Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Le concept de nation chez M. Mauss comparé à la question actuelle des identités nationales et culturelles en Europe. À partir d'études de cas de l'histoire politique contemporaine, aussi différents l'un de l'autre que la formation des nations balkaniques, au tournant du dernier siècle, et la situation des immigrés en France ou des migrants en Europe, j'essaie de montrer que les concepts de 'nation', 'nationalisme' et 'citoyenneté' doivent être appréhendés autant comme des constructions identitaires que politiques et juridiques. Il importe donc de concilier les approches historique, sociopolitique et anthropologique de l'idée de nation et essayer de comprendre la construction des identités, des relations interethniques et des valeurs interculturelles dans le monde actuel, que ce soit en Europe, en ex-Yougoslavie ou au Maghreb.

EŞREF: Kuşçubaşı’nın Alternatif Biyografisi, gayrinizami harp tarihimizin en meşhur ismini en insani özellikleriyle ortaya koyan sıradışı bir kitap…

Adı tarihe Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa’nın kurucusu ve ilk başkanı olarak geçen Eşref Kuşçubaşı gerçekte kimdi? Ömrünü gayrinizami harp ve istihbarat faaliyetleriyle geçiren bir kahraman mı? Yoksa Milli Mücadele sırasında Yunan saflarına geçerek yıllar boyunca Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne karşı savaşan bir vatan haini mi?

Gayrinizami harp ve istihbarat tarihi uzmanı Polat Safi, bu sorulara Eşref Kuşçubaşı’nın çoğu gün yüzüne yeni çıkmış olan şahsi evrakına dayanarak hazırladığı alternatif biyografiyle yanıt veriyor: EŞREF, yakın tarihimizin, hakkında
çok şey yazılıp çizilmesine karşın aslında hala bir muamma olan bu tartışmalı figürüne dair ezberleri bozuyor ve ona önce bir insan, sonra tarihi bir kişilik olarak yeniden ayna tutuyor.

Bu kitap aynı zamanda yakın tarihimizi ilgilendiren birçok karanlık noktayı da aydınlatıyor: Eşref, Arabistan Devrimci Komitesi diye bir örgüt kurdu mu? Çok yakın olduğunu iddia ettiği Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Enver Paşa ve Çerkes Ethem’le nasıl bir ilişkisi vardı? Garbi Trakya Hükümeti ve Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa’nın başkanlığını yaptı mı? Mehmet Akif Ersoy, “Çanakkale Destanı”nı onunla birlikte gittiği Necid görevi sırasında mı yazdı? Eşref, Yakup Cemil hadisesinde nasıl bir rol oynadı? Milli Mücadele aleyhindeki ayaklanmalarda payı oldu mu? Neden Yunan tarafına geçti? Atatürk’e suikast girişimindeki rolü neydi? ve daha nicesi…

Political revolutions are, by their very nature, contested events, and liable to remain the subject of conflicting interpretations long after they have turned the existing order upside down and spun it around. This is especially so when they have been violent in their making and then evolved through further cycles of violence and repression, leaving large numbers of people dead and even more traumatised and intimidated into silence. The Zanzibar Revolution is a case in point, and this edited volume, published in association with the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA), grapples with collective and individual memories of the events of 12 January 1964 and their aftermath, and the continuing reverberations of these in the everyday life of Zanzibaris both home and abroad.

Social Memory, Silenced Voices, and Political Struggle begins and ends with reflections on the official commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the revolution in 2014, firstly in the editors’ thought-provoking introduction (‘Memory, media, and Mapinduzi: alternative voices of revolution, fifty years later’), latterly in a series of 15 black-and-white photographs by Ania Gruca (‘Capturing the commemoration: a documentary photo essay on the 50th anniversary of the revolution’). Anniversaries provide the islands’ government with a regular opportunity to reproduce its founding narrative, just in case its name (Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar, the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar) and longstanding slogan (Mapinduzi Daima!, Revolution Forever!) weren’t reminder enough.

