Diaspora Politics

Recently, the development initiatives of so-called ‘diasporas’ have gained the attention of policy-makers, scholars, NGOs, and migrants themselves. Migrants and ‘diasporas’ are seen as agents of development, who not only remit money to their countries of origin, but also transfer ideas of political, social and cultural change. This article examines linkages between identity, transnational politics and development. Logics of transnational
mobilisation and loyalties are analysed through a case study of a Somali transnational conference, paying particular attention to tensions between lineage affiliation and regional identification. At the conference, the establishment of trust between different
transnational actors was seen as an important step towards reconciliation and development. Framing the event as ‘a meeting between intellectuals’ and as ‘the diaspora’, conference participants were positioned as agents of development and change. The article argues that ‘diaspora position’ is thereby linked to questions of identity, the recognition of status, and the enactment of proper and respectable masculinity.

Ефремов Е.А.
(Алматы, Казахстан, Казахстан, Казахский национальный университет имени Аль-Фараби)

Этнокультурная идентичность корейцев Казахстана
(по результатам социологического опроса)
Доклад на X Международной корееведческой конференции ДВФУ

Аннотация
Настоящая статья основана на проведенном опросе и нацелена на выявление степени этнокультурной идентичности корейцев Казахстана. В рамках которого были изучены факторы, влияющие на этническую и диаспорную идентичность, межэтническую толерантность корё сарам и степень их интегрированности в общество Казахстана.
Ключевые слова: диаспора, корё сарам, корейцы Казахстана, этническая идентичность, диаспорная идентичность.



Ethnocultural identity of Koreans in Kazakhstan
(basing on the results of the sociological survey)
Yefrem Yefremov
Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty, Kazakhstan
Paper for the X-th FEFU International Conference on Korean Studies

Summary
In this paper, an analysis of the results of a sociological survey aimed at identifying the degree of the ethnic, diasporic, and cultural identity of Koreans in Kazakhstan was carried out. As part of the survey, the factors influencing ethnic and diaspora identity, interethnic tolerance of Koryo Saram, and the degree of integration of Koryo Saram into the society of Kazakhstan were studied.
As part of this work, an analysis of the results of a sociological survey aimed at identifying the degree of the ethnic, diasporic, and cultural identity of Koreans in Kazakhstan was carried out. As part of the survey, the factors influencing ethnic and diaspora identity, interethnic tolerance of Koryo Saram, and the degree of integration of Koryo Saram into the society of Kazakhstan were studied. It is concluded that the preservation of “Koreanness” in the multiethnic society in Kazakhstan occurs on the basis of genetic factors, as well as due to the preservation of ritual and everyday culture.
Keywords: diaspora, Koryo Saram, Koreans of Kazakhstan, ethnic identity, diasporic identity.

