Esperanto

Esperantists create a varied group of both speakers and supporters. The sociolinguistic categories often overlap and thus the movement consists of diverse examples: non-movement speakers, supporters not speaking Esperanto and finally speakers actively participating in the movement and identifying themselves through the language with the values associated with the idea of an international auxiliary language, world peace, tolerance, liberty and equality. Therefore the movement’s core constitutes a dynamically interacting speech community, although of a special type.

Esperanto is neither an official nor a commonly spoken language anywhere in the world and, due to the limited number of people who speak this language from birth and who teach it to the next generation, the persistence of this speech community cannot rely on intergenerational language transmission. Based on a year of ethnographic fieldwork in France, mainly in Paris, this article explores continuities and discontinuities in the Esperanto community and movement by looking at how present-day young Esperanto speakers use the language online and through networks of sociability. In asking what is transmitted from one generation of Esperanto speakers to the next, and how new communication technologies impact the ways in which people use the language, I analyse how the concentration of speakers from different age groups around distinct technologies creates a segmentation in this community that leaves some issues incommunicable and hard to transmit. I argue that, on the one hand, engaging with Esperanto through Esperanto associations and, on the other hand, through social media and non-institutionalised gatherings, shapes different perceptions of the language, marking a shift from Esperanto as a forward-looking cause for activists to Esperanto as a tool for sociability and an intellectual game for language-lovers.

Esperanto estas valora pensilo pri la kultura diverseco. Esperanto-movadoj povas kunlabori kun jam ekzistantaj instancoj turismaj por reklami pri la landa bunteco. Sed nia forto ankaŭ estas, ke pere de nia komunikilo Esperanto, ni interŝanĝas spertojn pri niaj ordinaraj, ĉiutagaj vivoj. Ni kultivu tiujn lokajn aspektojn diversmaniere ĉe niaj individua kaj kluba niveloj. Enlande gravas ja la instruado de Esperanto. Sed gravas ankaŭ la disvastigo de la valoroj de la Esperantujo – komunika justeco, lingva inkluzivemo, kaj respekto kaj festado de lingva diverseco. Ju pli ofte ni montrus tiujn valorojn des pli forta estus nia argumento por Esperanto.

We can divide Esperanto literature into four historical periods. The first (1887–1920) was characterised by the important role of translations. The second period (1921–1945) was marked by the development of poetry and also, to some extent, of prose and drama. The third period (1946–1974), while beset with difficulties, continued the development started in the second period and made some new innovations, especially in poetry. The fourth period (since 1975) has so far been a period in which the novel and experimental poetry have flourished. Unlike the earlier periods, the fourth period is no longer dominated by a small group of authors and influential literary magazines: Esperanto literature is now more diverse and fragmented, leaving space for different schools and linguistic styles.

In the early cinema era, there were a lot of authors who inquired into the nature of this new medium, taking into account both its artistic value and its specificity. Among the various approaches, the theories of Bela Balázs stands out, who maintains in his work Visible Man, or the Culture of Film (Der sichtbare Mensch oder die Kultur des Films, 1924) that the film has the potential to redeem the curse of Babel since it uses a universal language. Thus, it goes so far as to affirm that it is the first time that a language of this type exists, since it is articulated from facial expressions and physical gestures. And that is the reason why it is so important: it is perfectly opposed to the hegemony of the written text, that diminishes the immediate expression and reduces the possibility of expression of the mother tongue of humanity, that is, of the primordial language.
Similar positions are those defended by Louis Delluc, Ricciotto Canudo or Vachel Lindsay, arguing the latter that the cinema offers a universal language through image-writing. That is what led him to assimilate it to hieroglyphic images, stating that it can lead the viewer towards a new vision-gaze. This universality of language was not only valued by the early film theory: it was also analyzed by the semiotic theory, standing out the figure of Christian Metz, who studied whether we should refer to the cinema as a language or language system. Therefore, the purpose of this communication is to assess how it has been speculated about the potential of cinema as a suppressor of language barriers, as a new communication system and as a universal language.

Since the mid-19th century many artificial languages (henceforth ALs) have been created in order to facilitate international communication and understanding; the best known of these is Esperanto. The vocabularies of these languages often include names of countries, cities, and other places; the number of such names depends on how developed the languages are (or were), and the particular names created depended on how salient the places which they referred to were to the language designers (and their audiences).

