DEVELOPMENT AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT

La denominada restricción externa al crecimiento ha constituido una histórica traba al desarrollo económico de los países latinoamericanos. El artículo se propone aportar al debate sobre esta cuestión en la Argentina desde un enfoque de economía política. En ese marco, se plantea que el menor dinamismo exhibido por la economía argentina entre 2009 y 2015 frente al lustro anterior estuvo vinculado a crecientes dificultades en su sector externo. A partir del análisis descriptivo de diversas variables relacionadas con el balance de pagos, se afirma que ello se debió a la confluencia de una situación externa-la crisis internacional-con problemas estructurales no resueltos cuya persistencia remite al carácter del bloque de clases dominante.

Bunker, Foster, and Moore all address the unjust manner in which dominant actors in the capitalist world-system simultaneously exploit labor and nonhuman or biophysical nature while undermining sustainability. In the context of recent, largely one-sided criticism of Moore by Foster, this chapter highlights fundamental agreements regarding ecologically unequal exchange across all three of these sociologists. Then, it unpacks distinctions regarding capitalism as causing degradation; nature’s ontology; epistemology and dialectical analysis; and possible futures that might overturn the current unsustainable situation. The conclusion reiterates the importance of Bunker’s foundational work, peripheral vantage point, dialectical view of socio-nature, and realistic future vision, partly based in his posthumously published The Snake with Golden Braids.

The Peruvian economy depends for its growth on the export of its mineral resources. This dependency is derived from the country's role in the international division of labour and is expressed in its export structure, economic structure and business structure. Peru's dependency on its mineral resources, an economic structure that is principally made up of non-tradable sectors and a business structure dominated by micro businesses, make lasting economic progress very difficult. We argue that although the Peruvian economy is divided into an advanced economy and a capitalist subsistence economy, the country is not a dual economy where two sub-economies are economically and socially separated from each other and have structurally different modes of operation. The capitalist subsistence economy is characterized by low productivity levels and is expressed in remuneration rates at or near the minimum wage level. This structural feature of the Peruvian economy impedes the successful implementation of a process that would make the country less dependent on its natural resources and would set it on a development course of increased value-added production.

This article examines primarily the social impacts of the 2001 economic crisis on small employers and workers and their evaluation of the crisis in Ankara, Turkey. Besides this basic aim, it also provides an overview of the macroeconomic policies that have been implemented since 1980 and discusses the results of these policies. The fieldwork for this study was carried out in selected sectors in Ankara from

Karl Marx's concept of development has been subject to two widespread interpretations. The first attributes to Marx a historical–philosophical position with a teleological character. This interpretation maintains that different social formations evolve linearly through the same stages, and that the trend of capitalism would be the regional leveling of development worldwide. The second interpretation perceives a radical change of mind by Marx, at a mature point of his evolution. A comparison of the two interpretations, based on Marx's concrete analysis, his theories of history and alienation, his theory of value and his method for the critique of political economy, reveals that both interpretations have significant limitations.

Read More: http://guilfordjournals.com/doi/abs/10.1521/siso.2015.79.4.582

Argentina has more than twice the total debt of India whilst the latter has 28 times more population in roughly equivalent territories. According to Poder Ciudadano, a local NGO, in 1999 Argentine political parties spent 440 times more than those of Chile. These gross asymmetries help to show that Argentina’s Žfinancial troubles must be attributed to her own political practices rather than to adverse circumstances or foreign scapegoats. By December 2001, overspending had manifestly destroyed the
Argentine Žnancial system. Across-the-board violations of property rights followed, through bank withdrawal restrictions and a debt default that was the biggest in world economic history. This paper analyses the breakdown of federal institutions, the atomisation
of power and the erosion of governability that ensued as a consequence of the fiŽnancial crisis. MaŽfia-style political practices, an endemic evil in the background of Argentine politics, jumped to the forefront as a consequence of this institutional breakdown.