Building on a critical and extensive review of the debate on diaspora, this thesis aims to provide an alternative basis for the conceptualization of the concept of diaspora. In this context, it investigates the boundaries of the Turkish diaspora. This thesis perceives diaspora as an integral part of nation, which entails states to develop diaspora policies. The development of Turkey's diaspora policy is analyzed in this regard. The development and institutionalization of Turkey's diaspora policy, which has been formalized over the last decades, is discussed through diaspora's political participation. Political participation is one of the vital issues that is analyzed within the scope of diaspora policies. The concept of diaspora was used to define colonies around Mediterranean sea before B.C., later through middle ages it described Jewish and Christian minorities, and lately it has been expanded to include almost all transnational communities after the dominance of the nation states in the global political system. The prevailing status of the nation states and nation building processes heightened the importance of the diasporas. Over the last few centuries, acceleration of international migration and the dissolving of empires have further expanded transnational communities and created a fertile ground for diaspora formations. In this regard, the Turkish diaspora consists of both the stranded communities whom culturally and ethnically tied to Turkish nation after the demise of Ottoman Empire and mass migrations during the Republic era, especially after the Second World War. vi Thus, diaspora policies have become widespread and institutionalized with the development of nation-states. More than half of the member states of the United Nations introduced diaspora institutions within their public sector. Diaspora policies apply to wide range areas such as social, economic, cultural, and political. Turkey's diaspora policies have developed in two trajectories: emigrant communities and autochthonous diasporas. However, emigration has been determinant in the institutionalization of Turkey's diaspora policy. In this thesis, the development of Turkey's diaspora policy is discussed through the process of obtaining the right to participate in the political process in the homeland. This process has been analyzed through an in-depth study of the parliament minutes. The growth of diaspora enfranchisement process is closely related to the expansion, development, and institutionalization of the Turkish communities abroad as well as the development of Turkish economy, political stability and democratization. This thesis is unique in analysing Turkish diaspora and Turkey's diaspora policy through its own historical, social, economic and political experiences. Most of the limited number of studies in the literature analyzes Turkish diaspora and Turkey's diaspora policy with the concepts based on Jewish and Armenian experiences. Diaspora policies are praised or criticized without considering the role of nation building in diaspora formation. This thesis argues that diaspora and nation within the boundaries of territory constitute a cosmo-nation so the diaspora policies naturally become a part of public policies of a nation state. Diaspora formation and diaspora policy development have been analyzed through Turkish example in this dissertation.

The main aim of this paper is to give a general overview of diaspora policies with an emphasis on kin-state activism in Central and Eastern Europe. The first section of the paper will summarize the main theoretical approaches to diaspora studies, which are marked by the emerging
tendency toward typology construction. In this part I will explore the most relevant typologies within this field of study from a critical perspective. The second section of the paper will turn to existing diaspora policies, offering a structural collection of the most commonly adopted diaspora
engagement practices in Central and Eastern Europe. I will examine why and under what conditions kin-states in this part of Europe seek to engage co-national communities living beyond their borders, with special regard to the similarities.

Israel is increasingly the epicentre of Jewish peoplehood, shaping the lives of diaspora Jews as both an engine driving interconnectedness and a source of division. ‘Israelization’ impacts diaspora Jews differently according to country of domicile. This article examines British Jewry,
providing historical context and drawing on interviews to explore the community’s shifting identity and culture. It argues that Britain represents a unique model between America and France. In America, where security is greater, Jewish ethnic ties are loosening, whereas in France, doubts over the Jewish community’s future increase their focus on Israel. While British Jews experience hostility, they feel safer than in France. Flourishing British Jewish culture reflects commitment to multi-ethnic Britain, alongside loyalty to Israel. The dynamics of those loyalties
are changing, however, with dissent against Israeli policies increasingly legitimised. We conclude that the Israelization of British Jewry is all encompassing, even while allowing for a thriving diaspora community

This article revisits ambivalence as a protracted state which does not simply develop as a result of the migration experience but stems from overlapping levels of normative inconsistency. Drawing from my ethnography of Eritreans' everyday life in the homeland and abroad, I analyse their attitudes of patriotism and disenchantment through an ambivalence lens. Their ambiguous attitudes are arising from national and transnational Eritrean state policies and are further complicated by their role as 'political refugees' in host countries. My informants' ambivalence stems from them embodying more than one role (i.e. patriots, family breadwinners, refugees from and citizens of their homeland), from contradictory expectations pertaining to the same role (i.e. young citizens in Eritrea) and from clashing implications of being members of two different social systems (i.e. the destination country and the country of origin). Thus, Eritreans' political loyalties and actions are characterised by a state of ambivalence throughout their migration process. Despite its peculiar characteristics, this case study sheds light on the complexity of ambivalence, as more than a temporary condition, for migrants and refugees in particular. In the current scenario of emigrant states' transnational governance, protracted ambivalence is likely to mark the attitudes of an increasing number of people on the move as both refugees from and citizens of their country of origin.