Until recently, Azerbaijan was not very familiar to most people in Europe and North America (where most AL designers lived) and was not discussed much in media there. As a result, while many ALs have words for e.g. ‘France’ and ‘United States’, relatively few have words for ‘Azerbaijan’, and perhaps even fewer have words for places in Azerbaijan such as ‘Baku’ and ‘Nakhchivan’. If such places, particularly more obscure ones, are mentioned in writing in ALs, they may use forms of their names which were not changed to conform to the morphological requirements of the AL. For example, the Esperanto Wikipedia categories page for “cities of Azerbaijan” (https://eo.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kategorio:Urboj_de_Azerbajĝano) gives Baku and Sumgait in their Esperantized forms, with the nominal suffix -o (Bakuo and Sumgaito respectively), but does not do this for Lankaran (as it uses the form Lenkoran).

This paper will look at such facts, and whether they have changed in Esperanto.

La scomparsa dell’ingegner Giorgio Rosa (1925-2017) e il successo riscontrato da diversi prodotti editoriali (dal docu-film “Isola delle Rose“, 2010, recentemente ripubblicato, al libro di Walter Veltroni “L’Isola e le Rose“, 2013) hanno riportato all’attenzione degli appassionati questa curiosa e singolare iniziativa “indipendentista” locale, aperta ufficialmente al pubblico il 20 agosto 1967.

Note that this abstract contains some linguistic errors (I believe that it was written by someone other than me):

It is possible to classify Artificial Languages as well as Natural Languages into three main types, according to the forms of comparative adjectives. Artificial Languages can form the comparatives using only a synthetic strategy, or only an analytic strategy, or both of them accordingly. Artificial Languages that use only a syntetic strategy can be classified further according to the rules in choosing one strategy or the other. Some evidence shows that a large proportion of Artificial Languages have both analytic and synthetic comparatives, as in some natural languages. The formation of comparatives results to be an interesting area of morphology, where there is room for choice, also for Artificial Languages.

Lajos Tárkony (1902-1978), esperanta poeto, eseisto kaj tradukisto, membro de la budapeŝta skolo, postlasis nur unu poemaron: Soifo (1964). En ĉi eseo mi analizas la vualitan, latentan samseksaman deziron, kiu estas spurebla en la menciita verko.

(The architecture of desire in the works of Lajos Tárkony). Lajos Tárkony (1902-1978), Esperanto poet, essayist and translator, member of the Budapest literature school, left just one poem book: Soifo (Thirst, 1964). In this essay I analyse the hiden, latent homosexual desire which can be found in the mentioned work.

Since the Esperanto speech community cannot rely on intergenerational transmission to guarantee its long-term continuity, the Esperanto movement has emerged as an attempted solution to stabilise the community by promoting the language and encouraging continuous engagement with it. In this sense, one of the most interesting wings of the current neutral Esperanto movement in Europe is the political party Europe-Democracy-Esperanto (EDE), which puts forward candidates for the European Parliamentary elections and uses their election campaigns as a platform to promote the language. Through a socio-anthropological approach, based on long-term fieldwork carried out among Esperanto speakers and supporters in France, this work explores some aspects of EDE’s actions, focusing on a controversy: how can a political party be neutral? From this initial interrogation, the diverse definitions of neutrality held by Esperantists will be explored as a means to approach the question of how a concept of neutral politics can be strategically mobilised as a tool in the discussion among this party’s members. Also examined is how the outcomes of this party’s actions are seen by its members in terms of success and failure, and how the issue of neutrality and political engagement reappears in this discussion.