Eighteen tears after the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland struggles with a lingering sense of insecurity. This article discusses the underlying reasons for a sense of insecurity and vulnerability in this post-conflict context. First, ongoing sporadic communal violence reactivates communal divisions and the psychological burden of 'The Troubles'. The activities of spoiler paramilitary groups and sporadic communal troubles still fuel people's anxiety about the possibility of renewed violence, as the history of political violence proves how these influences can be a destabilizing factor in inter-communal relations- Second, the unchanging patterns of political mobilization, based on the historical division of unionism and nationalism, reinforce the previous cleavages and continue to inform the boundaries of the communal divide. The political arena is still plagued by ethnic outbidding and intransigent party politicking, both of which put communities against each other and keep the zero-sum bias between groups alive. Third, the working-class communities that constituted the backbone of the political violence carry the legacy of war with their continued paramilitary presence and legacy of sectarianism. The social vulnerabilities of working-class areas, such as continuing paramilitary presence, the legacy of secterianism in segregated neighborhoods, persistent mistrust toward the police, and youth unemployment need to be addressed in order to generate a long-term social infrastructure for peace.

This article addresses the reasons why ethnic diversity has never posed a challenge to the stability of Transnistria (also called the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic), an unrecognized state that broke away from Moldova during the collapse of the Soviet Union. We analyze the major societal and political patterns relevant to ethnic relations in the region and focus on the structure, content, and effectiveness of Transnistrian legislation concerning ethnic and linguistic diversity along with the practices of its implementation. In our view, formal and informal ethnic divisions do not hinder the political stability of Transnistria. We conclude that the stability of ethnic relations in Transnistria in part results from a deliberate policy aimed at managing diversity. This policy provides for the dependence of the populace on the state apparatus achieved through a dense plethora of government-orchestrated activities as well as the reproduction of nonconflictual, eclectic, and thus sociall...

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

The subject of the article is the mass exodus of the Italian speaking or Italian oriented population of Istria, a peninsula on the north-eastern Adria occupied by the Yugoslav Army of Marshall Tito at the end of WW2 and attributed to Yugoslavia with the peace treaty between Italy and the United Nations in 1947. The ‘exodus’ involved some 270.000 -300.000 people, corresponding to 85-100% of those who understood themselves as ‘Italians’. Therefore, although no official measures were taken to carry out an ‘ethnic simplification’ of the territory, the result was the disappearance of a substantial ethnic component, leading to an unchallenged Croatian predominance in ‘socialist Istria’. The authors assert that a crucial factor for the ethnic-national struggle in Istria and the subsequent abandonment of the peninsula by the ‘Italians’ was the uncertain attribution of the territory after WW2. The area was deeply fragmented; some sectors were occupied by the Yugoslavs and others by British-American troops. Both Italy and Yugoslavia claimed the territory for themselves. People rallied to the Italian or the Yugoslav cause and waged relentless battles. Of course,, the Yugoslavs were in a stronger position thanks to the Army, the secret police, the Communist administration, and Communist networks. Therefore, the struggle between Communists and anti-Communists which also affected the rest of Yugoslavia, did on the Italo-Yugoslav border take on the character of an ethnic
–national clash between ‘Italians’ and ‘Slavs’.

In this article, Kurt Bassuener assesses the Biden administration's recent strong advocacy for the "Open Balkan" initiative, championed by Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, in the context of the current security crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina.  Not only has the Biden administration effectively adopted a variant of the Trump administration's transactional policy in the Western Balkans, the policy represents an embrace of the EU's functionalist approach in the region - a failure. What this means is a de facto embrace of a Serbian/Albanian/Croatian co-prosperity sphere in the region.

