Liberalism

In this article, I draw on Judith Shklar to provide an alternative to the liberal model of military intervention proposed in the last few years by intellectuals such as Michael Ignatieff. I suggest that Ignatieff misunderstands Shklar's liberalism of fear when he appropriates it as a foundation for military intervention on behalf of human rights. Through a reading of his Tanner Lectures Human Rights as Politics. Human Rights as Idolatry on one hand, and drawing on Shklar's entire body of work on the other, I highlight the profound differences separating these authors with regard to: their stance on natural law; the question of foundations and moral universals; the question of voice (Who speaks on behalf of the op-pressed?); and their general stance with respect to the legacy of colonialism. I pit what I call Shklar's activism against Ignatieff's interventionism, and put forward a reading of «putting cruelty first» as opening a forum for contestation across nations and cultures.

World War 1 is an archetypal case of multilevel failures in the realm of international relations. The individual level of analysis rested upon the familial connections between the descendants of the House of Habsburg, who ended up intertwined in the monarchies making up the sides of the Great War. The leaders, most of whom were connected through intermarriage or bloodline, could have resolved many of the causes prior to the outbreak of hostilities though obviously that did not happen. At the national level, international relations theory holds that realist ideology 1 foresaw an imbalance of power resulting from the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Europe.

1 "Tout ce que je sais, c'est que je ne suis pas Marxiste." (Karl Marx 1 ) Kein Gespenst ging 1989 um in Europa, sondern ein Aufatmen: Man vermeldete das Ableben des real existierenden Sozialismus, dem man als Beigabe das OEuvre Marxens gleich mit ins Grab legte, denn war Marx nicht mit dem sozialistischen Régime gestorben? Das Gespenst, das 1848 den alten Mächten Schrecken einjagte, stand nun für eine totalitäre Vergangenheit, die vor allem die Täter und Mitläufer von einst verfolgte und nicht selten auch einholte. Der Sozialismus ist tot, Marx ist tot, der Kapitalismus ist nun ‚alternativlos', die Geschichte gelangt an ihr Ende 2 . Die verständliche Freude über das Ende einer Diktatur mischte sich trübe mit dem Wunsch, nun auch aller Zweifel an der Deutungshoheit ‚neoliberaler' Theorien 3 , die schon seit Ende der siebziger Jahre die Wirtschaftswissenschaften ebenso wie die Politik bestimmten, ledig zu sein. Der Markt produziert unter den Vorzeichen von Konkurrenz und Profitinteresse 1 Friedrich Engels zitiert diese Äußerung Marxens in einem Brief an Conrad Schmidt vom 5. August 1890 (MEW 37, 436). Aus den Werken von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels wird im fortlaufenden Text unter den jeweiligen Siglen mit (Abteilungs-,) Band-und Seitenzahl zitiert: Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe, im Auftrage des Marx-Engels-Instituts Moskau hrsg. von David Rjazanov, Berlin 1927-1935 (abgek.: MEGA 1 ); Gesamtausgabe (abgek.: MEGA 2 ), hrsg. vom Institut für Marxismus / Leninismus beim ZK der KPdSU und beim ZK der SED; ab 1990 hrsg. von der Internationalen Marx-Engels-Stiftung, Berlin 1975ff; Werke, hrsg. vom Institut für Marxismus/Leninismus beim ZK der KPdSU und beim ZK der SED, dem Institut für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung und der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, 44 Bände, Berlin 1955-1999 (abgek.: MEW); zitiert wird im fortlaufenden Text. 2 Die Gespenster-Metapher griff Jacques Derrida auf und versuchte, sie für eine Re-Interpretation der Marxschen Theorie fruchtbar zu machen; vgl. ders., Marx' Gespenster. Der verschuldete Staat, die Trauerarbeit und die neue Internationale. Übersetzt von Susanne Lüdemann, Frankfurt/M. 5 2016; kritisch dazu Moishe Postone, Dekonstruktion als Gesellschaftskritik. Derrida über Marx und die neue Weltordnung, in: Krisis 21/22, Bad Honnef 1998, 115ff; auch im Netz unter http://www.krisis.org/1998/dekonstruktion-alsgesellschaftskritik/#1 (letzter Zugriff: 8. Juni 2018). 3