Ĉar la Esperanta lingvokomunumo ne povas kalkuli je laŭgeneracia transdono garantianta ĝian daŭron, la Esperanto-movado aperas kiel provo stabiligi tiun komunumon varbante por la lingvo kaj instigante okupiĝadi pri ĝi. Tiusence unu el la plej interesaj frakcioj de la neŭtrala Esperanto-movado estas la politika partio Eŭropo-Demokratio-Esperanto (EDE), kiu startigas kandidatojn por la balotoj al la Eŭropunia Parlamento kaj utiligas la balotajn kampanjojn por reklami la lingvon. Per soci-antropologia aliro kaj bazita sur longdaŭra kampolaboro inter parolantoj kaj subtenantoj de Esperanto en Francujo, mi esploros kelkajn aspektojn de la agado de EDE, kun speciala atento al la disputo, kiel politika partio povas resti neŭtrala? De tiu unua demando mi esploros la diversajn difinojn de neŭtraleco troveblajn ĉe la Esperantistoj, kiel maniero aliri la demandon, kiel koncepto de neŭtrala politiko estas strategie utiligata kiel helpilo en la diskutoj inter la partianaro. Mi krome esploros, kiel la rezultoj de la partia agado estas perceptataj de la membroj rilate sukceson kaj malsukceson, kaj kiel la problemo de neŭtraleco kaj politika engaĝiĝo reaperas en tiu diskuto.

An anomaly in the Congress of Vienna: Neutral Moresnet or how to rethink the political and linguistic boundaries.
Neutral-Moresnet was a 3.4 km² neutral territory near Aachen. Its history is the result of a misunderstanding. In Article 25 of the Vienna Final Act, Moresnet is annexed to Prussia, but in Article 66 this province is placed under Dutch sovereignty. In the site of "Vieille-Montagne” an important zinc mine is discovered. They decided to establish co-sovereignty. From then on, two commissioners oversee the area. Over time, Moresnet developed a national folklore, especially with the process of Nation-State at the end of the 19th century. This triangle is seen by foreign observers as the smallest country in the world and even as an "imaginary country" (vampires, new Eldorado). Some Esperantists hoped to make Moresnet the country of international languages ​​because in this tiny territory German, French and dialects are spoken. Moresnet rethinks the concept of border. After the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, this small state belongs to Belgium.

[fr] Une anomalie du Congrès de Vienne : le Territoire neutre de Moresnet ; repenser la frontière politique et linguistique
Moresnet-Neutre est un territoire d’à peine 3,5 km² près d’Aix-la-Chapelle. Son histoire est le fruit d’un malentendu. Dans l'article 25 du Traité de Vienne, Moresnet revient à la Prusse. Cependant, dans l'article 66, le territoire se situe sous la souveraineté des Pays-Bas. Mais le temps n’est plus à la guerre, on cherche donc une solution qui conciliera tout le monde, d’autant plus que l’on vient de découvrir des gisements non négligeables de zinc sur le territoire de la « Vieille Montagne ». Chacun assure une co-souveraineté sur le triangle que forme Moresnet. Au fil du temps se développe un folklore national. Le processus de l’Etat-Nation de la fin du XIXe siècle touche aussi le territoire. Les observateurs extérieurs tendent de plus en plus à voir en ce triangle, le plus petit état du monde. Il devient même un « lieu imaginé » (présence de vampires, nouvel eldorado). Quelques espérantistes souhaitent même faire de Moresnet le point de départ de cette langue internationale dans ce territoire où l'allemand, le français et les patois cohabitent. Moresnet repense ainsi la notion de frontière qui devient un lieu d'ouverture et de réflexion. Le petit territoire vit ainsi jusqu’en 1919, date du traité de Versailles qui confie définitivement Moresnet au royaume de Belgique.

[de] Eine Anomalie am Wiener Kongress: Neutral-Moresnet oder wie man die politischen und sprachlichen Grenzen neudachte.
Neutral-Moresnet war ein 3,4 km² großes neutrales Territorium in der Nähe von Aachen. Seine Geschichte ist das Ergebnis eines Missverständnisses. Im Artikel 25 der Wiener Schlussakte wird Moresnet an Preußen abgetreten, doch im Artikel 66 wird diese Provinz unter niederländische Hoheit gestellt. Auf dem Gebiet der « Vieille-Montagne » beträchtliche Galmeivorkommen gerade entdeckt wurden. Eine Mit-Hoheit der beiden Mächte wurde beschlossen und durchgeführt; Zwei Kommissare hatten die Aufsicht über das Gebiet. Mit der Situation findet man sich ab, und Neutral-Moresnet entwickelt im Laufe der Zeit einen nationalen Folklore, vor allem mit dem Nationalstaat Prozess am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts. Dieses Dreieck wird von ausländischen Beobachtern als das kleinste Land der Welt angesehen und sogar zu einem « imaginierten Land » emporstilisiert. Einige Anhänger des Esperantos hoffen sogar, aus Moresnet das Ursprungsland dieser internationalen Sprachen zu machen, da in diesem winzigen Streifen Deutsch, Französisch und Dialekt gesprochen werden. Bis zum Versailler Vertrag 1919 lebte Moresnet in Belgien.