This paper identifies gaps in the theoretical literature on Natural
Resource-Based View (NRBV) and compares it with empirical
evidence on barriers to environmental strategies. Although NRBV’s components may allow firms to gain a sustained competitive ad-vantage, the determinants of these components may be affected by the market conditions. The barriers to environmental strategies align with the gaps found in the NRBV literature, suggesting that NRBV may need to address these issues in order to be generalizable across various market conditions. The barriers to environmental strategies may intensify in countries with low levels of human development, making it difficult for firms to gain a competitive advantage in developing countries, as compared to developed countries. This implies that the optimal market conditions for environmental strategies may depend on
the human development level of both developed and developing
economies.

This paper examines the potential of geographic analysis to inform development policy that is capable of effectively empowering rural women working in agriculture and, in so doing, reducing local hunger and biodiversity loss. Despite decades of research documenting the importance of women’s work in maintaining food security and crop diversity, and despite over 15 years of renewed commitments to gender mainstreaming at national and international levels, women and gender currently remain at the margins of agricultural policy. Existing approaches to gender analysis, which lack a rigorous geographic approach, are largely inadequate to engage the increasingly globalized social and institutional structures that gender mainstreaming seeks to transform. This paper employs a ‘countertopographic’ methodology, developed by human geographers to trace structural similarities between disparate places, in order to analyze the mobile and dynamic connections between gender, food production, and development. Through the juxtaposition of rural women’s experiences in four distinct agricultural settings, this paper demonstrates how inequality and inequity in particular locales are produced in relation to broad-scale political and economic change. A geographic conceptual framework may thus have the fluidity to confront the disempowerment of rural women in a globalizing world.

El presente documento ofrece un análisis comparativo de las teorías de la dependencia y el enfoque del posdesarrollo partiendo del reconocimiento de sus contribuciones, alcances y limitaciones, así como de la revisión del concepto de desarrollo que postulan en sus sistemas teóricos. Se destaca que ambas perspectivas interpretan que la génesis del subdesarrollo se encuentra en la vocación expansiva del capitalismo y en el carácter desestructurante que se cierne sobre las sociedades nacionales. Luego de analizar su capacidad heurística y de identificar su limitada elaboración de estrategias y pautas normativas, se plantea que ambos enfoques teóricos contribuyen a las insuficiencias de la economía del desarrollo contemporánea y, en especial, a la generalizada crisis del pensamiento utópico que se presenta tanto en la academia como en la política y los movimientos sociales. A grandes rasgos, se presenta un balance general de dos perspectivas teóricas que pretenden esbozar una crítica estructurada a los efectos sociales negativos derivados de la expansión del capitalismo, así como a las teorías del desarrollo que legitiman el diseño y adopción de las políticas públicas y los intereses que le son consustanciales.

本文では、オーストラリアにおける日本型ハイブリッド工場モデルの構成は何か、そしてそれは実行可能な”アングロ-サクソンパターン”に一致するかということを提起し、この重要な提言についてオーストラリアにおける日本的経営と生産の実践を評価している。また本文では、オーストラリアにおける社会経営環境が日本のそれと極めて異なっていることを議論している。本文では、安保哲夫教授によって開発されたハイブリッド評価手法とその海外への日本型システムの移転についての適用性-順応性モデルを引用している。"

Australia, since the early 1980s, has been a leading advocate and practitioner of the
neo-liberal economic model, also known as the Anglo-Saxon (or Anglo-American) model due to its
geographical origins in the UK and the US, and its subsequent ascendancy in Australia, New Zealand
and Canada, prior to its global hegemony (Bayari 2012a). A major component of this model has
been the deregulatory market policies that have come to dominate all aspects of life. There are prior
discussions of Australia’s deregulation dogmas and practices that this paper does not cover (Bayari
2012c, Bayari 2012d). Interestingly, Australia was a pioneer of a proto-regulatory economic model
at the turn of the twentieth century. The emergence of the federal state in Australia in 1901 led to a
level of hitherto unseen level of intervention in the market. Australia, like Canada, the US and New
Zealand inherited the political, legal and other institutions of the UK. However, the Australian state
followed a different path by regulating capital and labour relationship through the enforcement of
compulsory conciliation and arbitration, which eventually led to the creation of a continuous system
of minimum wage determination for unskilled labour, and skilled occupational categories (Bayari
2012b). This proto-regulatory state model of the Antipodes preceded the post-Second World War
regulatory state in the West by decades. This paper does not argue that a proto-regulatory model of
state continued to develop which is a question that is outside the discussion here, however the
1941-1949 Labor governments, under John Curtin and Ben Chifley, created new institutions for
welfare, and health care provision, and attempted to create a new society, such as in terns of defining
the content of citizenship, and creating the notion of entitlement to non-market wage, while the
governments of the period from thereafter until 1972 can be characterised as calculatingly inert. This
paper however focuses on the period ending with the1907 Harvester judgment.

