Bourbou Chr.-Themelis P. 2010, Child Burials at ancient Messene

L’Enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquité I Nouvelles recherches dans les nécropoles grecques Le signalement des tombes d’enfants Travaux de la Maison René-Ginouvès 12 Collection dirigée par Pierre Rouillard L’Enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquité I Nouvelles recherches dans les nécropoles grecques Le signalement des tombes d’enfants Sous la direction d’Anne-Marie GUIMIER-SORBETS et Yvette MORIZOT Actes de la table ronde internationale organisée à Athènes, École française d’Athènes, 29-30 mai 2008 De Boccard 11, rue de Médicis - 75006 Paris 2010 Directeur de la collection Pierre Rouillard (CNRS) Maquettage intérieur et mosaïque d’images de la couverture Agnès Tricoche (ArScAn) Maquette de la couverture Virginie Teillet (Italiques) Illustrations de la première de couverture (mosaïque d’images) En haut, de gauche à droite : vase en terre cuite aux traits humains provenant d’une tombe d’enfant, nécropole Collatina, Rome (cl. M. Letizia) ; vase contenant un squelette de bébé, Île d’Astypalée, site de Chôra (cl. S. Hillson) ; sépulture d’enfant et mobilier, nécropole de Kalfata, Apollonia du Pont, Bulgarie (Cl. K. Panayotova). En bas, de gauche à droite : nécropole presque exclusivement réservée aux immatures, Mendé, Chalcidique (Cl. Greek Ministry of Culture, 1st Ephorate) ; sépulture d’enfant n° 278 et mobilier, Apollonia du Pont, Bulgarie (Cl. L. Damelet, CNRS/CCJ) ; stèle en marbre de la tombe de Proculus, nécropole de Porta Nocera, Pompéi (Cl. Gaillot/ Fouille Porta Nocera). Dans la même collection 1 - De la domestication au tabou. Le cas des suidés au Proche-Orient ancien, 2006, Lion B. et Michel C., éd. 2 - La Macédoine : Géographie historique, Langue, Cultes et croyances, Institutions, 2006, Hatzopoulos M. B. 3 - Studia euphratica. Le moyen Euphrate iraquien révélé par les fouilles préventives de Haditha, 2007, Kepinski C., Lecomte O. et Tenu A., éd. 4 - Les Écritures cunéiformes et leur déchiffrement, 2008, Lion B. et Michel C. 5 - Essai sur le tissage en Mésopotamie des premières communautés sédentaires au milieu du IIIe millénaire avant J.-C., 2008, Breniquet C. 6 - Et il y eut un esprit dans l’Homme. Jean Bottéro et la Mésopotamie, 2009, Faivre X., Lion B. et Michel C., éd. 7 - La Méditerranée au viie siècle av. J.-C. Essais d’analyses archéologiques, 2010, Étienne R., éd. 8 - Faire de l’ethnologie. Réflexion à partir d’expériences en milieu scolaire, 2010, Lebas C., Martin F. et Soucaille A. 9 - Hommes, milieux et traditions dans le Pacifique Sud, 2010, Valentin F. et Hardy M., éd. 10 - Paysage et religion en Grèce antique. Mélanges offerts à Madeleine Jost, 2010, Carlier P. et LerougeCohen C., éd. 11 - Le Rapport de fouille archéologique : réglementation, conservation, diffusion, 2010, Soulier P., éd. Chez le même éditeur, Colloques de la Maison René-Ginouvès 1 - Autour de Polanyi. Vocabulaires, théories et modalités des échanges, 2005, Clancier Ph. et alii, éd. 2 - La Chasse. Pratiques sociales et symboliques, 2006, Sidéra I., éd. 3 - Mobilités, Immobilismes. L’emprunt et son refus, 2007, Rouillard P. et alii, éd. 4 - L’Eau. Enjeux, usages et représentations, 2008, Guimier-Sorbets A.-M., éd. 5 - Portraits de migrants, Portraits de colons I, 2009, Rouillard P., éd. 6 - Portraits de migrants, Portraits de colons II, 2010, Rouillard P., éd. © De Boccard, 2010 http://www.deboccard.com ISBN 978-2-7018-0290-9 ISSN 1954-863X TABLE DES MATIÈRES Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anne-Marie Guimier-Sorbets et Yvette Morizot 1-7 L’enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquité : approches . . . . . . . . . 9 Antoine Hermary, Présentation du programme « L’enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquité [EMA] : des pratiques funéraires à l’identité sociale » . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Véronique Dasen, Archéologie funéraire et histoire de l’enfance dans l’Antiquité : nouveaux enjeux, nouvelles perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11-17 19-44 L’enfant et la mort en Grèce L’enfant et la mort en Grèce au premier Âge du Fer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Béatrice Blandin, Les enfants et la mort en Eubée au début de l’Âge du Fer . . . . . . . . . . Alexandre Mazarakis Ainian, Tombes d’enfants à l’intérieur d’habitats au début de l’Âge du Fer dans le Monde Grec . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maia Pomadère, La différenciation funéraire des enfants en Crète centrale au premier Âge du Fer : l’indice d’une nouvelle structuration sociale ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47-65 97-108 Sépultures d’enfants en Grèce de l’époque géométrique à l’époque romaine : espaces, rites et intégration sociale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Chryssa Bourbou et Petros Themelis, Child Burials at Ancient Messene . . . . . . . . . . Konstantina Kallintzi et Irini-Despina Papaikonomou, La présence des enfants dans les nécropoles d’Abdère . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maria Michalaki-Kollia, Un ensemble exceptionnel d’enchytrismes de nouveau-nés, de fœtus et de nourrissons découvert dans l’île d’Astypalée, en Grèce : cimetière de bébés ou sanctuaire ? (Première approche) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sophia Moschonissioti, Child Burials at the Seaside Cemetery of Ancient Mende . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Athanassios Themos et Elena Zavvou, Recent Finds of Child Burials in the Area of Ancient Sparta from Protogeometric to Roman Times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Photini Zaphiropoulou, Tombes d’enfants dans les Cyclades : les cas de Naxos et de Paros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sépultures d’enfants dans les nécropoles des colonies grecques de la Mer Noire 67-95 111-128 129-159 161-205 207-225 227-241 243-250 251 Anne-Sophie Koeller et Kristina Panayotova, Les sépultures d’enfants de la de la nécropole d’Apollonia du Pont (Bulgarie) : résultats des fouilles récentes (2002-2007) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253-264 Vasilica Lungu, Les tombes d’enfants dans les colonies grecques de l’Ouest du Pont-Euxin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265-286 VI Le signalement des sépultures d’enfants Monde grec Diego Elia et Valeria Meirano, Modes de signalisation des sépultures dans les nécropoles grecques d’Italie du Sud et de Sicile. Remarques générales et le cas des tombes d’enfant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Myrina Kalaitzi, The Representation of Children on Classical and Hellenistic Tombstones from Ancient Macedonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marie-Dominique Nenna, Les marqueurs de tombes d’enfant dans l’Égypte gréco-romaine : premières recherches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289-325 327-346 347-360 Monde romain Hélène Lamotte, Le rôle de l’épitaphe dans la commémoration des enfants défunts : l’exemple des carmina Latina epigraphica païens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Solenn de Larminat, Signalisation des tombes d’enfants dans un quartier funéraire de la nécropole romaine de Porta Nocera à Pompéi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stefano Musco et Paola Catalano, Tombes d’enfants de l’époque impériale dans la banlieue de Rome : les cas de Quarto Cappello del Prete, de Casal Bertone et de la nécropole Collatina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Affiliations des auteurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363-373 375-385 387-402 403 Child Burials at Ancient Messene Chryssa Bourbou - Petros Themelis Society of Messenian Archaeological Studies, Athens Burials in the precinct of grave monument K3 M essene has an unusually large number of grave monuments within the city walls (intra muros), associated with public buildings. Most important are grave monuments K1, K2 and K3 brought to light along the west stoa of the Gymnasium, dated to the late 3rd century BC. They contained the inhumed members of Messenian elite families, accompanied by precious offerings. The Pi-shaped grave monument K1 includes seven cist graves placed under the floor of the chamber. The smaller rectangular grave monument K2, to the south of K1, has four cist graves under its floor. Iron rings fixed on the upper side of the cover slabs served to lift them in case of new burials. The largest and imposing grave monument K3 (fig. 1) contains eight cist graves, symmetrically arranged around a central square theke. The entrance on its south side was accessible through a ramp and closed with a stone door. It consists of a main square chamber, 4.80 m by 4.80 m, with a high conical roof ending to a Corinthian capital, on top of which a bronze vessel or some kind of a floral finial was fixed standing. Very few comparable but later examples of grave buildings with a peculiar tent-like high conical roof are to be found in Asia Minor, Palestine and Sicily. An Ionic architrave with geison crowns the upper end of the square chamber on the outside. The names of the dead men and women originally buried here were inscribed on the architrave looking to the east, towards the west stoa of the Gymnasium. They are recorded without the patronym: Epikrateia, Nikoxena, Agesistratos, Epikrates etc. The chamber was reused for burials in the Early Roman period (1st century BC–1st century AD). The names of the new dead were then inscribed on the south wall to the right of the entrance: Pleistarchia daughter of Dionysios and wife of Aristomenes, Nikeratos the Elder son of Theon, Eisokrateia daughter of Aristoxenos. The grave building is surrounded by a precinct wall (16 m by 6 m) built with large roughly worked stones contrasted to the finely worked surface of the grave monument blocks. Inside the precinct, along its west wall, behind the chamber of K3, twenty-five child burials were brought to light, infant inhumations in cooking pots, in the usual mortuary practice of enchytrismos (fig. 2). Also, four dogs were buried among the children. One of the dogs (no. 29) was buried close to the entrance of K3, on the left side of its ramp (fig. 3).1 1 Themelis 1999, p. 97, fig. 7, pls. 63g, 66a; Themelis 2000b, p. 124-136, fig. 114; Themelis 2000a, p. 9799, fig. 7, pls. 61b, 62. L’Enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquité I. Nouvelles recherches dans les nécropoles grecques. Le signalement des tombes d’enfants, actes de la table ronde internationale organisée à Athènes, École française d’Athènes, 29-30 mai 2008, Guimier-Sorbets A.