The paper reviews recent language-oriented scholarship on Gramsci, mostly publications in English or Italian which have appeared since 2007. It considers three main areas: 1) the sociology and politics of language, especially the use of the notion of hegemony in debates about English as a global language; 2) the role of Gramsci’s linguistic interests in shaping his intellectual biography, from his university years to his encounter with Soviet Russia’s cultural and political life in the early 1920s; and, finally, 3) Gramsci’s own use of the Italian language in his writings. With regard to the second area of study, new evidence is presented of Gramsci’s interest in proletarian culture and of his contacts with the Proletkult movement. By surveying a wide range of different topics (including Esperanto and language planning), the paper aims to identify the shortcomings of the existing scholarship, and to define certain gaps in our knowledge of Gramsci’s life and work as questions for future research.

A previous paper in the Journal of the Simplified Spelling Society, Pitt (J5 1987/2, p13) briefly demonstrated Esperanto's phonetic spelling system as it compared to the phonetic system called "New Spelling". The conclusion was that Esperanto consistently represents pronunciation, and that diacritics and strict phonetic spelling do not obscure etymological factors which are important for the international appeal of Esperanto. However, there are problems of implementation of the system as a working model, since one may question the regularity of the system in use. ln an attempt to widen the analysis of Esperanto's spelling problems, this study will consider the lessons that can be learned from Esperanto's long experience.

As pointed out before (Pitt 1987, Large 1985), groups such as the Simplified Spelling Society and the artificial (or planned) language movement have many common aspects. Both are special interest movements, with publications, enthusiasts and schools of thought. Both are concerned with introducing more rational language systems. And both attempt to reform established language practice. Hence in this study, the simplified spelling of Esperanto will be discussed in the light of practical issues arising from its creation, implementation and effectiveness.

The present author draws most examples of Esperanto and creole usage from work carried out at the Institut d'Etudes Créoles Français in Aix-en-Provence and the Universala Esperanto Asocio (UEA) central office in Rotterdam. The symbols < > indicate graphemes, / / phonemes and { } literal translations.

Today the Hawaiian language is severely endangered because it is spoken by less than 2% of all inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands. Among endangered languages it is, however, rather a special case in that before the US occupation of Hawaii it was the most common spoken language of an independent state whose sovereignty was recognised by contemporary world powers. Moreover, from the 1850's onwards Hawaii was a parliamentary monarchy with all the characteristics of a modern democratic state, including separation of powers, elected representatives, liberal voting rights and a system of universal, compulsory education. Thus, although in that period laws were already introduced favoring English, the language of an immigrant minority, over the language of an indigenous majority, these language policies arose within the framework of a democratic society similar to ours rather than being a colonial imposition as was teh norm in that century. If the favouring of English was the result not of crude military power but of propaganda and agitation of the masses then it is clear how the Hawaiian case is of interest in view of the current worldwide spread of English. It is not only possible to find similarities between the debates which took place then and today's propaganda for English as an international language, but moreover, because the liberal introduction of English has had almost two centuries to be fulfilled, it is also possible to investigate its long-term consequences. Of those, the most interesting is that the elimination of language diversity has not led to an elimination of language discrimination, which is directly relevant to some criticisms made against Robert Phillipson's well-known theory of linguistic imperialism.
This book chapter covers the first part of the three lectures and gives an overview of the linguistic-political history of Hawaii up to the present. It has been published in the Proceedings of the conference.
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Nuntempe, la havaja lingvo estas severe endanĝerigita ĉar ĝin parolas malpli ol 2% el ĉiuj loĝantoj de la insularo Havajo (Hawaiʻi). Inter endanĝerigitaj lingvoj, tamen, ĝi estas sufiĉe aparta tial, ke antaŭ la okupo de Havajo fare de Usono ĝi estis la plej parolata lingvo de sendependa regno, kies suverenecon agnoskis la tiamaj mondaj potencoj. Plie, ekde la 1850aj jaroj Havajo estis parlamenta monarĥio kun ĉiuj karakterizoj de moderna demokrata regno, inkluzivante apartigon de povoj, elektatan deputitaron, liberalan voĉdonrajton, kaj universalan devigan eduksistemon. Tial, kvankam dum tiu periodo jam estis enkondukitaj leĝoj privilegiantaj la anglan, lingvon de malplimultaj enmigrantoj, super la lingvo de la indiĝena plimulto, tamen tiuj lingvopolitikoj okazis en la kadro de demokrata socio simila al la nia, anstataŭ esti kolonia trudo kiel estis la normo en tiu jarcento. Se plifavoro de la angla rezultis ne de kruda militforto sed de propagando kaj agitado sur la amasoj, evidentas la intereso de la havaja okazo fronte al la nuna tutmonda disvastiĝo de la angla. Ne nur eblas trovi similecojn inter la tiamaj debatoj kaj la nuntempa propagando pri la angla kiel internacia lingvo, sed plie, ĉar la liberala enkonduko de la angla havis preskaŭ du jarcentojn por plenumiĝi, eblas esplori ankaŭ ties longperspektivajn sekvojn. El tiuj, la plej interesa estas ke forigo de lingva diverseco ne kuntrenis forigon de lingva diskriminacio, kio rekte tuŝas kelkajn kritikojn faritajn kontraŭ la konata teorio pri lingva imperiismo de Robert Phillipson. La unua prelego de ĉi tiu serio superrigardos la lingvopolitikan historion de Havajo ĝis la nuntempo.

