A. De Baets: Crimes against History
De Baets, Antoon: Crimes against History. London: Routledge 2018. ISBN: 978-1138574229;
198 S.
Rezensiert von: Jie-Hyun Lim, Sogang University, Seoul
Modern historiography has often been a tool
to legitimate the nation-state. Many historians have promoted the political project of constructing national history. For those historians, history was the scientific apologia for the
nation-state and a tool to make people subject
to the hegemony of state power. When Jules
Michelet defined the historian as an Oedipus
who teaches the dead how to interpret and decipher the meaning of their lives and deaths,
he exposed the historian’s professional secret
to appropriate the dead for the cause of the
nation-state. However, when historians’ public engagement does not fit in the political
goal of the state power, they are vulnerable
to the attacks by the political power. Historians have been subject to the varieties of censorship. They were suppressed, slandered,
persecuted, and murdered. This book tells
the story of how the oppression of historians turned into ‘deadly crimes against history’ and how historians resisted the political
regulations by employing subversively historical analogies.
The author divides the legal definition
of censorship into the „pre-censorship“ and
„post-censorship.“ It depends on whether the
views were censored before the expression or
after. But „the figure of history censorship is
less self-evident (p. 2).“ For instance, defamation as the attack on the reputation of historians is one of that less self-evident censorship.
The malicious defamation trial of historians
is a very malicious form of prosecution and
censorship in disguise. Unfortunately, there
are extreme acts of censorship, that is „crimes
against history“ in De Baets’ terms. He mentions the assassination and murder of history
producers, public personal attacks on history
producers through hate speech, defamation,
and malicious prosecution, disinformation including genocide denial, and censorship of
history as crime against history, which is the
underlying theme of this book. According to
the author, „crimes against history are abuses
of history that constitute violations of human
rights (p.3) .“
Antoon De Baets is satisfied with neither
a declarative knowledge nor a theoretical abstract in pursuing the traces of the crime
against history. All cases, his book describes,
come from his „worldwide database on the
censorship of history“ spanning the period
from 1945 until today. Whoever subscribes to
his newsletters of the „Network of Concerned
Historians“ may immediately recognize what
his worldwide database means. As a historian who experienced both the right-wing developmental dictatorship in South Korea and
communist dictatorship in People’s Poland,
I have thought I know relatively well about
the crime against history. But the table 1.1
of „political murders of history producers (p.
12)“ truthenized me that I know very little
about the crime against history. At the end
of the book, De Baets compiled the names of
the 428 history producers killed for political
reasons. Among others, one can find familiar names of Ban Gu, Li Dazhao, Jan Patocka,
Marc Bloch, Maurice Halbwachs, Walter Benjamin, Rudolf Hilferding, Edith Stein, James
Connolly, Julius Caesar, Antonio Gramsci, Sin
Ch’ae-ho, Emanuel Ringelblum and Marceli
Handelsman.
About 23 percent of them were killed for
political reasons connected to the historical interpretation. His investigation of the causes
of killing historians shows a contrast between communist regimes and authoritarian
regimes of Latin America. While communist regimes tend to kill historians and history producers to discipline the history profession, Latin American dictatorships tend to
kill historians not for their professional conduct but their political activities. The more
central role history plays in making ideology, the more devastating the impact of censorship is. As the case of Fritz Gerlich at
the Bavarian National Archive under Nazis
shows (p. 30), archivists were threatened to be
killed and murdered too. The dissident views
of class, religion, nation and past collective
crimes were also punishable. Very often historians used the historical analogy to criticize
the political leaders and their policies, which
was persecuted on the pretext of defamation
of leaders (ch. 3).
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From the viewpoint of crime against history, iconoclastic breaks with the past are peculiar to things more than people. They destroy relics and emblems, monuments and
statues, books and records, holy places and
cemeteries. Communist regimes in Leninist
Russia, Maoist China, Communist Romania,
and Khmer Rouge’s Kampuchea, nationalist
vandalism in Sadam Hussein’s Iraq and Serbian nationalist’s destruction of the Bosnian
archives, and Islamic iconoclasm in Taliban’s
Afghanistan belong to this category (ch. 4).
It is also interesting to note that „the work
of historians living in dictatorships has been
routinely dismissed as „fake history.“ Stalin
denounced the dissident historian as „a falsifier of the history of our Party (p. 81).“ It
is a dangerous paradox that a false charge
of fake news is fake news itself. What is no
less sensational is the false self-accusation or
forced confession by historians persecuted by
the political power. Historians criticial of fake
history reproduce the fake news through the
false self-accusation. A cursory look at the list
of accusations and charges directed at historians (table 5.2), compiled by Antoon De Baets,
would lead readers to a deja-vue.
Historians have never been passive victims
by the censorship. They have maneuvered
skillfully „gray areas“ of the censorship. Under the dictatorial regime, strict censorship
looks omnipresent. But the omnipresence of
censorship is a delusion. At best, the censorship is porous with many holes, through
which one can move swiftly in and out. The
subversive power of historical analogies is a
good example. De Baets suggest a typology
of historical analogies contrasting „past freedom and present tyranny,“ „past and present
tyrants,“ „past and present crimes,“ „past
and present freedom struggles,“ and „featuring historians (p. 93).“ Under circumstances
where the freedom of speech is inhibited,
historical analogies provide historians with
safety and connectivity. In a sense, historical analogies are an intellectual form of resistance. Some historians resort to a more direct way of resistance. Resistance from prison,
insider solidarity among dissident historians,
self-publication, and other numerous activities can be found in the traces of the critical
historians (ch. 7).
This book is not imaginable without considering Antoon De Baets’ passionate and
courageous work on the „Network of Concerned Historians.“ I had a few opportunities
to talk over the Network with other historiancolleagues who were approached by De Baets
striving for the information of the censorship and freedom of speech in the historical research and publication. All of us admire his selfless commitment to the Network
of Concerned Historians, which stands as a
model for the „insider solidarity“ with the
shaken historians. For the critical solidarity
among historian-insiders, however, we expect
a thorough study of the „self-censorship“ entrenched in the practicing and thinking of historians. As De Baets pointed out in the introduction, „self-censorship“ is the ultimate goal
of any censorship apparatus (p. 2).“ In the age
of neo-populism, when the populist regimes
are dominant in the Anglo-Saxon democracy,
historian’s self-censorship becomes a more
powerful weapon in disciplining historians
and their audiences. Killing historians is a terrifying threat, but self-censorship is more persistent.
Jie-Hyun Lim über De Baets, Antoon: Crimes
against History. London 2018, in: H-Soz-Kult
17.07.2020.
© Clio-online, and the author, all rights reserved.