Politicians and decision-makers, however, do often take ethnocentrism, nationalism, xenophobia for granted and, in general, do not bother to consider what are the essence and the ultimate causes thereof. In turn, political action without a solid conceptual basis repeatedly leads to the opposite rather than the expected results. My book aims at building a bridge between the theoretical studies and the policy of ethnicity. Although this paper is primarily targeted at the academic community, it should also be expedient for readers involved in the legislation, administration of culture, education and ethnic relations. As any theoretical attempt to understand a phenomenon, this study, first of all, sought to describe the object – the interplay between ethnicity and politics – as precisely as possible. To achieve that, it was necessary to define the concepts and the terms relating to the ethnic processes. Correct periodization and typology of the phenomena under investigation were also endeavoured. Furthermore, the book undertook an effort to clarify the proximate and ultimate causes of ethnic mobilisation and the conflict alongside with the development of individual ethnic identity and ethnogenesis with a view of explaining the influence of political factors. Finally, the study adds to the understanding which methods for the regulation of the ethnic conflicts would be the most appropriate under the identified conditions. There is an extended summary in English at the end of the monograph.

Many countries are confronted with ethnic conflict and the need to protect their national minorities. Regional autonomy is a device of territorial power sharing, which creates a legal-political framework for efficient minority protection and 'internal self-determination', without changing the concerned state’s boundaries. Applying this method, since 1921 sustainable solutions to serious and protracted state-minority conflicts have been developed in about 60 regions within at least 20 states. While aiming for the settlement of conflicts between central states and regional communities and allowing democratic self-government within the autonomous entity, territorial autonomy has received growing attention among national minorities, smaller and indigenous peoples, international organizations, and states willing to settle self-determination conflicts.

After explaining the theoretical concept of political autonomy in all its facets, the author guides the reader on an empirical travel through the multifarious world of the autonomy systems, today operating in all continents. This analysis probes the main issues of territorial autonomy and its practical applications: typical elements are worked out, factors behind autonomy's operations with varying degree of success in diverse locations are investigated and perspectives of further development highlighted.

Regional autonomy is a precious experience of how to settle self-determination conflicts through self-government, of how to arrange power sharing between the centre and a regional community for  the protection of regional identities in a democratic framework. Given the importance of regional autonomy as a means of conflict resolution and minority protection, this timely work provides for a new and comprehensive approach to autonomy, not just for experts and decision-makers, but also for readers interested in the political structures that shape the world around them.

Racial hoaxes are becoming a popular discursive strategy to disguise racism, as well as a powerful means for triggering waves of fake news and outraged comments both on mainstream and social media. Built on grounds of plausibility and consistency with existing narratives, racial hoaxes may remain latent for a long time, and periodically emerge when negative stereotypes can be framed as actual news stories. Racial hoaxes have relevant political and social implications: spread across multiple channels, they can foster exclusionary discourse on immigration, migrants , refugees, and other minorities, with concrete consequences on people and policies. In particular, far-right movements embrace hoaxes as a great opportunity to advocate their claims and legitimate their calls for violent action. Theoretical background Racial hoaxes are becoming a popular discursive strategy to disguise racism. This concept has mainly been used in US legal and criminological fijields, aimed at exploring the connection between racial stereotypes and related practices in policing, and shifting criminal responsibility from a white offfender to a fijictional black predator (Russell, 1998). Nonetheless, this concept could be scrutinized from wider social and communicational perspectives, looking at how racial hoaxes are created and circulated, and how they afffect ethnic relations. The concept also provides powerful insights into study how prejudices and stereotypes are objectivized, and how hostility tales turn into social action. Moreover, racial hoaxes should be a relevant matter for communication studies, since they involve both mainstream and digital media, and have relevant consequences on public.

According to the " Waffle " model of the Belgian Linguistic Conflict (Klein et al., 2012), this conflict centres around two main dimensions: One concerns the use of language across the territory and the second concerns the distribution of resources between the two main linguistic communities, Dutch-speakers and French-speakers. The model suggests that the two groups adhere to different justice principles regarding these issues and that these disagreements are a function of the intensity of the conflict. With respect to the first dimension, Dutch-speakers are expected to adhere more to a principle of linguistic territoriality than French-speakers who should be more in favor of a free choice of one's idiom across the territory. With respect to the second dimension, the model posits that Dutch-speakers will adhere more to an equity principle whereas French-speakers should adhere more to a need principle. We tested these hypotheses in the context of a large-scale survey involving two waves: in May 2011 in the middle of a political crisis, and in June 2014, when the conflict was appeased. The pattern of " disagreements " in a subsample that participated in both waves of the survey (N = 378) is consistent with the Waffle model and, as expected, more severe at the heart of the conflict (in 2011) than after pacification (in 2014). However, differences were driven mostly by supporters of the Flemish nationalist party N-VA. Moreover, endorsement of principles on both dimensions are predictive of separatist attitudes in the Dutch-speaking sample whereas only the first dimension plays a role for the French speaking sample.