UNESCO is a 'philosophical' organization which defends the teaching of philosophy as 'a school of freedom '. This text explains what that means before an audience of professors at an international Esperanto congress in Belgium in 2015.
This text exists also in French and Esperanto

RESUMO: La ekzisto de la denaskaj parolantoj de Esperanto pruvas, ke strukture tiu lingvo ne signife diferencas de la naturaj lingvoj. La denaskaj parolantoj tamen ne iniciatis ŝanĝojn en la lingvo, nek havas centran rolon en la lingvokomunumo. Pro la manko de vera denaska lingvokomunumo Esperanto ne estas kreola lingvo. Tamen, en la strukturo de la lingvo okazas spontaneaj ŝanĝiĝoj, kiuj similas al tiuj okazantaj en naturaj lingvoj, kaj kiujn iniciatis anonimaj, verŝajne nedenaskaj parolantoj. Por kompreni la rolojn de la denaskaj parolantoj kaj la lingvokomunumo de Esperanto, interesan paralelaĵon proponas pluraj malplimultaj lingvoj revivigataj, precipe tiuj, kiuj socilingvistike karakterizeblas kiel engrupaj duaj lingvoj.

ABSTRACT:  The fact that Esperanto has native speakers proves that its structure is not significantly different from that of natural languges. However, native speakers of Esperanto have not initiated changes in the language, nor do they have a central role in the speech community. As Esperanto does not possess a real community of native speakers, it is not a creole. Rather there have been spontaneous changes in the structure of the language that are similar to those taking place in natural languages, and which were initiated by anonymous, probably non-native speakers. For the proper understanding of the roles of native speakers and the speech community of Esperanto, an interesting parallel is presented by the minority languages being revitalized, especially those which can be sociolinguistically characterized as in-group second languages.

RIASSUNTO: L’esistenza di parlanti nativi dell’esperanto prova che dal punto di vista strutturale la lingua non è diversa in modo significativo dalle lingue naturali. I parlanti nativi tuttavia non sono stati promotori di cambiamenti nella lingua e non hanno un ruolo centrale nella comunità linguistica. A causa dell’assenza di una vera comunità linguistica di nativi l’esperanto non è un creolo. Nella struttura della lingua avvengono comunque cambiamenti spontanei simili a quelli che avvengono nelle lingue naturali, promossi da parlanti anonimi, probabilmente non nativi. Per capire i ruoli dei parlanti nativi e della comunità linguistica dell’esperanto, un interessante parallelismo è offerto da molte lingue minoritarie richiamate in vita, soprattutto quelle che si caratterizzano sociolinguisticamente come seconda lingua di un gruppo.