-M. et Morizot Y., éd., 2010 (Travaux de la Maison René-Ginouvès, 12) Child Burials at Ancient Messene 112 Children in the agora well of Messene2 During the 2004–2005 digging campaign, a well deposit dating to the Hellenistic period (3 –2nd century BC) was brought to light in the agora of Messene (fig. 4).3 It is situated close to a public building identified as the old Bouleion (Council Hall) of the city, a few meters to the north of the Doric temple of the goddess Messene, the deified queen of the land who gave her name to the new capital of Messenia in 369 BC, according to epigraphic evidence. The well is elliptical (oval) in form, with two circular mouth openings on the cover stones restored in their original place. At a depth of 3 to 4 m, a great number of commingled human and animal remains, as well as many pottery fragments, mainly of pointed amphorae of local manufacture (fig. 5), as well as fragments of cooking pots, were uncovered. The sorting made first by the anthropologist Theodoros Pitsios and recently by the bio-archaeologist Chryssa Bourbou revealed only nonadult remains and dog bones. Estimation of Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) and of the age at death was attempted. Estimation of age was possible by measuring intact bones. Long bones’ measurements included the clavicle, humerus, radius, ulna, femur and tibia; cranial bones’ measurements included the zygomatic and pars basilaris; and pelvic bones’ included the ilium, ischium and pubis. Sex determination is not possible in immature remains. No teeth were preserved. rd The counting of bones resulted in a minimum number of 262 individuals by Bourbou and of 284 by Pitsios, as represented by the left femur. Based on the measurements, the non-adults fall within the following age categories4: Pre-term: less than 37 weeks of gestation; Full-term: 37 to 42 weeks of gestation; Post-term: more than 42 weeks of gestation; Neonatal: from birth to 28 days; Stillborn: infant born after a gestational period of 24 weeks, who shows no sign of life. The macroscopic and radiological examination revealed no observable signs of long-term disease or trauma that could have contributed to the death of the non-adults. Results Human bones in wells are a relatively common feature of ancient Greek mortuary practices, frequently representing an atypical form of disposal of socially excluded individuals, as argued by J. K. Papadopoulos.5 These deposits date roughly from the Early–Late Bronze Age (30001200 BC) to the Hellenistic period (3rd–2nd century BC), including the Early Helladic well at Cheliotomylos in Corinth,6 the Middle Helladic well at Eleusis,7 the Late Helladic IIIA and IIIB period well shaft at Mycenae,8 the Xenake well at Argos,9 the Early Iron Age well to the 2 A version of this part of the paper was presented by Chryssa Bourbou at the colloquium on Embodiment and Remembrance in a Mortuary Context, organized by P. Megan and A. Kilgore at the 109th Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America (Chicago, 3-5 January 2008). 3 Themelis 2004, p. 42, fig. 5, pl. 16b; Themelis 2005, p. 54-55. 4 According to the terminology of Scheuer and Black 2000, p. 468. 5 Papadopoulos 2000, p. 96-118. 6 Shear 1930; Waage 1949; Pullen 1985. 7 Mylonas 1975, II-III; Kritzas 1976-1978. 8 Wace 1954. 9 Kritzas 1976-1978. C. Bourbou, P. Themelis north of the Athenian Acropolis,10 and the Hellenistic wells in the area of the Athenian Agora,11 as well as at the Sebasteion in Eretria12 and at Filotas in North Greece.13 The excavators usually note on the “atypical” nature of these deposits (e.g. outside the formal cemetery area, or in proximity with it but clearly separated from it), and have suggested a number of possible explanations, varying from burial of slaves, sacrificial pit, or victims of war, famine, natural disaster, epidemics (e.g. Argos), or burial of a social outcast (e.g. the well to the north of the Acropolis). In search of evidence for the disposal of fetuses, neonates or infants in Greek antiquity, the closest parallels to our find are provided by the wells discovered in the Athenian Agora (G 5:3), and at Eretria. The Agora well (165–160 BC) contained the remains of c. 450 infants and 130 dogs. In preliminary papers the authors suggested various interpretations, including epidemic, famine and siege.14 Recent results from the ongoing study of the collection are suggestive of a primary deposit, as infants were buried in large pots, such as basins, and thrown into the well.15 The paleopathological investigation demonstrated cases of cleft palate among a number of individuals, and thus it is highly suspected that these were most probably the victims of infanticide.16 Infants born with cleft palate, besides superstitious attributions to malformed individuals in antiquity, had less chance of surviving, since it was impossible for them to be breastfed or even to receive a so-called “feeding bottle”.17 The initial deposit (FK 153) of the Eretria well contained the remains of at least 19 infants and 1100 dog bones. It also contained a hoard of silver and bronze coins dating to the first half of the 3rd century BC, possibly corresponding to the Chremonidean War, between 267 and 261 BC. The study by Chenal-Velarde focuses on the analysis of the dog remains and the significance of their presence, highlighting the need for further investigation of the literary evidence, in order to better understand their association with the infant skeletons.18 Causes of children’s death Since the macroscopic and radiological examination of the immature remains revealed no specific pathological conditions that could have contributed to the children’s early death, it is suggested that the risks of pregnancy and childbirth (affecting the mother and/or the infant) should be considered as the most plausible explanation. The majority of medical writers in antiquity devoted special chapters to women’s health and problems suffered during the difficult periods of pregnancy and childbirth (e.g. the Corpus Hippocraticum with treatises such as the Nature of Women, Diseases of Women, Epidemics, or Soranus’ Gynecology), while Aristotle (Historia Animalium 588a8) explicitly states that the 10 Little and Papadopoulos 1998. 