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

"Baruchello’s Philosophy of Cruelty, the second collection of his essays, turns a difficult and emotionally charged topic into a surprisingly informative and enlightening read. Covering the history of Western philosophy’s treatment of cruelty as a topic, yet relating every point to present-day occasions of violence and injustice, this book is a touchstone for any discussion of cruelty as a philosophical theme. It pulls no punches, yet it leaves you standing taller." (Dr. B. Myers)

(cf. http://www.brendanmyers.net/nwpbooks/baruchello2.html - incl. table of contents; the book can be ordered from Amazon or the publisher)

Please note that all author's royalties are devolved to charity.

"The increasing sensibility regarding intangible cultural heritage provides momentum to better define a legal framework for the protection of these peculiar immaterial goods. This article questions whether the current intellectual property rights (IPRs) regime represents an adequate model of protection vis-à-vis intangible cultural heritage. A plethora of caveats must be taken into consideration, starting with the desirability of the commodification of intangible cultural heritage, i.e. its exploitation and commercialization through the IPRs regime, but also including the outlining of the legal instruments needed for guaranteeing adequate advantages for the countries and communities representing the sources of origin of the intangible goods. 
After framing the crucial issues detected in literature regarding intangible cultural heritage, the article investigates the ways in which the actual IPRs regime grants protection to intangible goods. Our evaluation supports the idea that, without a many-faceted remodeling, current intellectual property laws represent an unsatisfactory mechanism for protecting intangible cultural heritage. This inadequacy is rooted in the inefficacy of IPRs under the patent and copyright regimes in ensuring the protection of cultural heritage, while also falling short of fostering an appropriate comprehensive social policy."

Critical comments from one member of the Siamese elite in the second half of the nine- teenth century on the merits of the form of government of the United States of America published in a newspaper called Bangkok Recorder led to the dissemination of liberal concepts in Thailand for the first time in its history. In his published articles, Dan Beach Bradley, an American missionary and the publisher of Bangkok Recorder, mentioned freedom, equality, constitutional and republican government, free press, liberal mind, and meritocracy. The dis- semination of these liberal concepts marks the beginning of liberalism in Thailand.

On the History of Political Philosophy is a lively and lucid account of the major political theorists and philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, medieval, renaissance, and early modern periods. Topics include discussions concerning human nature, social justice, the origin of law and human rights, the rise and development of different forms of government, idealism and realism in international relations, the distinction between just and unjust war, and the sources of public authority and the nature of legitimate sovereignty. The organizing principle of the book is the idea that the great political thinkers were searching for the best political order and a criterion for human conduct in both domestic and international politics. Demonstrating the continued relevance of historical ideas to today's problems, the author traces ongoing discussions about politics by examining the ideas of key political theorists. The book is intended for use in courses on political philosophy or the history of political philosophy.
https://www.routledge.com/On-the-History-of-Political-Philosophy-Great-Political-Thinkers-from-Thucydides/Korab-Karpowicz/p/book/9780205119745

Abstraksi: Krisis solidaritas di satu sisi dan politik identitas yang menyangkal kebhinekaan di sisi lain merupakan persoalan besar yang tengah mendera bangsa Indonesia. Persoalan ini coba dibaca dalam kaca mata diskursus filosofis seputar liberalisme versus komunitarisme. Perdebatan antara dua mazhap filsafat ini dapat ditarik relevansinya untuk konteks Indonesia. Di sini Pancasila menempati posisi khusus.