Convivencia is a specific historical term that has come to represent the idea of tolerant aand peaceful co-existence. Conflicts and Convivencia scrutinises the relations between cultural diversity and social conflicts and considers why some social conflicts are said to be inherently cultural. It does this through a ‘multi-scalar extended case study’ approach of the social construction of a problem and its solutions. This is an innovative approach that sheds light on the multiple local-global processes inherent to the phenomenon starting from an urban ethnography of a small town in Northern Catalonia.


This way the book analyses the simultaneously local-global transformation of migration and societies, connecting the local processes of production of space and place making with the larger processes of migration, economic crisis and social transformation, and finally, the responses to these changes from institutions, NGOs and social groupings.


This work allows for a deeper understanding of the complex social transformation that migration as a phenomenon is part of but also affected by, impulses and articulates culturally. It focuses particularly on the interaction between mobility and settlement and the socio-cultural processes at different scales, through the vectors of production and reproduction of space.

Le système politique mis en place à Maurice lors du processus de décolonisation repose largement sur l'institutionnalisation du pluralisme culturel. Entre la réforme constitutionnelle de 1948 qui établit le principe électif comme principal mode de désignation des membres de l'assemblée législative et la proclamation de l'indépendance en 1968, le système politique mauricien évolue dans le sens d'une prise en compte croissante des communautés.

The Cline Center Historical Phoenix Event Data covers the period 1945-2018 and includes several million events extracted from 17.5 million news stories. This data was produced using the state-of-the-art PETRARCH-2 software to analyze content from the New York Times (1945-2019), the BBC Monitoring's Summary of World Broadcasts (1979-2015) and the Central Intelligence Agency’s Foreign Broadcast Information Service (1995-2004). It documents the agents, locations, and issues at stake in a wide variety of conflict, cooperation and communicative events in the CAMEO ontology. The Cline Center produced this data with the generous support of Linowes Fellow and Faculty Affiliate Prof. Dov Cohen and help from our academic and private sector collaborators in the Open Event Data Alliance (OEDA).

This is a study of the gendered aspects of armed conflict. It explores gender relations between men and women and demonstrates how different groups of women and men experience, participate in and respond to ethnically-constructed armed conflict in southeast Bangladesh. It examines in which ways and to what extent their experiences in the conflict have been gendered. It is also a narrative about people’s longing to belong, and an attempt to understand the gendered embodiments of nationalism in a post-colonial location in the global south, Bangladesh.
The concepts of gender and ethnicity are integral to much feminist research in the field of conflict and peace studies, which has looked at the transformations of conflict, interrogating the power relations between women and men, and addressed, more recently, the added symbolic meaning and representation of gendered violence in conflict. However, studies have focused either on the ‘material reality’ or on the symbolic aspects of gender and ethnicity, and have rarely focused on the situated and contested aspects of gender relations between women and men in historically specific armed conflict. This thesis moves beyond a structural assessment of conflict and avoids a gender versus culture analysis; its aim is to develop a more nuanced understanding of the lived experiences of different groups of women and men in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The research offers a three-level investigation: it looks at whether and how structural inequalities contribute to the making of the armed conflict and gendered violence; it provides a discursive analysis of narratives of sexual violence against women; and it offers an intersectional analysis of the lived experiences of women and men in the nationalist movement and armed conflict. The study considers the spatial, material, relational and changeable aspects of the nationalist movement and armed conflict to reveal that the experiences of different groups of women and men have been gendered in heterogeneous ways.
The research demonstrates that the conflict in the CHT is a highly gendered phenomenon, yet ‘situated’ so that women and men, and Bengali and Jumma people, experience the conflict in different ways. Economic exploitation and state assimilation of the Jumma people are obvious factors in the making of the conflict; however, the phenomena of gendered violence and the subjectivity of Jumma women to sexual violence during and after the armed conflict are not merely the effects of male supremacy or the international politics of militarisation. What the Jumma women experience in the conflict is much more complex. Their lived experiences are informed by their ethnicity, nationality, culture and gender. Likewise, the responses of the Jummos and civilian Bengalese are informed by: their political goals, collective sentiment and sense of belonging; nationalist ideologies, political values and practices; a longing to demonstrate a difference and a culturally distinctive identity; performing chosen and appropriate roles; and the desire and ability to negotiate with shifting lifestyles, embodying their experience of the material situation, and the repetitions of daily life in a changing society. It is the contestations of all these factors, which illustrate the complexity of the phenomenon of gendered violence and the gendered aspects of the conflict in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
This study recognises that the state, as a momentous social actor, contributes to the making of the nationalist projects and ensuing conflict with gendered violence. But the women and men living the conflict are agents in their own lives, and never victims per se. The findings are based on my ethnographic fieldwork, narrative interviews with Jumma women and men, semi-structured interviews with Bengali women, men, mediators and actors, and library research on the topic. Meanings in this research are co-constructed between me as a feminist researcher and my interviewees, and do not necessarily reflect any general ‘truths’.