11 Rotroff, Little and Snyder 1999. 12 Schmid 1997; Chenal-Velarde 2006. 13 Bourbou 1996. 14 Rotroff 1999; Little 1999; Snyder 1999. 15 Personal communication of Professor Susan Rotroff to Chryssa Bourbou in 2008. 16 Personal communication of Maria Liston to Chryssa Bourbou in 2008. 17 Roberts and Manchester 1995, p. 39-40. 18 Chenal-Velarde 2006. 113 Child Burials at Ancient Messene 114 majority of deaths in infancy occur before the child is one week old. On the other hand, funerary stelai and marble lekythoi of the Late Classical and the Hellenistic periods provide depictions of seated or collapsing women, often with hair and clothing loosened and physically supported by another woman, which have been interpreted as representations of women in labor (stele of Hediste, from Demetrias-Pagasai, c. 200 BC).19 A number of factors could have affected both the mother and the fetus during pregnancy, at the time of and after delivery. Thus, a twofold etiology could be suspected, namely maternal and fetal problems. Poor maternal health and nutritional status, inadequate care during pregnancy, inappropriate management of complications during pregnancy and delivery, poor hygiene during delivery and the first critical hours after birth, all could have played their part. On the other hand, problems such as premature birth, difficulties in adapting to extra-uterine life, harmful practices after birth that lead to infections (for example neonatal tetanus) and general lack of newborn care may result to the death of the fetus or the newborn. Children and society Our knowledge of Hellenistic populations from Greece is limited to a number of bioarchaeological studies. With the exception of the studies published by Agelarakis on the cemetery population of Hellenistic Abdera in Thrace,20 Malama and Triantaphyllou on the east cemetery of Amphipolis in Macedonia,21 and by Fox on a small number of individuals from Hellenistic Corinth,22 other analyses focus on specific segments of the population, such as highstatus individuals,23 mass graves,24 or specific skeletal indicators, such as teeth.25 Agelarakis, Malama and Triantaphyllou note on the relative absence of infant remains from their Hellenistic collections.26 However, Malama and Triantaphyllou argue that this cannot be merely explained by a general truism about the poor survival of immature remains; they tentatively suggest different social attitudes towards the burial of infants, often untraceable in the archaeological record, and most possibly associated with the time that children are accepted as full members of society. Lagia recently investigated the bioarchaeological evidence for non-adult individuals from the Kerameikos and Plateia Kotzia cemeteries in Athens, focusing on the Late Archaic through to the Early Roman periods.27 By comparing temporal trends in non-adult (0–14 years of age) representation with a model life table, she attempted to assess the degree to which the bioarchaeological patterns observed reflect culturally significant patterns, or whether they are the result of preservation and recovery. It is perhaps the study of the largest infants’ cemetery discovered in Notia Kylindra on the island of Astypalaia, dating from the Late Geometric to the Roman era, that could thoroughly contribute to our understanding of the cultural attitudes 19 Liston and Papadopoulos 2004, p. 31-32; Demand 1994, p. 121-134. 20 Agelarakis 2000. 21 Malama and Triantaphyllou 2002. 22 Fox 2005. 23 Bourbou 2005. 24 Besios and Triantaphyllou 2000; Bourbou and Niniou-Kindeli 2009. 25 Burns 1979; 1982. 26 Agelarakis 2000, p. 51; Malama and Triantaphyllou 2002, p. 129-130. 27 Lagia 2007. C. Bourbou, P. Themelis towards the burial of non-adults.28 It is beyond the scope of this paper to thoroughly discuss the role of the child, or practices associated with it (e.g. abortion, infanticide, exposure) in ancient Greek society.29 Children in every society, ancient or modern, are fully loaded with perceptions that greatly vary in both life and death from those attributed to adults.30 The question “did the ancients care for children” has been commonly cited and debated in the works of many scholars studying childhood in antiquity.31 In a world where early deaths were a routine, it has been argued that the intensity and duration of emotional response towards their death was minimal – at least when compared to modern reactions. This theory of such a “demographic determinism” has received many critics, and current discussion points to a rather more compassionate profile of the parents involved. Thus, although the question is blunt, any thorough answer to it would be complex, taking into account variables of many kinds. It is important to note, though, that rites of passages were strictly outlined for children in antiquity: children entered the household at the Amphidromia (on their fifth or seventh day) and were named on the