Politique agricole, relance économique, vaccin contre le Covid-19, législation environnementale, etc. : l’Union européenne joue un rôle essentiel et controversé dans la vie de ses habitants depuis des décennies. Sur toutes ces questions, trois modèles s’affrontent : l’Europe du marché, l’Europe solidaire et l’Europe puissance.
À partir d’archives inédites, Laurent Warlouzet revisite l’histoire du continent au prisme de la lutte homérique entre ces trois visions depuis 1945 : l’Europe du marché, souvent dénoncée pour ses dérives ultralibérales, surtout depuis la tragédie grecque du début des années 2010 ; l’Europe solidaire, celle des législations sociales et de la promotion de l’égalité hommes-femmes, qui a conduit la majorité des syndicats britanniques à appeler à voter contre le Brexit ; l’Europe puissance, enfin, évanescente sur le plan militaire, mais s’exprimant dans les projets de politique industrielle communautaire ou dans la lutte contre les GAFAM, et voulant s’imposer face à ses concurrents, États-Unis, Russie ou Chine.
Cette nouvelle histoire de l’Europe, vivante, heurtée et mouvementée, nous montre que l’organisation de l’Union ne suit pas une logique mécanique et univoque. En exhumant des projets abandonnés mais sérieusement envisagés, elle propose aussi autant de futurs possibles dont les Européens pourraient se saisir.

Temel anlamıyla güç, bir olayın sonucunu ne gerekiyorsa yaparak elde etme olarak tanımlanabilir. Bir aktörün kendi tercihleri dışında yapmayacağı bir şeyi başka bir aktör sayesinde yapması veya bir aktörün bir şeyi yapmasını önlemek güç kullanımına örnek olarak gösterilebilir. Pek çok açıklamaya sahip olan güç kavramı etki, amaç veya yeterlilik olarak da tanımlanmaktadır. Güç, karmaşık ve ilişkisel bir kavramdır. Neredeyse insanlık tarihi kadar eski olan ‘‘güç’’ kavramı günümüzde de hala etkin olarak kullanılmakta özellikle uluslararası ilişkiler alanında çokça karşımıza çıkmakta ve birçok olayda açıklayıcı olan bir kavramdır. Sosyal bilimlerde karşımıza çıkan güç kavramı geçmişten günümüze kıyaslayıcı bir unsur olarak da karşımıza çıkmıştır. Güç kavramının eski olmasına karşın algılanamaması, dönemden döneme değişen güç kıstasları ve bu gücün uygulanma değişikliğinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Güçlü olan zayıf olanı yener veya büyük balık küçük balığı yer yaklaşımı güç kavramının önemine atıfta bulunmaktadır. Tarihsel olarak pek çok olayın açıklanmasında karşımıza çıkan güç kavramı günümüz siyasetinde ve uluslararası ilişkilerde etkin olarak kullanılmaya devam etmektedir. Bu çalışmada güç kavramı tanımı yapılmış realizm bakış açısı ile incelenmiş, uluslararası ilişkiler açısından güç kavramının önemi ile sert, yumuşak ve akıllı güç kavramı incelenmiştir.

We tend to think of freedom as something that is best protected by carefully circumscribing the boundaries of legitimate state activity. But who came up with this understanding of freedom, and for what purposes? In a masterful and surprising reappraisal of more than two thousand years of thinking about freedom in the West, Annelien de Dijn argues that we owe our view of freedom not to the liberty lovers of the Age of Revolution but to the enemies of democracy.

The conception of freedom most prevalent today—that it depends on the limitation of state power—is a deliberate and dramatic rupture with long-established ways of thinking about liberty. For centuries people in the West identified freedom not with being left alone by the state but with the ability to exercise control over the way in which they were governed. They had what might best be described as a democratic conception of liberty.

Understanding the long history of freedom underscores how recently it has come to be identified with limited government. It also reveals something crucial about the genealogy of current ways of thinking about freedom. The notion that freedom is best preserved by shrinking the sphere of government was not invented by the revolutionaries of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries who created our modern democracies—it was invented by their critics and opponents. Rather than following in the path of the American founders, today’s “big government” antagonists more closely resemble the counterrevolutionaries who tried to undo their work.