Ankaŭ vi estas Fremdulo! estas la verketo, kiu prezentas teoriajn
fundamentojn kaj historion de interkultura edukado. Krom scienceca analizo de ĉefaj nocioj kaj sociaj problemoj ligitaj kun kultura diverseco, ĝi enhavas riĉan gvidilon pri literaturo kaj interretaj paĝoj ligitaj kun ideoj de interkulturo, tolero, civitaneco kaj edukado en plurkulturaj kaj pluretnaj medioj. La internacia lingvo Esperanto estas prezentita tie ĉi kiel praktika ilo de interhoma komunikado, firme ligita kun bazoj de edukado en kondiĉoj de kultura diverseco. La libro certe interesos ne nur sciencistojn kaj instruistojn, sed ĉiujn legantojn konsciajn pri la gravega rolo de interkulturaj rilatoj en la nuntempa mondo.

Esperanto has some properties of a natural language, including about 1,000 first language speakers. In studies of the speech of Esperanto-speaking children it is difficult to find convincing examples of changes introduced by the process of nativisation. All examples proposed seem rather to be due to (1) transfers from the children’s other native languages, (2) differences between the spoken and written register of Esperanto and, in some cases, (3) incomplete acquisition. Consequently, it would appear that Esperanto has already been adjusted to the requirements of language universals or Universal Grammar in the process of being used by non-native speakers, which is why native speakers need not introduce immediate changes into it.

Surbaze de ampleksa bibliografio (el ĉ. 90 referencoj), la aŭtoro esploras kaj analizas la malsamajn cirkonstancojn kaj kondiĉojn, en kiuj Esperanto kaj Ido elformiĝis kiel poeziaj lingvoj, t.e. kiel periloj de poezia belo originale aŭ traduke, kaj ankaŭ la klare kontrastan sintenon de Zamenhof kaj Couturat rilate la frutempan aplikon de la du kuzaj lingvoj, iam rivalaj, al tiu speciala kaj grava kampo literatura.

La verko, ilustrita per 46 bildoj pri Esperanto- kaj Ido-verkistoj, -verkoj kaj -gazetoj (iuj raraj, ekzemple, pri Zamenhof fumanta) donas ankaŭ personajn komparajn detalojn pri la du eminentuloj, i.a. pri ilia edukiĝo kaj rilato al tabako kaj alkoholaĵoj, kaj prezentas kronologian resumon pri la literatura disvolviĝo de Ido post la morto de Couturat kaj post la morto de Juste.

Ĝi enhavas ankaŭ apendicon kun kvar malsamaŭtoraj Ido-tradukoj de La Espero kaj detalajn indeksojn de menciitaj personoj, verkoj, periodaĵoj, lingvoj, lokoj kaj bildoj.

Words for berries in natural languages are of several types: semantically transparent compounds, e.g. English blueberry, somewhat semantically opaque compounds, e.g. English cranberry and raspberry, where it is not clear what the semantic contribution of the first component is (if there is any), and non-compounds, e.g. French fraise 'strawberry'. In addition, the set of fruits which are labelled as berries can differ in different languages. Given this variation, it would be interesting to look at such words in artificial (or constructed) languages, i.e. languages which have been consciously created. The most successful artificial language is Esperanto, but there have been more than a thousand others. This paper will look at terms for berries in various types of artificial languages: a posteriori artificial languages (e.g. Esperanto), which use one or more natural languages as sources, a priori languages (e.g. Ro), which do not do this, and mixed languages (e.g. Volapük), which occupy a middle ground between the first two types. A posteriori languages can be further classified according to which languages they are based on. Questions to be investigated include whether terms for berries are compounds, and if so, whether they are fully transparent, which sources these terms are taken from (in the case of a posteriori languages drawing on more than one languages), the ways in which they are similar in form (in the case of some a priori languages), and which fruits are treated as berries. From this work one might uncover general trends in the development of the vocabularies of artificial languages.

This book is the result of the Lecture Notes produced for the class ‘Introduction to Interlinguistics’ held at the University of Amsterdam during my first mandate as Special Chair holder there (2014-2019). This means that the intended readers are my students, who may come from the Humanities, such as English Studies or Philosophy, as well as from more formally oriented curricula, such as Logic or Artificial Intelligence.