In this paper an analysis of the results of a sociological survey aimed at identifying the degree of ethnic, diasporic and cultural identity of Koreans in Kazakhstan was carried out. As part of the survey, the factors influencing ethnic and diaspora identity, interethnic tolerance of Koryo Saram and the degree of integration of Koryo Saram into the society of Kazakhstan were studied. As part of this work, an analysis of the results of a sociological survey aimed at identifying the degree of ethnic, diasporic and cultural identity of Koreans in Kazakhstan was carried out. As part of the survey, the factors influencing ethnic and diaspora identity, interethnic tolerance of Koryo Saram and the degree of integration of Koryo Saram into the society of Kazakhstan were studied. It is concluded that the preservation of "Koreanness" in the multiethnic society in Kazakhstan occurs on the basis of genetic factors, as well as due to the preservation of ritual and everyday culture.

The Egyptian state’s policy of dispatching trained Egyptian professionals, primarily educational staff, across the Arab world rarely features in analyses of Egypt’s foreign policy under Gamal Abdel Nasser. This article relies primarily on newly declassified material from the British Foreign Office archives, unpublished reports from the Egyptian Ministry of Education, and an analysis of related articles in three main Egyptian newspapers (al-Ahram, al-Akhbar, al-Jumhuriya) in order to provide a detailed reconstruction of regional migration’s importance for Egyptian foreign policy. It debunks the conventional wisdom that Egyptian migration became a socio-political issue only in the post-1973 era, arguing that the Nasserite regime developed a governmental policy that allowed, and encouraged, Egyptians’ political activism in Libya, Syria, Yemen, and the Persian Gulf according to state foreign policy priorities in the 1952-1967 period. By presenting a cache of archival material in analytical and critical context, this article offers concrete evidence of how migration buttressed Egypt’s regional ambitions under Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Russia’s attitudes toward millions of Russophones in the newly independent states (NIS) have been noted, since 1991, for their ambivalence. The concept of a “Russian diaspora” has been pursued as an ethno-selective ideological project. On the practical-political level, however, Russian authorities were obliged to rest upon a loose notion of “compatriots”. In this article, “virtual diasporization” is juxtaposed with Russophones’ identities and behavior, to substantiate the point that these populations do not possess the “diasporic” features ascribed to them. Moreover, official Russian policies have failed to evoke any “diasporic” sentiment within Russophones toward their putative “homeland”. I argue that, to be more realistic and responsive, these policies should be more sensitive to commonalities and zones of common interest between Russophones and the titular populations of the NIS.

Relevant literature recognizes the significant role of diasporas in international relations and in domestic politics. It has been acknowledged that diasporas can have an impact on both the country/countries where they live and on the country/countries to which they relate. Conversely, states can have a great influence on their citizens and co-ethnics living abroad. For these reasons, the traditional research focus on diasporas and their impact on the state has shifted towards examining the role of states in forming and supporting diasporas. Today, most states attempt to engage with their population abroad in some way or another. There is a growing trend of state adoption of diaspora engagement initiatives and policies around the world. Therefore, the question of how and why states engage their diasporas is highly relevant in the contemporary global, mobile, and interconnected world and its answers can shed the light on state-diaspora relations. This article explores how and why Slovakia constructs and engages its diaspora. The topic is addressed from the perspective of political science by applying a new institutionalism approach and a qualitative research design. The qualitative methods used in this article are case study, archival analysis, and text- and document-based techniques. The time period under consideration begins in 1993, when Slovakia declared independence, and continues to the present. Slovakia constructed the term ‘Slovaks living abroad’ generally so as to include both Slovak citizens and Slovak co-ethnic non-citizens living outside of Slovakia, establishing under one label two different groups of people with distinctive identities and forms of political membership. The groups have equal legal status but different rights, obligations, and benefits. This article argues that Slovakia is trying to use its diaspora policies to extend its authority over citizens and even co-ethnic non-citizens living abroad within and beyond its territory. This means that diaspora policies have the potential to be a challenging factor for nation-states and the nation-state system. However, citizenship still remains the main demarcating line between Slovak citizens and Slovak co-ethnic non-citizens. The boundaries between the members of the Slovak political community were not erased, just slightly redrawn in favour of Slovak co-ethnic non-citizens.