This essay is an introduction to a special issue on 'Liberalism in the Early Nineteenthcentury Iberian World'. The essay reviews why Iberian intellectual history, particularly liberal political thought, has been neglected in English-language scholarship. It offers suggestions for the incorporation of Portuguese and Spanish language texts into the broader canon. The essay then outlines persistent debates common to the study of liberalism in both Iberian and other national contexts, in an effort to instigate a dialogue between intellectual historians of Spain and Portugal and their counterparts elsewhere. It concludes with a consideration of the geopolitical forces, cultural trends, and social conditions that encouraged the forging of transnational liberalism in the early nineteenth century.

This essay attempts to integrate the local paradigm of the Ionian State into the general structures of the British Empire, while at the same time examines the institutional continuities deriving from the Venetian dominion. An overall plan of the Ionian State's administration, focusing on governmental practices from the institutional point of view, is also being undertaken. The essay was based on primary and secondary sources' elaboration, referring to the administrative organization and to the state system in the Ionian Islands under the British Rule. Reflecting that, the social structure of the local society was interconnected to administrative mechanism. From a methodological perspective, the use of administrative archives is instrumental in synthetic process, in an effort to portray social networks and to clarify the formation of both individual and collective identities. Developing, however, the empirical work in the factual context is deemed necessary. The text is arranged in two parts: the first refers to the local economic realities, as well as to the economic mechanisms shaped in the context of the British Rule. Both subject matters are examined in very general terms. Public finance, the banking sector and the monetary system are research objects, aiming at a grosso modo description of Ionian State's economic practices. In this framework, a special mention is made to the financial mission of Gladstone to the Ionian Islands. British Rule's economic policy is also being considered with regard to the changes in property rights: although the policy of the abolition of the feudal rural estate is not completed during the period of the Ionian State, it is nevertheless indicative of the market's transition to more liberal (or more monetarized) forms. Finally, the economic reforms taking place between 1834 and 1836 are analyzed, with special focus on the protection of local agricultural products. A reference to commercial and maritime activity is also included, with emphasis on government interventions to support (or not support) private initiative. The second part of the essay examines the gradual articulation of the state mechanism and the way this is reflected to the intended rationalization of legislative and executive authorities. In this context, the language used in administration (Italian, English, and then Greek) elucidates reforms and alterations of the State mechanism, and is also related to the emergence of a local identity. The statecraft of the Ionian State is also being examined, with a reference to the previous constitutional texts of the Septinsular Republic, as an encounter of both institutional continuity and discontinuity. Thus, the administrative mechanisms of the Ionian State are analyzed in their interaction with the local society, as an indicator of British colonial practices. Beyond the articulation of the executive, juridical and legislative authorities, as expressed in the Constitution of 1817 but also as reflected in the relevant archive material, the text contains an analysis of the reforms of 1848/1849 that basically correspond to a more proportional representation of the local population and to alterations concerning the executive authority expressed by the Commissioners, the Senate and local governors (prefects). Finally, as the administration is ran by individuals, a special reference to the relevant social network deriving from governmental practices is made: The State's administration staffing during the period of the British Rule constitutes a qualitative indicator for the social formation of the Ionian Islands and for social mobility, mainly in the context of the higher and middle-class bourgeoisie.

This paper deals with the changes of the conception of nation sustained by two outstanding liberal newspapers from Buenos Aires city (La Mañana and La Fronda) during the first Argentinean democratic experience, since its founding until its conclusion. Those changes were the correlation of both newspapers’ transformed attitudes about the political system, faced with the vicissitudes of mass politics. The path of their opinions about national society and the place of immigration in it, represents a particular case of Argentinean nationalism’s history; it also illustrates the transformations of the profile of a nation shaken by the masification of its society and politics during the interwar period.

This paper is a review of the book: John J. Mearsheimer, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2018). Mearsheimer observes that in the aftermath of the Cold War, the U.S. adopted a profoundly liberal foreign policy dedicated to turning as many countries as possible into liberal democracies. Mearsheimer concludes that the liberal hegemony of the past twenty-five years does not work: it has left a legacy of futile wars, failed diplomacy, and diminished prestige for the United States.