This paper discusses the post-‘Lehman Brothers shock’ period of the Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia, and provides an analysis of the types of investment.  The analysis begins with the theoretical frameworks that define multinational enterprise (MNE) activity, and foreign direct investment.  The way in which ‘institutional economics’ theory is utilised within the ‘eclectic paradigm’ is also analysed herein.  The ‘Lehman Brothers shock’, the ensuing market decline, and the subsequent investor indecisiveness have had effects on foreign direct investment in Asia, the EU, and North America (Devos & Giovanoli, 2011).  While this situation continued, one particular economic bilateralism, that of Japan and Australia, has remained largely unaffected.  The bilateral trade volumes and structure between the two remain unaltered in the aftermath of the ‘shock’.  This paper details the Japanese foreign direct investment patterns in Australia that were present before the ‘Lehman Brothers shock’, and continued afterwards (i.e. several-stage type of acquisitions).  From the time of the ‘shock’ until April 2010, there were numerous Japanese acquisitions in Australia (Wallace, 2010).  This process has been continuing, as of December 2011, with Japanese MNE Inpex’s A$30 billion foreign direct investment in LNG extraction and export project (AAP, 2011; AFP, 2011).  Nippon Paper Group’s 2009 foreign direct investment in Australia was the ninth biggest Japanese global acquisition in that year (JETRO, 2010: 38), and Mitsubishi Corporation’s September 2008 foreign direct investment was the tenth largest (JETRO, 2009: 85).  The post-crisis business environment has been beset by uncertainties, and the global mergers and acquisitions had recovered to merely one third of the 2007 levels by the end of 2010 (UNCTAD, 2011: xii).  This has been the global trend, the context of the discussion herein.  As this paper discusses, the global trend, which UNCTAD describes, does not readily apply to the Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia.

本論文は、オーストラリアにおける日本のFDI、とりわけ2008～2010年の期間に言及している。オーストラリアにおける日本のFDIは「リーマンショック」の間もそれ以降も続いた。日本とオーストラリアの経済関係は貿易と投資という意味で概して影響を受けないままでいた。二国間の貿易量や構造は変わっていない。本論文では「リーマンショック」以前に始まり、その後も続いたオーストラリアにおける主な日本の海外直接投資を取り上げている。オーストラリアにおける日本のFDIは今なお関連する論点である。オーストラリアでの日本の企業買収は過去数年で増加し、そしてより大きな増加を伴ってその傾向は続いており、それは本文中の表・図表に示されている。主な投資者の中には日本製紙グループ、三菱商事、キリン、アサヒがある。本論文ではオーストラリアからの貿易や投資統計を使用している。議論はMNE理論、経済成長理論、及びDunningの「折衷的なパラダイム」を引き出している。本論文ではまた、安保哲夫教授による日本的ハイブリッド工場についての6大陸調査の主な分析フレームワークが多地域分析における海外での日本的生産（キリン、アサヒ）の新生傾向に当てはまる事を提案している。

From different perspectives, the use of the word development has often been associated with State actions that wish to reduce inequalities, whether regional, social, economic etc. In this regard, in the 21st century context, this text believes that it is relevant to debate this concept again, from some Brazilians authors who have been crucial to reflect on development: Caio Prado Júnior, Celso Furtado e Florestan Fernandes. The aim of this paper is to identify how the concept of development is discussed from these researchers, analysing how their studies can be important to understand the current capitalist development, especially in Latin America.