Baloch  ethno-nationalist  movement  is  an  intractable
challenge,  threatening  the  integrity  of  Pakistan  since  its
inception. Developing    initially    in    response    to    colonial
encroachments  and  impositions,  the  Baloch  ethno-nationalist
movement  nourished  gradually
in  the  post-colonial  Pakistan,
primarily in response to the state-centered policies of successive
governments  and frequent  use  of  force  against  the  Baloch
people, not to mention the mischievous and perverse role played
by  some  Baloch  Sardars.  The  article
attempts  to  critically
analyze  the  causes  of  emergence,  growth,  and  development  of,
and  responses  to  the  Baloch  ethno
-
nationalist  movement  in
Pakistan, with a special emphasis  on the  contemporary wave of
insurgency  and  the  possible  solutions  for  solving  or
,  at  least,
mitigating  the  conflict.  During  the  la
st six decades, Pakistan‘s
centralized state system, weak federal structures,  ̳unresponsive‘
political  institutions,  frequent  use  of  force,  and  lengthy
dictatorial  rules  have  generated  feelings  of  marginali
zation
among  the  Baloch  people.  Moreover,  inherent  desire  of  Baloch
nationalists    for    independence,    lack    of    infrastructural
development,    illite
racy,    deeply
-
entrenched    Sardari
system,
highly  centralized  economic  policies,  and  alleged  foreign
involvement have
also kept the movement alive.

This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the historical and sociological record. It forwards a subtler and more historically consistent understanding of the place of ethnicity in politics and society, which is more complex, more fluid, and looser than the popular model posits. Finally, a suggestion for moving beyond the ‘African-Indian rivalry’ hypothesis is forwarded, distinguishing ethnic mobilisation from ethnic politics, and understanding ethnic mobilisation as a by-product of insecurity in a ‘half-made society’.

Primordialism and Constructivism are two theoretical approaches that can explain ethnic identities in Afghanistan. The Primordialism theory argues that ethnic identity is a natural identity that population of a particular country affiliate themselves with. The Constructivism theory, on the other hand, explains that ethnicity has been politicized and that it has become a means for securing political and economic interests. Applying the two theories to the context of Afghanistan, this paper argues that perceiving ethnicity as a natural source of identity and exploitation of ethnicity by politician and citizens to secure interests have led to perseverance of ethnic identities in the country.