The objectivity of studying social and political sciences has always been questioned on the ground that personal values may interfere. In the same vein, it is a challenge to understand and explain international relations, owing to different world views and approaches. This is mainly because there are many ways of studying international relations. First of all, it requires an interdisciplinary and multilevel analysis to explain international phenomena, which may embody conflict, cooperation or both. IR field began to be recognized as a separate discipline during the period between two world wars and since then debates have continued on “what to study” and “how to study”. These questions paved the way to many ontological and epistemological discussions. The realist-idealist debate of the 1950s and the methodological debate of the 1960s are just two examples that have evolved in the discipline. A realist description of International relations is based on competition among states as major actors to pursue their interests, whereas a liberal description concentrates more on harmonious relations of pluralist actors. Theories have also grown out of the need to seek regularities and reflect the quest for a grand theory to explain all observed phenomena, which has truly been an overarching and ambitious attempt. Theories of IR borrow assumptions of each other so to say, and provide feedback for their reconstruction, through the critiques they make against each other. In this book, you will make an introduction to realism, liberalism and economic structuralism as major traditions in the field, their historical evolution and some theories they have given birth to. Chapter 1 is about contending issues and classification of major theories in the field. Chapter 2 discusses the realist theory of IR and its evolution. Chapter 3 provides a close look to liberal tradition and its reflections in IR. Chapter 4 introduces economic structuralism via the Marxist theory and Chapter 5 familiarizes the readers with International Political Economy. Chapter 6 briefly informs the readers on types of international regime theories reflecting different traditions in IR. Chapter 7, the normative theory on the other hand deals with “what should be” in IR instead of “what is” observed. Lastly, in Chapter 8, the English School of IR which argues to be a via media between realism and liberalism is elaborated. Though cases in IR and different issue-areas demand different theoretical perspectives and methods of inquiry; researchers agree on the need to utilize theoretical frameworks as road maps to explain and foresee the future of events. The theoretical approaches and their basic assumptions may sound unfamiliar and abstract at the beginning, However, they will prove to be the alphabet to conceptualize and interpret international phenomena. As editors of this book, we hope you enjoy reading the book and it guides you in observing international arena and motivates for analytical thinking on international relations. We are grateful to our esteemed authors for their collaboration in preparing this course textbook for the International Relations Program.
Editors Prof.Dr. Tayyar ARI Assoc.Prof.Dr. Elif TOPRAK

As relações entre mídia e biopolítica têm sido bastante exploradas, sobretudo no que toca à atuação na agenda feita pela mídia informativa. Neste texto apresentamos a síntese das relações entre mídia e representação pública da ciência, falando de uma das linhas da subjetividade contemporânea, a do "indivíduo somático", resultado da pesquisa que fizemos com o apoio do CNPq, e de uma segunda forma, mais insidiosa, que aparece como a relação complementar entre o novo homem empreendedor de si mesmo e a indústria midiática de autoajuda, especialmente na sua versão literária.

If D commits a wrong against V, D typically incurs a corrective duty to V. But how should we respond if V has false beliefs about whether she is harmed by D’s wrong? There are two types of cases we must consider: (1) those in which V is not harmed but she mistakenly believes that she is (2) those in which V is harmed but she mistakenly believes that she is not. I canvass three views: The Objective View, The Subjective View and The Mixed View. The Objective View holds that V’s claim depends on the correct account of harm, rather than her false beliefs, and so D has a duty to offer damages to V in (2) but not in (1) in order to compensate her. The Subjective View holds that, for broadly anti-perfectionist reasons, V’s claim depends on her sincere beliefs, even if they are mistaken, and so D has a duty to compensate V in (1) but not in (2). The Mixed View holds that we should defer to her beliefs in (1) but not in (2), so D has a duty to compensate her in both cases. In this article, I argue that we should accept The Mixed View.

The internationalists of the last century are, it turns out, quite relevant to our current crisis: they helped us get here, and they offer us no way out.