In the article, I present an analysis of two Tết (Lunar New Year) festivals organised by the Vietnamese living in Poland. The events, prepared by different organisations – a local branch of the Association of Vietnamese in Poland, an official organisation cooperating with the authorities of Socialist Republic of Vietnam, and pro-democratic activists – provide an insight into the community’s internal diversity. The analysis indicates that the political involvement of the organising parties influences their choice of particular style of presentation, with a profound impact on the attractiveness of the festival for the two important segments of audience: the Vietnamese youth brought up in Poland and the Polish spectators. The paper is based on fieldwork research which the author has been conducting among the Vietnamese community in Poland for many years.

This article examines how Syrian immigrants in Argentina responded to the intersection of transnational politics and nascent nationalisms between 1900 and 1922. In particular, it studies the role of Syrian intellectuals in Argentina in advocating a variety of political allegiances that changed over time as their homelands suffered a series of intense political transformations during the first two decades of the twentieth century. The emergence of Syrian and Lebanese ethnic identities as well as an Arab racialised identity was the product of distinct political programmes circulating in the Levant and among the Syrian émigré communities in the Americas, threatening to undermine the immigrant colony's sense of community.

This article argues that, since the COVID-19 outbreak, 'digital diasporas' worldwide may have been shaped through stringent postpandemic societal pressing patterns by increasingly further exposing diasporic citizens' digital rights unwittingly towards unprecedented technopolitical risks. Against this backdrop, this article poses a novel term entitled 'Hyperconnected Diasporas' by suggesting (i) a technopolitical wake up call for regional governments worldwide when dealing with paradiplomacy and diaspora engagement initiatives and (ii) a necessary critical standpoint on the understanding and use of extractivist and pervasively hegemonic social media platforms that clearly alter diasporic citizens' data privacy, ethics, and ownership.

***IMPORTANT: CITE AS FOLLOWS***:
Calzada, Igor (2022). Hyperconnected Diasporas. AEMI Journal (no. 19-20).
DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.23399.73127/1.

Full preprint version could be found at Cardiff University, ORCA repository:
http://orca.cf.ac.uk/148410

The article aims to present and analyze Hungarian diaspora policy, the most recent aspect of Hungarian nation building politics. The first part of the paper builds on literature on various types of diaspora politics and tries to situate the Hungarian model in that framework. The second part introduces and analyzes the diaspora projects
launched after 2010 in Hungary in order to realize the objectives of Hungarian diaspora politics. The paper claims that diaspora projects launched by the Hungarian government after 2010 form a coherent strategy aiming to reach the diaspora, to raise their awareness of their Hungarian heritage and culture, as well as to enhance their connection with the homeland.

This article examines transnational organizations of Turkish origin that gained major support and membership in the European societies. Drawing upon a case study on Turks in Belgium, it shows that in the last four decades these organizations went through various transformations depending on the dynamics in their respective immigrant communities, host societies and countries of origin. This essay captures the role and self- adaptation process of Turkish Islamic organizations vis-à-vis the changing environment both in their host countries and countries of origin.

This article provides a historical analysis of the relationship between a “historical” diaspora—the Greek diaspora—and its irredentist homeland. In particular, it examines the diaspora policies the modern Greek nation-state adopted since having carried out, at least in its major part, the mission of its territorial unification—namely since 1922. It situates Greece within a broader set of irredentist cases that were involved in the movements for national unity. Moreover, it argues that what makes Greece a particularly interesting case is the attachment of its contemporary diaspora politics to the 19th century's Romantic versions of nationalism.