Despite its strong economic surge in the recent past, Africa's economic performance remained non-inclusive. More particularly, the economic growth of Africa's largest economy, Nigeria, is also non-inclusive. The country's economic growth does not translate into economic opportunities for its people. Youths, who are the dominant demographic cohort in the region, are idle, jobless, and poor. To address this problem, this study explores the link between bad governance and youth unemployment and political violence in Nigeria. Using Habermas' theory of the public sphere, the study argues that the dictatorial, "representational culture" of governance that Nigeria assumes serves as a boon to youth unemployment and political violence in the country. Through secondary data analysis, the study founds that as few powerful elites become active, they, in turn, are subjugating their subjects-the majority of whom are youths-to passivity. As a result, the subjects feel marginalized in their own land, with no voice, job, and hope-thus taking arms against their leaders and against their own state.

Sub-Saharan Africa is faced with many challenges. It is a region bulging with resources but cursed with incredible political and economic greed. With a vast ethnic diversity and an often misconstrued cultural lifestyle, which puts the region on the marginalization line. From a historical context, the impact of colonialism has haplessly set the environment for low leadership standards. The background setting for Sub-Saharan Africa's economic underdevelopment is uninhibited corruption that exists within Sub-Saharan African societies. This institutional corruption takes a triangular cause-cultural, economic and political; each, together with so many other factors threaten Sub-Saharan Africa's socioeconomic development.

The dependency school arose as a reaction to methropolian or modernization school tendency to attribute all problems of underdevelopment to the periphery. Basically, there are two school of thought in Latin America and those here been classified structural and dependency theories. The structural focuses on the neo-clasical analysis of development which do not favour them. This school was pre-dominant around the United Nation Economic Commission for Latin America (UNECLA).
However, another group came up and focus on the criticisms of the modernization school, apart of their intellectual heritage, apart of their intellectual heritage, were strands of the Marxist thought even though they were not classified as Marxist, they used his methodology and analysis.
Another factors that contributed to the Marxist school were Marxism and Russia revolutionaries, as well as continued intervention of USA into the socio-political activities of Latin America nations. The dependency school was pioneered by Raul Presbixh on agentive economist and the director of ECLA in the 1950s. The theory rejected the ideological postulations of the modernization school and argued that world economic is divided into developed, metropolitan cover and underdeveloped or Periphery.

Development, underdevelopment and globalization have had a common history since the Great Discoveries led to colonization, trade, and with the Industrial Revolution, to unequal technological development. This book first summarizes the long term history of globalization. It then develops a theory of multiple equilibria in technological change (technological poverty traps) to explain how the market economy can generate wide income differences between countries. Next, it shows how poverty traps in education and health can further widen inequality. It then shows that technology traps can exist in the context of trade, explaining the impact of the colonial diktat on the emergence of underdevelopment. Technology traps can also exist in the context of foreign direct investment, characterizing contemporary globalization. Finally, the industrial or mass market economy in general is shown to be characterized by a technology gradient akin to a poverty trap that generates inefficiency and inequality. Free market policies need to be complemented with distributive and innovative policies to improve economic performance and equality. The necessary tax funding can be provided at the national level compatibly with globalization under appropriate International agreements.

Este artigo busca analisar a noção de desenvolvimento presente na obra de Karl Marx partindo de duas das interpretações mais difundidas de sua abordagem do assunto. A primeira é a interpretação que atribui a Marx uma concepção histórico-filosófica do desenvolvimento e de caráter teleológico, em que as distintas formações sociais percorreriam os mesmos estágios, de forma linear e na qual a principal tendência do capitalismo seria o nivelamento dos patamares de desenvolvimento em todo o mundo. A segunda interpretação é a que aponta uma mudança radical do autor em um momento maduro de sua evolução. Após a comparação de ambas as interpretações com algumas análises de situações concretas, com as teorias da história e da alienação, com os fundamentos da teoria do valor e com o método da crítica à economia política construídos pelo autor, apontam-se as limitações de ambas as interpretações.

The paper seeks to understand through a social constructivist lens how development strategies have been largely enforced by already developed states, serving their interests above affecting change. Specifically, neoliberal ideology is examined as pervasive through the socialization mechanism of change using the examples of Structural Adjustment Programs and Millennium Development Goals. The process in which development is defined, created, revised and adopted has lasting implications on the success level achieved. Understanding this process as socially constructed is an important step towards alternative development strategies.