A Sketch
of Diachronic
English
Morphology.
By Alfred Bammes
berger. (= Eichstatter
Materiallen,
7.) Regensburg: Verlag
Friedrich Pustet, 1984. Pp. 96.
Reviewed by C. ROBIN BARRETT, University
of
Canterbury
Bammesberger states in his preface that his intention
is to bridge the gap between those works which, in consider
ing the historical grammar of English, project the sounds
and forms of English back to Germanic and IndoEuropean and
those works on the comparative grammar of these protolan
guages in which English plays a very minor role. His aim is
to explain Old English morphology in the IndoEuropean con
text by discussing the inflexions of Old English, tracing
them where possible back to hypothetical IndoEuropean forms
and relating them to forms in other Germanic languages,
thereby showing how the grammatical system has changed in the
course of over 3000 years. In addition, he outlines the more
important inflexional developments in the centuries follow
ing the AngloSaxon period.
The work is divided into six chapters. In the first,
designated introduction,
the author defines phonemes and
morphemes, discusses the tasks of diachronic linguistics and
briefly outlines the scope and methods of his study. The
chapter closes with figures setting out the phonological
systems of IndoEuropean and Germanic. Here it was not clear
why the palatal semivowel is represented by y in IndoEuro
pean, but by j in Germanic. Again, in the IndoEuropean sys
tem, I was puzzled by the omission of aspirated voiceless
plosives, beside the unaspirated sounds. In Germanic, a brief
note on the distinction between ē1 and ē2 would have been
welcome, though, to be fair, this point is raised in para.
5.2.4.5. However, B emphasises that he is providing only a
sketch of phonology and that students should turn to the
standard handbooks for further information. Nevertheless, I
think this introduction would have benefited from the inclu
sion of a brief account of qualitative and quantitative vow
elgradation in view of the importance of this in both the
inflexional and the derivational morphology of IndoEuropean.
In this connexion, at the risk of splitting hairs, I would
suggest that the terms gradation
or ablaut
are more familiar
in English phonological terminology than apophony,
which B
tends to favour in later chapters.
Chap.II, devoted to noun inflexions, opens with a clear
overview of the IndoEuropean casesystem and a figure com
Diachronica 2:2 (1985), 239–244. DOI 10.1075/dia.2.2.09bar
ISSN 0176–4225 / E-ISSN 1569–9714 © John Benjamins Publishing Company
240
C. ROBIN BARRETT: REVIEW OF BAMMESBERGER (1984)
paring the paradigm of IndoEuropean *wlkwos
with its re
flexes in Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian and Gothic.
This figure and the others in this work present important
material to the student with admirable clarity. However, the
student's task is not facilitated when technical terms like
casesyncretism
are not defined. Similarly, readers could
be confused by the following statement in para. 2.1.2.4.:
Apart from the ostems (thematicstems) the following major stem
classes must be distinguished:
stems in ā (Lat. toga 'garment' <*togā) ;
stems in i (Lat. hostis
'enemy'
<*ghostis);
stems in u (Lat. manus 'hand').
This implies that only the ostems are thematic. Personally,
I find that the division of IndoEuropean nouns into vocalic,
root and consonant stems, as used later in para. 2.1.2.4. is
quite sufficient and that to introduce the distinction be
tween thematic and athematic declension merely complicates
matters. It would have been more helpful, instead, to have
included, as Campbell (1959:222) does, the information that
stems are sometimes subject to ablaut. The full range of
Old English noun classes are then discussed, their inflex
ions traced back to Germanic and IndoEuropean, and problems
of reconstruction or development of forms highlighted. There
is a wealth of clearly presented detail here and the crit
English
icisms raised below are minor. Thus, the term preoid
used in para. 2.2.2.2. with reference to the retraction of
ae could be read as referring to AngloFrisian rather than
to Primitive Old English (450700 A . D . ) . The statement
(para. 2.2.4.6.) that the form secg is probably an analogic
creation invites the question, "In analogy to what?".
The author then moves to a brief discussion of noun
declension in Middle English. Its brevity is entirely jus
tified by the author's declared intention to concentrate on
Old English and to treat later stages in summary. I am, how
ever, puzzled by his statement in para. 2.8.1.3. that gram
matical gender has left traces in the pronominal system.
A pronoun, surely, takes its gender either from its extra
linguistic referent or from the noun which it stands in for.