This book provides an in depth examination of the ways in which a separatist socio-political movement beginning in Sri Lanka is carried forward, altered, and adapted by the diaspora, and the struggles that are involved in this process. We accomplish this by closely examining several episodes and developments in Sri Lanka and the Canadian Tamil diaspora that, I argue, will be significant for understanding the future of diaspora activism and its transitions in the post-war period.

National integration became a major priority for the Japanese elite’s nation-building
policy after World War II. The ambiguous identification of postcolonial Koreans
in Japan (the Zainichi Koreans), however, shows that the policy of integration
has not developed in a linear or coherent form since those post-war years. This
paper examines why long-term migrants—fourth or even fifth generations in some
cases—have not fully integrated into host country, and asks how a particular ethnic
group becomes engaged in mobilizing across a transnational space until it becomes
a diaspora group that is deeply involved in political struggles and international
relations. This paper uses the example of the Zainichi diaspora to identify and
explore such a transnational space—a space that also provides leverage that can
be exploited by individuals or collective actors who make up the elites of both
the host state and the homeland. By focusing on the changing roles of the Korean
Zainichi diaspora in the light of shifting policies that reflect Japan’s external security
environment, the article argues how host state policies allow an entity such as the
Zainichi diaspora to transform itself into an agent capable of structural change.

The paper aims to explore the differences in how the Hungarian government relates to the two ‘kinds’ of Hungarian communities abroad: Hungarian kin-minorities and diaspora Hungarians. The case study addresses how and why the scope and intensity of the engagement practices towards the two kinds of co-ethnic groups abroad can differ significantly, and it points to the different interpretations of political remittances of transnational engagement from the side of the state.

This article briefly investigates the evolution of Turkish diaspora over the course of history and pays particular attention to major diaspora formation approaches. Then, the focuses on the Turkish Diaspora within which, before all else, emigration and changing borders are considered major components for diaspora formation. This paper also demonstrates that the history of Turkish emigrant communities began in the 19 th century during the Ottoman era and dramatically increased after WWII, during the Turkish Republic era. This study, in particular, focuses on autochthonous aspects of the Turkish diaspora, which came into existence as a result of the Ottoman State's territorial losses.

The paper raises the question whether there is a certain diaspora policy model that is typical for Central European states. Based on the findings, the paper argues that although post-socialist states have very similar paths in relating to and engaging their diaspora communities abroad, these policies are shaped by diverse political contexts, considerations, and expectations , as well as by different experiences in the diaspora – homeland relations. More specifically, the research identifies four points where a detailed qualitative analysis points out differences in these states' diaspora policies behind the similar structures: the effects of special/benefit/status laws, the politicization of external voting rights, the symbolic aspects of diaspora policy, and the level of awareness of the new (post-2000, labor migrant) diaspora.

This corridor report analyses the integration patterns of Turkish and Tunisian immigrants in France on a comparative basis. The goal of the report is to understand the role of origin countries and societies in the integration of these two immigrant communities in France. Following the INTERACT project’s idea of “integration as a three-way process”, the report analyses the integration of Turkish and Tunisian immigrants in France not only from a country of destination perspective, but also from the point of view of the countries and societies of origin. To do this, we apply a methodology that brings together three different types of original sources: a legal and political framework analysis at both origin and destination, a quantitative analysis on some specific integration dimensions (labour market, education, and citizenship), and a survey on civil society actors. The analysis conducted emphasises that historical and language ties between the country of origin and destination may play a role in specific dimensions such as education and, in a lesser way, on the labour market (through bilateral agreements). These linkages also play an indirect role on the compositions and specific time evolution of the two migration flows to France. Countries of origin may also play a role concerning access to citizenship through the evolution of their policies in this area.

The Republic of Korea has an elaborate diaspora management policy since the 1990s. But what accounts for the variation in policies toward Koreans in China, Japan, North America, and the former Soviet Union? In this issue brief I explore various explanations for this variation: ethnic hierarchy, with some of these communities considered as more purely Korean than others; the timing and reasons behind the emigration of each group; the skills that each community has; the degree of organization abroad; and, finally, the nature of interstate relations and balance of power between South Korea and the respective host states.