tenth date; their civic debut (when acknowledged as full members of society) may have occurred at the Anthesteria festival during their third year, a custom marked by gifts of choes.32 Although bodies of adolescents and children over the age of three are commonly found in burial grounds along with adults, the incidence of infants under the age of two and a half to three years in Greek cemeteries is comparatively rare.33 These meticulously specified stages of childhood, peaking with the formal recognition of a child as a member of society at the age of three years, could perhaps explain why infants who died before reaching that age would not receive a formal burial service and would consequently be buried in other, less designated places. In such case, one needs to take into account all aspects before affirming a “deviant behavior” rather than a practice that meets the cultural or other traditions of every society. Drawing data from worldwide examples, we briefly mention here the case of the Irish cilliní.34 Special resting places (e.g. deserted churches and graveyards, ancient megalithic tombs and secular earthworks, sea or lake shores) were used from Early Christian times to the 20th century for stillborn babies, unbaptized infants and some other members of the society (e.g. mentally retarded, criminals, suicides, etc.), who were considered unsuitable for burial in consecrated ground. It can be argued that the Messenians buried their deceased newborns formally, although in places other than the designated burial ground, as inside the precinct of grave monument K3, in a way placed under the protection of the heroized eminent Messenian family buried there. It also seems probable that the non-adults recovered from the well had been initially buried in pots and amphorae at a specific burial ground; at some point in time, the use of this burial ground presumably changed and the pot burials were subsequently transported and re-deposited into the well. The large number of non-adults’ remains might also suggest that the well continued to 28 Hillson 2009. 29 For a thorough discussion see Neils and Oakley 2003. 30 Scott 1999; Sofaer Derevenski 2000. 31 Golden 1988; 2003; 2004. 32 Garland 1985; Hamilton 1992; Golden 2003. 33 Sourvinou-Inwood 1995. 34 Murphy and McNeil 1993; Hurl and Murphy 1996; Donnelly, Donnelly and Murphy 1999. 115 Child Burials at Ancient Messene 116 receive dead infants as a known to mothers and local midwives place of disposal of infants who died at birth. Dog burials Although the analysis of the abundant dog remains recovered from the well is still in progress, it is worthwhile to briefly overview attitudes towards dogs in antiquity. At this state of the analysis it is not possible to securely interpret their presence (butchery and consumption remains? deliberate and symbolic act?), as interpretation will depend on the nature of the assemblage itself (scattered and broken bones or complete skeletons?), and other possible characteristics (e.g. cut marks, signs of burning).35 Nevertheless, dogs played a significant role in ancient Greek society, as evidenced by the vast majority of representations and their association with specific aspects of domestic and social life.36 In banquet, hunting, warrior/chariot scenes, as companions of athletes and children, dogs were widely appreciated and depicted. They were also the indispensable companions of numerous gods, as for example Artemis, and of eponymous heroes like Ulysses. Dogs were essential to the comfort and dignity of the dead, escorting them on their trip to the underworld, or as guards of Hades and symbols of death. It was also thought that dogs could heal the sick by sucking or licking the infected area, curing blindness and other diseases. In Semitic culture, the dog was associated with Gula (assugalatu), a Mesopotamian goddess of healing.37 Dogs were present in the sanctuaries of Asklepios and were thought to cure blindness by licking the eye or the wound. Of importance to our study is the association of dogs with childbirth, since votive offerings were dedicated after a successful childbirth to deities associated with fertility, pregnancy and childbirth (for example Eileithyia, Artemis Orthia). In ancient Messene Artemis Orthia was honored by women as protector of children, as kourotrophos.38 Dogs are also reported as sacrificial animals for easing childbirth, or in funeral/ritual contexts.39 In the burial of Patroklos, Achilles sacrifices two of Patroklos’ faithful dogs on the funeral pyre (Iliad 23, 173-183). George Mylonas suggests that the horses and dogs sacrificed on the pyre of Patroklos were considered part of the belongings of the dead hero.40 Vermeule agrees that the animals were meant to accompany the dead on their journey.41 Scholz has suggested that the animals were meant to serve their masters in the Underworld.42 Leslie Preston Day connects the dogs with the purification of the Homeric warrior.43 35 For a survey of dog and human burials throughout Greece see Preston Day 1984; Trantalidou 2006, p. 100-102. 36 For an overview on dogs in Greek literature, iconography and osteological evidence, see Trantalidou 2006. 37 Burkert 1983, p. 118. 38 Themelis 1994. 39 Preston Day 1984. 40 Mylonas 1956; 1962, p. 480. 41 Vermeule 1979, p. 46, 103. 42 Scholz 1937, p. 37. 