A review of Oona Hathaway and Scott Shapiro, The Internationalists: How A Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World (Simon & Schuster, 2017).

Modernity is characterized by an assertion of the individual as a singular unit of significance, and its various systems (political, legal, economic, etc.) take their lead from a commitment to the individual as the bearer of rights. While a powerful accomplishment, this idea is also problematic: it does not adequately recognize how the individual it prioritizes would itself point to other contexts of significance by which its experience is rendered meaningful. This paper explores this basic tension between these two visions of selfhood: one expressed in terms of “rights” and the other in terms of “worlds.” It will show how care for “worlds” is necessary for the very operation of rights, and it will identify various ways in which these “worlds” could be politically protected.

Visit https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=94KYDLdNs7c for a video recording of Hoff's reading of a draft of this paper.

In “Yuletide Terror and Other Holiday Horrors”, columnist Frederick Meekins focused upon the growing war against Christmas and other traditional holidays. In “Return Of The Yuletide Terror & Other Holiday Horrors”, he proves that this same campaign continues decades later in its ongoing attempt to undermine the nation’s Judeo-Christian foundation and erode our fundamental religious liberties.

Il libro di Gianfrancesco Zanetti propone un'attenta riflessione sullo sviluppo del dibattito anglosassone intorno al rapporto fra omosessualità e diritto. Facendo perno sui principi codificati da John Stuart Mill in "On liberty" (1859) e muovendosi su tre dicotomie giuridiche, il saggio ricostruisce il percorso di emancipazione che va dalle leggi criminalizzanti l'omosessualità dell'Inghilterra vittoriana alla sentenza della Corte Suprema statunitense che ha garantito costituzionalmente il matrimonio egualitario.

This essay examines the plural nature and meaning of the word "bond" in Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice, dispelling popular readings of the play as anti-market. The Merchant of Venice is open to an array of interpretations favorable to commerce, and Shakespeare's Venice anticipates certain Hayekian notions about societies that accommodate competing interests and cultures.

"Il virus dell'Occidente. Universalismo astratto e sovranismo particolarista di fronte allo stato d'eccezione", Mimesis, Milano 2020.

In questo libro parlo male di: Foucault, Heidegger, Agamben, Cacciari, Di Cesare, Wu Ming, Zizek, Badiou, C. Galli, Runciman, Urbinati, Ignazi, Panebianco, Giavazzi, della Loggia, Battista, Molinari, Brennan, Mearsheimer, Milanovic, Aresu, Zhok, Formenti e molti altri.

Parlo invece bene di: Hegel, Marx, Engels, Croce, Gramsci, Lukacs, Jullien, Habermas, Prospero, Illetterati, Moroncini, Tedesco, Brancaccio, Mazzucato, Bell, Pieranni, Esposito, Dal Lago, Marramao, Losurdo, Deng Xiaoping, Zhang Boying, Zhao Tingyang, Balibar, Chomsky, Bergoglio e altrettanti.

Cerco di dare infine a Costanzo Preve il suo, nel bene come nel male.

Accattatevèllo. Il divertimento non è assicurato ma nel mio minuscolo ci ho provato.

"La pandemia di Covid-19 ha fatto emergere le contraddizioni delle  società capitalistiche, rese sempre più fragili e disuguali da decenni  di guerra ai salari e ai diritti delle classi subalterne, dallo  smantellamento del welfare e dal prevalere di forme di  coscienza ultracompetitive. Certo della propria eternità e incapace di  immaginare un modello alternativo di legame sociale, l’Occidente ha  creduto che il “virus cinese” colpisse solo i paesi arretrati o ritenuti  autoritari e che mai potesse diffondersi nelle nostre efficienti e  trasparenti democrazie tecnologiche. Invece di prendere sul serio  l’esperienza di altre realtà che hanno gestito meglio l’emergenza grazie  alla capacità dello Stato e della politica di guidare l’economia e la  produzione, subordinando gli interessi privati a quelli della  maggioranza, ha negato a essa ogni riconoscimento, fino a procurarsi da  solo un rischio estremo per eccesso di hybris.
A questa  rinuncia suicida a guardare l’alterità non è sfuggito il dibattito  filosofico: di fronte allo stato d’eccezione, sia le posizioni  dirittumaniste astratte sia il sovranismo particolarista e populista –  che dell’odierna egemonia neoliberale costituisce non l’alternativa, ma  una scissione conservatrice – condividono infatti il medesimo  atteggiamento suprematista, con il rifiuto di elaborare una forma  concreta di universalismo e di pensare una diversa configurazione del  rapporto tra individuo, società civile e Stato, ma anche una diversa  forma di convivenza tra le nazioni".