Авторы определяют фашизм, как разновидность способа строительства нации, основанного на делении людей по этническому признаку на высшие и низшие ранги, преследовании, эксплуатации и уничтожении первыми вторых. С этих теоретических позиций в книге анализируются процессы национального строительства в 20-е-50-е гг. ХХ в. в Японии, Китае, странах Юго-Восточной Азии. Формулируются выводы о природе, специфике, формах, структуре, механизме возникновения, развития, надлома и трансформации азиатского фашизма. Полученные в работе выводы позволяют лучше понять суть социально-политических процессов, происходящих в азиатском регионе в настоящее время как в азиатском регионе, так и во всем мире.
The authors define fascism as a kind of nation-building method based on the division of people along ethnic lines into higher and lower ranks, persecution, exploitation and destruction of the former by the latter. From these theoretical positions, the book analyzes the processes of nation-building in the 20s-50s. 20th century in Japan, China, Southeast Asia. Conclusions are formulated about the nature, specifics, forms, structure, mechanism of emergence, development, breakdown and transformation of Asian fascism. The conclusions obtained in the work allow us to better understand the essence of the socio-political processes taking place in the Asian region at the present time both in the Asian region and throughout the world.

This book scrutinizes the transformation of pro-Kurdish political parties in Turkey from an ethno-national stance to a civic one promoting integration to the wider society, known as "Turkiyelilesme" (Turkeyfication). For an ethno-national movement, it is a renunciation from secessionism which also influences the public debate on the definitions and practices of citizenship in Turkey. This transformation is investigated in the elite discourse via the party manifesto, parliamentary debates and in-depth interviews with its MPs and in its voters' views based on a field research conducted in 2010. The author observes a tension between the ethnic priorities of the voter and the integrationist attitude of the party elites that attempt to shift it from an exclusively ethnic party to a non ethnic one, publicly expressed as 'Turkiye partisi' meaning a party operating for the entire Turkey rather than for the Kurds only. This transformation enables the peaceful and voluntary cohesion of an ethnic group to the wider society as well as raising the awareness for the minority's political and cultural rights in the majority public opinion that would help the society to fill in democratic deficit.

Accepted Manuscript Abstract:

In South Africa, conflicts over land intensified in 2007 when “Hlubi” individuals challenged the sole kingship position of Zulu ruler Goodwill Zwelithini by filing an independent kingship claim with the Nhlapo Commission. In support of this claim, they also established an IsiHlubi Language Board entrusted with strengthening their non-Zulu identity. Based on interviews with Hlubi activists, this essay shows that this form of post-apartheid land- and language-based activism represents the continuation of long-standing struggles in the region, and explains that “language” has become a focal point of this activism due to South Africa’s ideology of official languages and language-based ethnicities.

Keywords:
South Africa, Zulu, Xhosa, Hlubi, Ethnicity, Identity, Language

This research aims to examine the role of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) as a method in dealing with the continuous conflict that of Rohingya Conflict in Myanmar. Both the victims and persecutors are in mutual distrust condition, which leads to non-everlasting perpetual peace. As the Myanmar authorities produced draconian rules in accepting foreign actors and yet still persecuting the Rohingyas, an emergency resolution is vital to address this issue. This research uses descriptive qualitative by collecting data related to the topics. Other materials that can support writing are obtained from books, scientific articles, various valid sources from the internet such as news, reports, and other data that are considered relevant. The results show that in resolving the crisis for Rohingya ethnic, an effective strategy for intervention targeting the root of the causes will slowly diminish the conflict by involving various multisector of actors starting from the grassroots level and its engagement with the key stakeholders to create a more inclusive society by solving the unsuitable and overpowered military junta-led government, including its policies.

On Washington’s Olympic Peninsula, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe (JST) is implementing cultural heritage approaches to reclaim tribal histories threatened by nineteenth century settler colonial narratives of ethnic erasure. Exiled from their capital village of Qatáy in Port Townsend during the 1870s as a result of government-mandated arson and displacement, JST homelands also include Olympic National Park, popularly lauded as a pristine wilderness area. Emanating from the Tribe’s previously unrecognized federal status, accusations of assimilation and extinction have simultaneously contributed to the non-Indigenous public’s denial of JST existence. By restoring archaeological sites with modern significance and erecting counter-monuments to commemorate tribal leaders and events, the JST have embarked upon a journey of challenging their veiled history. Perhaps surprisingly, this resistance against historical amnesia has produced reconciliatory outcomes between the Tribe and non-Natives. Through a lens of resiliency and regeneration, this article documents one tribal nation’s opposition to being consigned to the past, and their dedication to continued relevancy for future generations.