Israel is increasingly the epicentre of Jewish peoplehood, shaping the lives of diaspora Jews as both an engine driving interconnectedness and a source of division. ‘Israelization’ impacts diaspora Jews differently according to country of domicile. This article examines British Jewry, providing historical context and drawing on interviews to explore the community’s shifting identity and culture. It argues that Britain represents a unique model between America and France. In America, where security is greater, Jewish ethnic ties are loosening, whereas in France, doubts over the Jewish community’s future increase their focus on Israel. While British Jews experience hostility, they feel safer than in France. Flourishing British Jewish culture reflects commitment to multi-ethnic Britain, alongside loyalty to Israel. The dynamics of those loyalties are changing, however, with dissent against Israeli policies increasingly legitimised. We conclude that the Israelization of British Jewry is...

Based on the premise that international migration is a clearest mani- festation of globalization, this article aims to analyse in detail the phenomenon of skilled migration. Skilled migrants represent a worldwide group of people that, while not big in number, is exponentially more influential than lower-skilled migrants, given his high rates of innovation and specialization. Within this frame- work, we decided to examine the case of India: a choice motivated by two main factors. The first is that the number of Indian migrants, and also skilled migrants, has been steadily increasing for several years. So much so that, on a global level, they are the second largest diaspora group, close behind the Chinese. The second reason for focusing on India, in some ways even more relevant, relates to something that is a first for the sub-continent: in the past few decades India has become a destination for significant flows of highly qualified migrants. What are the Indian government’s policies, past and present, for capitalising on this opportunity? Are the preferences of New Delhi more supportive of a brain return or do they favour capitalising on the political influence and economic relevance of its own diaspora? These are the main points this article will consider.

The main aim of this paper is to give a general overview of diaspora policies with an emphasis on kin-state activism in Central and Eastern Europe, especially as it relates to Hungary. The fi rst section of the paper examines why and under what circumstances diaspora policies have developed in this part of Europe; as well as whether or not diaspora policies in this region show common characteristics, and if they do, how these commonalities among different kin-states can be justifi ed. The second section of the paper will turn to Hungarian diaspora engagement practices with special regards to the period from 2010 to our present time. I will analyze this expanding political sector at four different levels: (1) at the level of legislation; (2) at the level of decisionmaking bodies and consultative forums; (3) at the level of programs; and (4) at the level of aid policy.

Why do ethnoculturally defined states pursue favourable policies to integrate some returnees from their historical diasporas while neglecting or excluding others? We study this question by looking at members of two historical diasporas that, in the 1990s, returned to their respective ethnic homelands, Greece and Serbia, but were not treated uniformly by their respective governments. Utilising a wide range of primary sources, we consider evidence for a number of plausible explanations for such policy variation, including the economic profile of an ethnic returnee group, its status in internal ethnic hierarchies, its lobbying power, and dynamics of party politics. We find, instead, that the observed variation is best explained by the role that each particular group played in the ruling elites’ ex ante foreign policy objectives. Elites discouraged the repatriation of co-ethnics from parts of the world they still had claims over, by pursuing unfavourable repatriation policies. Conversely, absent a revisionist claim, states adopted favourable repatriation policies to encourage their repatriation and facilitate their integration upon return. Methodologically, the article illustrates the importance of focused comparisons across dyads of states and particular sub-diaspora groups.