43 Preston Day 1984, p. 27. C. Bourbou, P. Themelis The majority of Greek dog burials involved sacrifice and were associated with human burials. By the Late Hellenistic period, pets were buried and many even had been given their own gravestones and epigrammatic epitaphs.44 Unique, as far as we know, is the burial of a dog in a carefully constructed cist grave found in the cemetery of Amalias and Panepistimiou Street at Athens.45 The lucky and most beloved animal had a richly decorated leather collar around its neck and was escorted by two glass bottles of the 1st century AD. From Lydian levels at Sardis, 30 caches of jugs containing the partial skeletons of butchered puppies are reported to have been buried in pits. They are thought to be the remains of ritual meals, despite the lack of evidence that they had been cooked.46 In conclusion, we agree with Ane-Sofie Gräslund that the mythical dog seems to be a medium on the border between the living and the dead and in all likelihood, the archaeological material reflects this important symbolic-mythological meaning in the transformation from life to death.47 Conclusion The presence of non-adult remains in the well is suggestive of a re-deposition, after an initial formal burial in pots elsewhere (cf. the similar burial complex of infant burials at the Hellenistic grave monument K3). It seems highly probable, though, that the well afterwards was a known to mothers and local midwives place of disposal and continued to regularly receive dead infants. Pathological conditions associated with the risks of pregnancy and childbirth affecting the mother – infant pair, could have contributed to their early death. Infants in the Greek world, as elsewhere, constituted a special category of the dead, and were attributed different attitudes than adults in both life and death. Such differences in attitudes towards death and burial practices are noted in the archaeological record, as infants dying before the age of three were commonly buried in separate, less designated places. Thus, an interpretation of the finds based on possible social exclusion or deviant behavior is rather ambiguous. Although social marginality in the ancient Greek world is evidenced in written sources and iconographic representations, research of the burial record has proved less fruitful. As the study of the animal remains is still in progress, we cannot ascertain the actual reason for the presence of the large quantity of dog bones in the well. However, we could note on their chthonic role and their association with deities assigned to protect or ease childbirth until additional data are provided. 44 Preston Day 1984, p. 29. 45 Parlama and Stampolides 2000, p. 157: T. 82; cat. 162-164. 46 Wapnish and Hesse 1993, p. 55-80. 47 Gräslund 2004, p. 168-176. 117 Child Burials at Ancient Messene 118 Τable 1. Measurements of intact long bones of the upper limbs (mm) L Humerus R Humerus 63.85 64.45 64.46 63.07 63.08 62.81 66.02 61.00 63.63 67.87 68.17 60.17 65.69 59.49 59.47 65.67 64.51 61.11 63.38 61.98 61.91 67.66 64.48 67.70 64.79 64.63 68.06 61.45 67.21 63.20 61.61 65.10 40.58 63.25 63.12 64.56 65.12 63.22 55.08 58.79 64.59 68.70 61.62 60.70 56.08 63.00 71.43 67.17 60.93 63.35 63.86 63.32 67.52 L Radius R Radius L Ulna R Ulna L Clavicle R Clavicle 52.05 50.66 49.47 53.24 56.51 53.74 51.09 54.95 49.42 43.94 51.97 48.89 51.31 51.72 52.99 53.75 49.63 44.30 49.84 52.68 55.20 56.39 44.71 49.91 33.63 61.19 51.98 57.23 56.41 60.99 61.20 58.27 58.91 57.24 55.60 59.46 57.01 62.09 55.50 38.63 44.98 40.76 42.47 44.30 46.16 38.01 46.35 44.00 40.92 45.78 46.72 35.02 42.05 43.10 45.87 41.35 45.67 42.32 43.72 40.45 43.95 C. Bourbou, P. Themelis 119 Τable 2. Measurements of intact long bones of the lower limbs (mm) L Femur R Femur L Tibia R Tibia 73.11 78.39 82.98 69.34 71.50 71.63 68.46 57.17 72.23 75.56 75.47 78.43 78.61 73.14 81.22 67.75 50.92 63.33 80.94 70.51 74.71 76.88 70.77 73.66 70.86 75.18 71.98 76.81 70.37 76.38 78.43 70.10 66.94 66.65 62.45 66.54 69.50 65.55 65.44 65.10 61.80 63.00 65.48 61.24 62.51 64.80 64.03 61.43 67.02 63.49 64.28 65.22 61.84 60.04 61.23 65.11 67.57 60.92 63.02 Table 3. Μeasurements of intact cranial bones (mm) Pars basilaris Length 12.72 11.58 13.08 13.02 12.91 13.91 12.39 12.60 14.16 13.64 12.39 12.81 11.61 13.83 13.53 11.68 12.66 13.01 12.62 12.16 Width 15.93 13.27 16.87 17.25 16.11 15.77 14.42 15.36 13.54 16.40 14.92 15.29 15.19 14.11 15.61 13.58 13.61 14.94 14.68 14.12 L Zygomatic L Zygomatic R Zygomatic R Zygomatic length width length width 22.92 20.36 20.00 19.23 18.76 28.89 21.95 18.14 24.87 21.24 25.72 19.80 22.58 19.38 17.04 21.59 18.38 19.76 Child Burials at Ancient Messene 120 Table 4. Measurements of intact pelvic bones (mm) L Ilium length 33.66 28.34 34.44 35.15 33.59 36.56 32.10 36.71 35.57 34.97 35.36 35.46 32.87 30.55 31.00 35.30 36.66 34.16 L Ilium width 30.04 25.40 32.30 30.90 31.89 32.25 29.89 33.79 32.42 33.73 32.12 35.20 29.08 27.88 28.41 31.95 33.29 32.25 R Ilium length 36.21 34.33 36.83 32.65 33.04 35.07 36.98 33.89 37.98 37.02 36.18 34.32 33.36 37.41 35.29 35.56 31.81 33.75 32.23 33.45 36.18 30.66 L Ilium width 28.92 28.50 28.85 26.71 31.58 32.18 33.96 32.18 33.05 33.06 31.27 32.41 31.13 33.12 31.12 31.82 27.74 29.39 27.28 29.88 31.70 28.17 L Ischium L Ischium R Ischium R Ischium L Pubis R Pubis length width length width 19.39 12.88 18.48 11.67 16.54 17.62 18.01 11.80 17.85 11.99 18.00 16.03 15.88 10.76 16.75 11.86 15.76 15.31 19.85 13.50 16.97 11.75 16.65 19.21 12.95 20.22 13.53 17.80 17.16 11.26 20.82 13.25 17.01 11.08 18.64 12.35 19.69 12.75 18.25 12.40 18.47 12.02 19.07 12.39 18.84 12.52 19.45 12.65 17.30 11.33 Table 5. Approximate correlation of age with maximum/minimum (values from measurements of intact long bones, after Scheuer and Black 2000) Bone L Humerus (n=33)1 R Humerus (n=20) L Radius (n=11)2 R Radius (n=14) L Ulna (n=7)3 R Ulna (n=7) L Clavicle (n=10)4 R Clavicle (n=12) L Femur (n=17)5 R Femur (n=15) L Tibia (n=15)6 R Tibia (n=12) Max length 68.17 71.43 56.51 56.39 61.20 62.09 46.35 46.72 82.98 80.94 69.50 67.02 Scheuer and Black 2000, Table 9.2. Scheuer and Black 2000, Table 9.7. 