CONTENIDO DEL N° 2 DE REVISTA MICRONACIONALISMO

MICRONACIONALISMO: HACIENDO CAMINO AL ANDAR
CARACTERÍSTICAS DEL MICRONACIONALISMO EN 2021
ESPERANTO KAJ MIKRONACIOJ
LA DEMOCRACIA DELIBERATIVA DE RINO ISLAND
SIMULACIONISMO, SECESIONISMO Y REALISMO MICRONACIONAL
LA DISOLUCIÓN PERMANENTE DE LA REPÚBLICA SENATORIAL DE TIMERIA O LA IMPORTANCIA DE ADAPTARSE A LOS CAMBIOS
MICRONACIONES: EL PESO DE LA CORONA
EL MICRONACIONALISMO; DE LO BIZARRO A LO REAL
PARA UN MEJOR MICRONACIONALISMO

The international auxiliary language Esperanto is probably the best known constructed language in the world, but also one of the most heavily criticised ones. Although it was meant to solve the problem of international understanding, there is still widespread and excessive criticism on Esperantoʼs account by lay people and linguists alike who think it actually cannot solve it and who, for various reasons, consider it linguistically inferior to their native tongues. As a result, this paper deals with the reasons behind the unpopularity of Esperanto, well-known critics of Esperanto, and widely proposed changes to its most criticised points. It closely examines 16 common structural ʻflawsʼ of the language at the orthographic, phonologic, morphologic, semantic and syntactic level, trying to show that there are still significant knowledge deficits behind these persistent objections. It has to be pointed out that all the criticised structural characteristics in this paper are dealt with objectively and scientifically, trying to show that all languages can come under close scrutiny as Esperanto often does. However, we are well aware that natural languages do not conform to the same rules and objections as planned languages still do.

This book explores how Esperanto – often regarded as a future-oriented utopian project that ended up confined to the past – persists in the present. Constructed in the late nineteenth century to promote global linguistic understanding, this language was historically linked to anarchism, communism and pacifism. Yet, what political relevance does Esperanto retain in the present? What impacts have emerging communication technologies had on the dynamics of this speech community? Unpacking how Esperanto speakers are everywhere, but concentrated nowhere, the author argues that digital media have provided tools for people to (re)politicise acts of communication, produce horizontal learning spaces and, ultimately, build an international community. As Esperanto speakers question the post-political consensus about communication rights, this language becomes an ally of activism for open-source software and global social justice. This book will be of relevance to students and scholars researching political activism, language use and community-building, as well as anyone with an interest in digital media more broadly.

https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-84230-7#toc

Comment change l’apprentissage d’une langue d’après son statut de langue moderne vivante, de langue ancienne « morte » ou encore de langue construite « non-naturelle » ? A travers six études de cas, sept  experts de langues vivantes (telles l’anglais et le français aujourd’hui, le russe pendant le XXe siècle, mais aussi le latin dans l’Antiquité), de langues anciennes (telles le latin et le grec ancien aujourd’hui) et de langues construites (telles l’elfique et l’esperanto) décrivent différentes méthodes et modèles d’enseignement. Les auteurs présentent leurs expériences qui sont fortement ancrées dans la réalité de la classe et/ou reconstruisent minutieusement les méthodes et instruments à dispositions des enseignants et des apprenants à une certaine époque. De la présentation des dispositifs didactiques de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine (E. Dickey) à l’intégration des arts performatifs et à la relecture d’anciens traités de rhétorique (J.-R. Lapaire), de l’application de méthodes directes à la classe de langues anciennes (F. Dell’Oro & A. Kolde) à la présentation du russe comme une langue « archaïque » à des fins didactiques (D. Zalesskaya), de l’apprentissage des langues complexes qui évoluent dans le temps et dans l’espace  de l’univers fictionnel de J.R.R. Tolkien (D. Bador) à l’idéal d’une langue commune de toute l’humanité telle l’esperanto (S. Moret), il en ressort une image de continuité, où chaque expérience peut apporter une contribution à partager dans le domaine de l’apprentissage des langues étrangères. Concernant la question posée initialement, le volume montre qu’à l’épreuve de l’enseignement les différences entre les langues modernes, anciennes ou construites apparaissent moins nettes que ne le suggère le système d’enseignement traditionnel.