If such a noun has natural gender, this will be reflected
in the pronoun, but if the noun has grammatical gender, the
pronoun will either reflect this or, as Brunner (1951 II.21)
points out with reference to Old English, have natural gen
der. The statement in para. 2.8.1.4., that although details
are hard to ascertain, it would seem natural to assume that
French exerted considerable influence on the development of
English, is with regard to morphology rather unfortunate. If
details of such influence cannot be found easily, then one
can hardly speak of considerable influence.
REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS / BESPRECHUNGEN
241
Chapter Three opens with a full discussion, similar to
that on the nouns, of strong and weak adjective declension.
The loss of adjective inflexion for gender, number and case
is rather too tersely treated in one short paragraph. The
development of the IndoEuropean comparative in *
yos*/is
and superlative in *isto
in Germanic and Old English is cov
ered fully. In this section (para. 3.5.2.1.) the term re
analysis
is used. Again, this is a term which could usefully
have been defined for the benefit of students. The chapter
continues with an admirably full account of the formation of
adverbs and the development of these forms from Old English
into Modern. It concludes with details on the comparison of
adverbs.
Chapter Four opens with a concise and lucid summary of
the types of pronoun in IndoEuropean, with affinities b e
tween Old English and other IndoEuropean languages well
brought out, as in the clear distinction between rectus and
obliquus in the personal pronouns and the demonstrative.
Bammesberger then gives a thoroughly satisfactory treatment
of the Old English personal pronouns and the more signifi
cant questions concerning the origins of forms in Germanic
and IndoEuropean. The Middle and Modern English developments
in pronominal inflexion are discussed briefly, but adequately,
though in para. 4.2.7.4. there ought perhaps to have been men
tion of the uncertainty regarding the origin of possessives
in s, hers,
yours,
etc. (see Brunner 1951 II.116), and re
garding their use predicatively in contrast to the attrib
utive use of nons forms. In the next section of this chap
ter, the Old English simple and emphatic demonstratives are
satisfactorily covered. However, with regard to the latter,
reference could have been made to an interesting feature of
their remodelling, whereby medial inflexion was transferred
to the end of the word (see Krahe 1957 II.65, and Prokosch
1939:272). We can compare here a Runic Norse form for the
acc. sg. masc. pansi,
which is close to the Germanic proto
type, with the Old English p i s n e , noting the similarity of
this phenomenon to the development of Latin eumpse into ip
sum. The section closes with a clear and succinct account of
the Modern English article and demonstratives, with due note
taken of the problems involved in satisfactorily explaining
the plural forms these
and those.
The sections of this chap
ter dealing with interrogative and indefinite pronouns are
satisfactory, as is the section on the relatives, though in
this last I would query the statement that the particle Se
belongs in the paradigm of the demonstrative pronoun. Surely,
as an indeclinable particle, it has no place in any paradigm.
At the close of this chapter Bammesberger inserts a note on
the vexed form flodu on the front panel of the Franks Casket,
illustrating the point with a facsimile of the first line of
runes. The argument is well presented and the inclusion of
the facsimile is an excellent idea, as is the decision to
242
C. ROBIN BARRETT: REVIEW OF BAMMESBERGER (1984)
reproduce the whole of the front of the casket on p.8. It is
a pity that, presumably for reasons of space, the note should
have been placed on p.53 rather than with the discussion of
ustem nouns on pp.2122, where incidentally there is no re
ference to the floducrux.
Chapter Five covers the morphology of the verb very
fully and on the whole satisfactorily. It opens with an ad
mirably clear summary of verbal categories in IndoEuropean
and Germanic, discussing the origins of our tenses in the
IndoEuropean system of aspect, and considering matters of
mood and voice. B then considers in turn the Old English
strong, weak and preteritepresent verbs. I was, however,
surprised at the omission of a separate section covering the
anomalous verbs beon,
don and gân. The survey of strong verbs
is full and useful, considering problems of gradation, re
duplication and grammatical change. In para. 5.2.2.8. there
is a helpful table setting out the four roots of the strong
classes IV, together with a symbolic representation of the
IndoEuropean root structure for the first root of each. In
this last feature, I am unhappy with the choice of symbols:
B lists five root structures, KeiT, KeuT, KeNT, KeN and KeT,
whereby K and T represent any consonant and N represents a
nasal or a liquid. Leaving aside the minor point that in a
book written in English the symbol c might be more appro
priate than K, as conforming to general usage, I see no need
to have two symbols where one would do. Clearly K is here
rootinitial and T rootfinal, but in para. 2.3.3.4. K re
presents any rootfinal consonant. This is inconsistent. A
small modification to the system would eliminate these prob
lems: let K (or c) represent any consonant, N a nasal or
liquid, and T any consonant other than a nasal or liquid.