3 Scheuer and Black 2000, Table 9.14. 4 Scheuer and Black 2000, Table 8.1. 5 Scheuer and Black 2000, Table 11.2. 6 Scheuer and Black 2000, Table 11.8. 1 2 Age (weeks) >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 >40 Min length 40.58 55.08 43.94 33.63 51.98 55.50 38.01 35.02 50.92 63.33 61.24 60.92 Age (weeks) 26 36 34 26 36 38 36 32 30-32 36 38 38 C. Bourbou, P. Themelis Bibliography Agelarakis A. 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(2004), “Dogs in graves - a question of symbolism”, in B. Santillo Frizell, ed., PECUS. Man and animal in antiquity. Proceedings of the conference at the Swedish Institute in Rome, September 9-12, 2002, The Swedish Institute in Rome, Projects and Seminars 1, 121 122 Child Burials at Ancient Messene Rome 2004, p. 167-176. www.svenska-institutet-rom.org/pecus. Hamilton R. (1992), Choes and Anthesteria: Athenian Iconography and Ritual, Ann Arbor. Hillson S. (2009), “The World’s Largest Infant Cemetery and its Potential for Studying Growth and Development: the Notia Kylindra Site on the Island of Astypalaia in the Dodecanese”, in L. Schepartz, S. Fox and C. Bourbou, ed., New Directions in the Skeletal Biology of Greece, Hesperia Supplement 43, Occasional Wiener Laboratory Series 1, p. 137-154. Hurl D. P. and Murphy E. M. (1996), “Life and Death in a County Antrim Tower House”, Archaeology Ireland 10, p. 20-23. Kritzas Ch. 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(1984), “Dog Burials in the Greek World”, AJA 88, p. 21-32. Pullen D. J. (1985), Social Organization in Early Bronze Age Greece: A Multi-dimensional Approach, PhD Dissertation, Indiana University, Ann Arbor. Roberts C. A. and Manchester K. (1995), The Archaeology of Disease, New York. Rotroff S. I. (1999), “The Artifacts from Well G5:3 and Some Conclusions Concerning the Deposit”, in Rotroff, Little and Snyder 1999, p. 284-285. Rotroff S. I., Little M. L. and Snyder L. M. (1999), “The Reanalysis of a Well Deposit from the Second Century BC in the Athenian Agora: Animal Sacrifice and Infanticide in Late Hellenistic Athens?”, Colloquium, The 100th Annual Meeting of the Archaeological C. Bourbou, P. Themelis Institute of America, Washington, December 27-30 1998, AJA 103, p. 284-285 (abstracts). Scheuer L. and Black S. (2000), Developmental Juvenile Osteology, San Diego-London. Schmid S. G. (1997), “Vorbericht über die Grabung in E/600 NW”, AntK 40, 2, p. 104-107. Scholz H. (1937), Der Hund in der griechisch-römischen Magie und Religion, Berlin. Scott E. (1999), The Archaeology of Infancy and Infant Death, Oxford. Shear T. L. (1930), “Excavations in the North Cemetery at Corinth in 1930”, AJA 34, p. 403431. Snyder L. M. (1999), “The Animal Bones from Well G5:3: Domestic Debris, Industrial Debris, and Possible Evidence for the Sacrifice of Domestic Dogs in Late Hellenistic Athens”, in Rotroff, Little and Snyder 1999, p. 284. Snyder L. M. and Moore E. A. (2006), ed., Dogs and people in social, working, economic or symbolic interaction, Proceedings of the 9th Conference of the International Council of Archaeozoology, Durham, August 2002, Oxford. Sofaer Derevenski J. (2000), ed., Children and Material Culture, London. Sourvinou-Inwood C. (1995), ‘Reading’ Greek Death: To the End of the Classical Period, Oxford. Themelis P. G. (1994) “Artemis Ortheia at Messene, the Epigraphical and the Archaeological Evidence”, in R. Hägg, ed., Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, International Seminar at the Swedish Institute at Athens 22-24 November 1991, Stockholm, p. 101-122. Themelis P. G. (1999), “Ανασκαφή Μεσσήνης”, Prakt, p. 68-111, pl. 46-74. Themelis P. G. (2000a), “Ανασκαφή Μεσσήνης”, Prakt, p. 75-105, pl. 41-68. Themelis P. G. (2000b), Ήρωες και ηρώα στη Μεσσήνη (with summary in english Heroes and Hero Shrines in Messene), Athens. Themelis P. G. (2004), “Ανασκαφή Μεσσήνης”, Prakt, p. 27-53. Themelis P. G. (2005), “Ανασκαφή Μεσσήνης”, Prakt, p. 39-65. Trantalidou K. (2006), “Companions from the Oldest Times: Dogs in Ancient Greek Literature, Iconography and Osteological Testimony”, in Snyder and Moore 2006, p. 96120. Vermeule E. (1979), Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry, Berkeley-Los AngelesLondon. Waage F. O. (1949), “An Early Helladic Well near Old Corinth”, in Commemorative Studies in Honor of Theodore Leslie Shear, Hesperia Supplement 8, Princeton, p. 415-422. Wace E. B. (1954), “Mycenae 1939-1953: Part VI. The Cyclopean Terrace Building and the Deposit of Pottery beneath It”, The Annual of the British School at Athens 49, p. 267-291. Wapnish P. and Hesse B., (1993), “Pampered Pooches or Plain Pariahs? The Ashkelon Dog Burials”, The Biblical Archaeologist 56, 2, p. 55-80. Child Burials at Ancient Messene Abstract : Infants buried in pots accompanied by burials of dogs have been uncovered inside the precinct of a Hellenistic funerary monument (K3) in the Gymnasium area at Messene. Also, a well deposit of