Diaspora strategies have been at the forefront of new studies of the political geographies of state-led transnationalism, contributing important insights into the widespread socioeconomic impacts of initiatives used to engage émigrés in extraterritorial nation-building. The conceptualization of the 'sending state' as a central territorialized bureaucratic form has however contributed to binary framings of diasporic space by failing to capture the range of interplays in and between multiple scales and spaces that characterises the formulation of a states' diaspora strategies, their evolution over time, and their variegated material outcomes. Alternative conceptualizations of the 'sending state' as a multi-sited network of governing entities disrupts binary readings of diaspora space, but it is argued here that such an approach reproduces top-down views of political agency. The review concludes by suggesting that scholars of diaspora strategies would benefit from exploring assemblage thinking, where a sustained engagement with spatial emergence and distributed socio-material agencies has the potential to reveal the dynamic topological connections through which diasporic spatio-political formations emerge, endure and may be disrupted. This has implications for understanding the impacts of diaspora strategies on individual diasporic subjectivities and ideas of common citizenship.

Το άρθρο μελετά τις μορφές εκπαιδευτικής οργάνωσης και το ρόλο τους στην ελληνική διασπορά και ιδιαίτερα στην Αυστραλία. Η συγκρότηση εκπαιδευτικών και άλλων θεσμών από τις παροικίες της διασποράς αποτελούν σημαντικούς άξονες στην προσπάθεια μεταβίβασης και διατήρησης της εθνοπολιτισμικής ταυτότητας των Ελλήνων. Η οργανωτική και θεσμική ευρωστία της ελληνικής παροικίας στην Αυστραλία επέτρεψε στην ελληνική γλώσσα να έχει τον υψηλότερο δείκτη διατήρησης ακόμη και με το δεδομένο ότι η μετανάστευση προς Αυστραλία έχει σταματήσει οριστικά εδώ και 30 χρόνια. Σημαντικό ρόλο σε αυτή την προσπάθεια διαδραμάτισαν τα απογευματινά σχολεία. Επιπλέον, η θεσμική οργάνωση των παροικιών της ελληνικής διασποράς επηρεάζει σε μεγάλο βαθμό τις τριαδικές σχέσεις αλληλεπίδρασης τόσο με την Ελλάδα όσο και με την αυστραλιανή πολιτική σκηνή. Οι σχέσεις αυτές δεν αποτελούν ισότιμες αλληλεπιδράσεις αλλά κυριαρχικές συσχετίσεις που επηρεάζουν καταλυτικά τον εκπαιδευτικό προγραμματισμό της διασποράς. Οι παροικί...

This article situates the development of the kin-state politics literature within the context of post-Cold War scholarship on ethnicity, nationalism, and conflict. It outlines how an increasingly mature literature emerged around the domestic political and foreign policy drivers of kin-state politics as scholars drew from a number of perspectives, from the literature on irredentism to that on diaspora politics and transborder nationalism. The article then evaluates scholarship on the drivers and impacts of kin-state politics, with a focus on the consequences of kin-state politics for the cultural and political landscape of external kin communities and the impact on regional security and stability. While a rich and nuanced literature has helped to contextualize the tensions and complexities of the former, I argue that the latter needs to be developed further. Careful work needs to be done to more precisely establish the conditions under which kin-state politics constitute a security threat. Future scholarship should bring together a more ground level perspective of how kin-state policies are perceived, utilized, and/or instrumentalized by their intended subjects with a critical understanding of how the "game" of kin-state politics is played within the home state and the kin-state.

This corridor report analyse on a comparative basis the integration patters of Ecuadorian and Moroccan immigrants in Spain. The goal of this report is to understand the role of origin countries and societies in integration of these two immigrants communities in Spain. Following the INTERACT project’s idea of “integration as a three-way process”, the report will analyse integration of Ecuadorians and Moroccans in Spain not only from a countries of destination perspective, but also from the point of view of countries and society of origin. To do this, we apply a methodology joining three different type of original sources: a legal and political framework analysis both in origin and destination, a quantitative analysis on some specific integration dimension (labour market, education, and citizenship), and a survey on civil society actors. The analysis conducted emphasizes that historical and political ties between the country of origin and destination may play a role in some specific dimension, as labour market and access to citizenship, through bilateral agreements, and education, through language. In particular, in case of Ecuador bilateral agreements seems to be central in facilitating the integration of immigrants in these Dimensions.