The revised list would the read: KeiK, KeuK, KeNK, KeN,
KeT.
The inflexions of weak verbs are well analysed and there is
a particularly clear and useful table in para. 5.3.2.8. show
ing the derivation from Germanic of Old English class I weak
infinitives with original linking vowel as compared with the
derivation of their preterites which lack such a vowel, as
for example wyrcan
worhte.
In para. 5.3.5.1. mention is made of verbs like beorhtnian
with a nasal infix in the present, but I was surpris
ed that the nasal infix of the class VI strong verb
standan,
a very common verb indeed, had not been mentioned in the re
levant paragraph. With regard to the problem of the origin
of the preterite dental suffix, B cites the commonly posited
view that this is to be looked for in a periphrastic tense
involving the IE verb *dhe- as auxiliary, and he is careful
to draw attention to the difficulties which this explanation
involves. The Old English preteritepresents are amply cover
ed, being explained as verbs in which IE perfect forms re
REVIEWS / COMPTES RENDUS / BESPRECHUNGEN
243
tained their presential meaning of a state in the present
resulting from previous action. The various verbs are re
lated to the root structures of the strongverb classes,
whereby the notation criticised above, involving K, T and N
is used again. Section 5.5. is devoted to the Old English
imperative and subjunctive inflexion. I felt that this sec
tion could have included the infinitives and participles,
which seemed to me to fit uneasily in para. 5.7.1.1.ff.
under the heading Sample Paradigms
of Old English
Verbs,
Personal endings are satisfactorily dealt with in Section
5.6. and the section on sample paradigms provides, in addi
tion to information on nonfinite forms, full paradigms of
ridan,
fremman,
witan
and wesan/beon.
The chapter closes
with an account of verbal categories in Modern English which
covers such important matters as the problem of the 3rd sg.
pres. indic, in s , the simplification of two preterite stems
into one in the strong verbs and the transfer of strong verbs
to weak verb inflexion.
The apparatus consists of a bibliography and an
index
verborum
of Old English words whose morphology is dealt with.
The bibliography is sufficiently comprehensive to provide a
student with useful references for further study. However,
I thought that the MLA Old English
Newsletter
(Szarmach 1967
ff.) might have been included among the bibliographies listed.
My assessment of this work as a whole is that it a
chieves what it sets out to do clearly and concisely. It
provides detailed data on the morphological changes which
led to the emergence of the Old English inflexional system
and it places this system in the wider framework of Germanic
and IndoEuropean. The criticisms I have made concern mainly
matters of detail. However, in wider terms I would have liked
some extrapolation from the data leading to a general dis
cussion of the processes and causes of morphological change.
It may well be that the author intends his readers to do
this extrapolation for themselves. My final comment is that
it is unusual to find a work on historical linguistics deco
rated with illustrations and zoomorphic initials derived
from AngloSaxon manuscripts. It is a practice to be com
mended.
Reviewer's
address:
C. Robin Barrett
Department of English
University of Canterbury
CHRISTCHURCH, New Zealand
REFERENCES
Brunner, Karl. 195051. Die Englische Sprache:
wicklung. Bd.I: Allgemeinesi
Lautgeschichte;
Ihre geschichtliche
EntBd.II: Die
Flexionsformen.
244
C. ROBIN BARRETT: REVIEW OF BAMMESBERGER (1984)
Halle/Saale: Max Niemeyer.
Campbell, Alistair. 1959. Old English Grammar. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Krahe, Hans. 1957. Germanische Sprachwissenschaft.
3rd rev. ed. Bd. I:
Einleitung
und Lautlehre;
Bd.II: Formenlehre.
Berlin: Walter de Gruy
ter.
Prokosch, Eduard. 1938. A Comparative Germanic Grammar. Baltimore, Md.:
Linguistic Society of America.
Szarmach, Paul, ed. 1967ff. Old English Newsletter.
Published for the
Old English Division of the Modern Language Association of America by
the Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State Univ. of
New York, Binghamton, N.Y.