Stefano G. Azzarà (Messina, 1970) insegna Storia della filosofia all’Università di  Urbino. È segretario alla presidenza dell’Internationale Gesellschaft  Hegel-Marx e dirige la rivista scientifica “Materialismo Storico”. Il  suo lavoro si concentra sul confronto tra le grandi tradizioni  filosofiche e politiche degli ultimi due secoli: conservatorismo,  liberalismo, marxismo. Ha pubblicato diverse monografie e numerosi  articoli su riviste italiane e internazionali.

http://mimesisedizioni.it/il-virus-dell-occidente.html

INDICE

Capitolo primo
I.1. Crisi storiche e naturalismo capitalistico
I.2. Lo spettro del «totalmente altro»: la Cina e  l’Occidente
I.3. Circoscrivere il contagio o procurarsi da  soli un rischio?
I.4. Costruzione e criminalizzazione del nemico
I.5. Democrazie liberali e “regimi autoritari”  nello stato d’eccezione
I.6.  Democrazia o democrazie?
I.7. Democrazia liberale e democrazia socialista
Appendice.  Universalismo concreto e dialettica dell’inclusione nel Tianxia, la  «via del Cielo»

Capitolo secondo
II.1. Il virus dei filosofi 1. Eccezione e  repressione
II.2. Il virus dei filosofi 2. Immunizzazione e  esclusione
II.3. Il virus dei filosofi 3. L’individuo e  l’altro
II.4. Il  virus dei filosofi 4. Liberalismo e «anarchismo da Gran Signore»
II.5. Miseria della critica della biopolitica
II.6. Nihil sub sole novum?
II.7. Perché tutto cambi
II.8. Perché non cambi nulla nell’essenziale. Un  nuovo saccheggio economico?
II.9. Perché non cambi nulla nell’essenziale.  Un’ulteriore concentrazione del potere?

Capitolo terzo
III.1. Quale ritorno dello Stato?
III.2. Jones e Brennan: critica della democrazia  moderna, fine del suffragio universale e monopolio epistocratico del potere
III.3. Ripristino del liberalismo  particolaristico e capitalismo organizzato: verso uno «statalismo  autoritario»
III.3.a.  Milanović: «capitalismo meritocratico liberale» contro «capitalismo politico»
III.3.b. Mearsheimer: fine  dell’illusione dell’universalismo liberale dirittumanista e revival  del realismo particolaristico
III.3.c. Aresu: «capitalismo  politico» o trasfigurazione della riscossa delle classi dominanti?
III.4.  Sovranismo e comunitarismo
III.5.  Il “socialismo” comunitarista
III.6.  Esternalizzazione del conflitto. “Oltre destra e sinistra”
III.7. Liberalismo e sovranismo, universalismo e  particolarismo
III.8. Ricostruire la democrazia moderna

Governments and NGOs all over the world are condemning the three evils; human slavery, human trafficking, and forced labour, by passing national and international laws and regulations and often in favour of status quo.

        The system of liberal capitalism is successful at diverting the attention away from itself on the three evils by relying upon the definitions given by the law and regulations passed by governments and NGOs such as the United Nations. According to the governments and NGOs, the three evils are illegal, immoral and criminal activities. Therefore, by diverting the focus on slavery, trafficking, and forced labor, the system is continuing to abuse women, children and men by way of labor exploitation in order to increase their economic gain and advancement at the expense of the innocent women, children, and men.