The paper aims to find out possible solutions to the ‘hatred’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’ operations going on in Myanmar. Myanmar, the largest country in mainland Southeast Asia, is bordered by India to the west and China to the east. Drawing on works in the field of social and political instability, this study shows how ethnic cleansing has become a controversial issue in Myanmar and Myanmar Government policies to create the bulk of urban poor who are the victims of hatred and ethnic cleansing. It also discloses how certain structural features of the social and political system, including the power of the security forces and the business sector are facilitating and perpetrating, perhaps even encouraging the violence.

The study provides accounts of the social and ideological make-up of both the victims and the perpetrators of hatred and ‘ethnic cleansing’. It argues that the victims are targeted not because of their political views or activities, but because they are perceived as bearers of unwelcomed attributes, such as poverty, criminality and ill-health. It shows that many of the perpetrators of ‘ethnic cleansing’ are state agents, often members of the National Police or of paramilitary groups that operate with official license and backing. Members of the business sector are also deeply mixed up in the violence. Lastly, this study shapes two principal reasons for the persistence of hatred and ‘ethnic cleansing’: the failure to bring the perpetrators to justice and the matter on intentional violence, death, destruction and harm to a community, in part or in whole, simply because of some people’s religious faith, ethnicity or belief. Finally, the paper tries to proffer a lasting solution to the avoidable and preventable problems by applying a psychological solution through the use of path model developed by Buunk and Van Vugt (2007).

Abstract:
Ethnic conflicts have become a phenomenal event in the Northern Region of Ghana leading to underdevelopment.These
conflicts are attributed to the lingering legacies of colonialism, but for many, especially in the Western popular and academic
media, singular historical and internal explanations tend to be offered, assigning the conflicts to either Africa’s primordial
afflictions of ‘tribalism’, or the depredations of the continent’s proverbial poverty and inequalities, discrimination,
authoritarianism and poor governance.This paper therefore attempts to examine the possible causes of these ethnic conflicts
within the context of globalization and identity formation. It was realised thatthe causes of the ethnic conflicts in Northern
Region and especially, in the East Gonja and Kpandai districts were ethnic identity, inequality, sense of marginalisation,
subordination, and land ownership. These factors collectively or individually led to the frequent ethnic clashes.
Keywords: Ethnic Identity, Globalization, Ethnic Conflict, Ghana

This paper seeks to explain the varying reactions of Tamils and Tutsis to the policies of post-independence governments in Sri Lanka and Rwanda respectively. I speculate that the different experiences of these two ethnic groups from the independence onwards explain this difference: After being expelled from Rwanda, Tutsis gathered significant war experience in Uganda. Tamils, after being expelled from Sri Lanka, did not gather such an experience in India.

This article argues that recurring communal problems in Malaysia can be traced to not only economic and social policies undertaken by pragmatically rather than ideologically-inclined National Front-led governments, but they can also be located to weaknesses of their educational policies which have failed to disentangle Malaysians from colonial knowledge which had epistemologically moulded the conceptions of 'race' and 'nation' as prevalent in Malaysia. The article seeks to show that, despite the apparent success of Malaysia's national education system in producing a relatively large number of skilled and semiskilled workers who went on to form constantly expanding vibrant middle classes, these cohorts of new labour market entrants have largely failed to live up to expectations of them as socially progressive in the way envisaged by Wawasan 2020 – a liberal, rational, inclusive, scientific and progressive Malaysian nation. As a matter of fact, after fifty years, Malaysia's educational system remains unsuccessful in tackling its twin problems before independence – communal and class polarisation. We hereby argue that the Malaysia Education Blueprint 2013-2025, notwithstanding the hulabaloo which accompanied its launching, not only also fails to confront the critical issue of identity and nation-building, but it also lacks credible solutions beyond the colonial-designed educational framework which accepts communal divisions as a fait accompli.