the 3rd-2nd century BC was brought to light in the agora of the city. It contained 123 124 Child Burials at Ancient Messene the commingled skeletal remains of 264 non-adult individuals (studied by Dr. Chryssa Bourbou, bioarchaeologist) and bones of several dogs, as well as fragments of pots and pointed amphorae. It is suggested that the non-adults found in the well were initially buried in pots and amphorae at a specific burial ground and re-deposited into the well. The well probably continued to receive dead infants as a known place of disposal of infants who died at birth. In the search of evidence for the disposal of fetuses, neonates or infants with dogs in Greek antiquity, the closest parallels are the wells discovered in the Athenian Agora (G 5:3) and at Eretria. Infants dying before the age of three were rather considered unsuitable for burial in consecrated ground. Dogs were essential to the comfort and dignity of the dead, escorting them on their trip to the Underworld, or as guards of Hades and symbols of death. It was thought that dogs could heal the sick by sucking or licking the infected area, curing blindness and other diseases. Dogs are also reported as sacrificial animals for easing childbirth, or in funeral/ritual contexts. Keywords : Messene, baby well, dogs, bioarchaeologist Tombes d’enfants de l’Ancienne Messène Résumé : Des enfants enterrés dans des vases, accompagnés de sépultures de chiens, ont été découverts à l’intérieur de l’enceinte d’un monument funéraire hellénistique (K3) situé dans le secteur du Gymnase de Messène. En outre, un dépôt du iiie-iie s. a été découvert dans un puits sur l’agora de la cité. Il contenait les restes mélangés de squelettes de 264 individus immatures (étudiés par Chryssa Bourbou, spécialiste d’archéologie biologique) et des os de plusieurs chiens, ainsi que des fragments de pots et d’amphores de stockage. Une suggestion est avancée selon laquelle les immatures trouvés dans le puits ont été initialement inhumés dans des pots et des amphores dans une aire funéraire spécialisée et redéposés dans le puits. Le puits a probablement continué à recevoir des enfants morts, fonctionnant comme un lieu connu de dépôt des enfants morts à la naissance. Si l’on cherche des données sur l’enterrement des fœtus, des nouveau-nés ou des enfants avec des chiens dans l’antiquité grecque, les parallèles les plus proches sont les puits découverts sur l’Agora d’Athènes (G 5:3) et à Érétrie. Les enfants morts avant l’âge de trois ans étaient généralement considérés comme n’ayant pas accès à l’espace consacré aux sépultures. Les chiens étaient essentiels pour le confort et la dignité des défunts, qu’ils accompagnaient dans leur voyage vers le monde d’en bas, ou comme gardiens de l’Hadès et symboles de mort. Suivant certaines croyances, ils pouvaient soigner les malades en suçant ou en lèchant les zones infectées, en guérissant la cécité et d’autres maladies. Il est aussi question des chiens sacrifiés dans le cadre de rituels pour favoriser l’accouchement ou dans des contextes funéraires. Mots-clés : Messène, dépôt d’enfants dans un puits, chiens, archéologie biologique Παιδικές ταφές στην αρχαία Μεσσήνη Περίληψη : Εγχυτρισμοί βρεφών, συνοδευόμενοι από ταφές σκύλων, βρέθηκαν στο εσωτερικό του περιβόλου ενός ελληνιστικού ταφικού μνημείου (Κ3) στην περιοχή του γυμνασίου της αρχαίας Μεσσήνης. Επίσης, ένα πηγάδι-αποθέτης του 3ου – 2ου αι. π.Χ. αποκαλύφθηκε στην αγορά της πόλης. Περιείχε τα αναμεμειγμένα σκελετικά κατάλοιπα 264 ανηλίκων ατόμων (μελετήθηκαν από C. Bourbou, P. Themelis τη Δρ. Χρύσα Μπούρμπου, βιοαρχαιολόγο), οστά αρκετών σκύλων, καθώς και όστρακα από χύτρες και οξυπύθμενους αμφορείς. Υποστηρίζεται ότι τα ανήλικα άτομα που βρέθηκαν στο πηγάδι είχαν αρχικά ταφεί σε χύτρες και αμφορείς σε συγκεκριμένο χώρο ταφής, και στη συνέχεια μεταφέρθηκαν και αποτέθηκαν στο πηγάδι. Το πηγάδι συνέχισε πιθανόν να λειτουργεί ως χώρος εναπόθεσης νεκρών βρεφών, ως χώρος γνωστός για την εναπόθεση βρεφών που πέθαναν κατά τη γέννησή τους. Κατά την αναζήτηση στοιχείων για τις ταφές εμβρύων, νεογνών ή βρεφών μαζί με σκύλους κατά την ελληνική αρχαιότητα, τα συγγενέστερα παράλληλα αποδείχθηκαν τα πηγάδια που έχουν βρεθεί στην αθηναϊκή αγορά (G 5:3) και την Ερέτρια. Φαίνεται πως η ταφή στα καθιερωμένα νεκροταφεία δεν θεωρείτο αρμόζουσα σε βρέφη ή νήπια που πέθαιναν πριν συμπληρώσουν τον τρίτο χρόνο ζωής τους. Οι σκύλοι θεωρούνταν μεγάλης σημασίας για την παρηγορία και την αξιοπρέπεια των νεκρών, ως συνοδοί τους κατά το ταξίδι τους προς τον Κάτω Κόσμο, ως φύλακες του Άδη και ως σύμβολο του θανάτου. Υπήρχε η πεποίθηση ότι οι σκύλοι μπορούσαν να γιατρέψουν τους ασθενείς, απομυζώντας ή γλείφοντας τη μολυσμένη περιοχή, θεραπεύοντας την τυφλότητα και άλλες ασθένειες. Οι σκύλοι αναφέρονται και σαν θυσιαστήρια ζώα για την εξασφάλιση μιας εύκολης γέννας, ή και σε ταφικά/ τελετουργικά συμφραζόμενα. Λέξεις κλειδιά : Μεσσήνη, εναπόθεση νεογνών σε πηγάδι, σκύλοι, βιοαρχαιολόγο 125 126 Child Burials at Ancient Messene Fig. 1: Ground plan of the K3 Grave Monument and its precinct (drawing of the Society of Messenian Archaeological Studies). C. Bourbou, P. Themelis Fig. 2: Child burial (enchytrismos) no. 19. Fig. 3: Dog burial no. 29. (Pictures of the Society of Messenian Archaeological Studies) 127 128 Child Burials at Ancient Messene Fig. 4: The well in the agora of Messene. Fig. 5: Pointed amphora from the agora well. (Pictures of the Society of Messenian Archaeological Studies)