are consciously aware, responsibly free to
make choices in accordance with their values,
goal-directed, meaning-making, and creative in
relation to their experience.
Conclusion
The principal contributions of the humanistic perspective on personality are its (a) holistic model
for conceptualizing the person/self from the standpoint of a unique, contextually-situated dynamic
process that transcends the limitations of static,
normative, categorical constructs and their risk of
overgeneralizations; (b) inclusiveness – not
intended to replace existing systems and methods
of psychology and their theories of personality but
rather to complement and supplement them;
(c) focus on conditions that are conducive to
healthy personality (i.e., prevention) versus diagnosis and treatment of pathology (i.e., intervention); and (d) its aforementioned contributions
both to psychology (e.g., therapy, development,
research) and to society (e.g., focus on personalism in an era of standardization and technocracy,
Schneider et al. 2015). Accentuation of humanistic psychology’s connections with and contributions to personality psychology – with their shared
conceptualizations of health and human
fulfillment – provides a comprehensive frame of
reference and meta-perspective for psychology as
a whole.
18
Cross-References
First-Wave (Third Force) Humanistic Psychology
• Maslow:
▶ B-Love
▶ Hierarchy of Needs
▶ Peak Experience
▶ Self-Actualization
▶ Self-Actualizing Creativity
▶ Values
• Rogers:
▶ Actual Self
▶ Congruence/Incongruence
▶ Fully Functioning Person
▶ Person-Centered Therapy
▶ Personal Growth
▶ Self-Disclosure
▶ Self-Discrepancies
Second Wave (Existential)
▶ Existential Approaches to Personality
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