European political cultures

Wayne Vucinic Book Prize 2007, "for the most important contribution to Russian, Eurasian, and East European studies in any discipline of the humanities or social sciences." 

Endorsement by Slavoj Zizek:

"Alexei Yurchak's Everything Was Forever, Until It Was No More immediately seduced me by its very title with a profound philosophical implication that eternity is a historical category--things can be eternal for some time. The same spirit of paradox runs through the entire book--it renders in wonderful details the gradual disintegration of the Soviet system from within its ideological and cultural space, making visible all the hypocrisy and misery of this process. I consider Yurchak's book by far the best work about the late epoch of the Soviet Union--it is not just history, but a pleasure to read, a true work of art." (Slavoj Zizek, author of In Defense of Lost Causes)

Abstract:

Soviet socialism was based on paradoxes that were revealed by the peculiar experience of its collapse. To the people who lived in that system the collapse seemed both completely unexpected and completely unsurprising. At the moment of collapse it suddenly became obvious that Soviet life had always seemed simultaneously eternal and stagnating, vigorous and ailing, bleak and full of promise. Although these characteristics may appear mutually exclusive, in fact they were mutually constitutive. This book explores the paradoxes of Soviet life during the period of "late socialism" (1960s-1980s) through the eyes of the last Soviet generation.

Market economies inevitably generate social inequalities, of which the new democracies of Central and East European (CEE) societies have seen dramatic -though widely diverging -levels of growth. Do CEE citizens believe that inequality is excessive and, if so, why? And what is the connection between perceptions of social inequality and citizens' views of new markets and democracy? These questions are addressed using new data from mass surveys conducted in 2007 in 12 post-communist CEE states. Surprisingly weak links are found between social inequality perceptions and national-level measures of inequality as well economic, social and political conditions. Perceptions of social inequality are mainly driven by individual-level assessments of market and democratic performance, but not by market or democratic ideals.

Die sechs Jahre der sowjetischen Perestroika zwischen 1985 und 1991 stellen eine krisenhafte Umbruchszeit dar, in der der Wandel von Bevölkerung und politischer Elite bewusst erlebt und aktiv gestaltet wurde. In dieser speziellen Periode ermöglichte die Lockerung medialer und gesellschaftlicher Zensur die Entstehung informeller Organisationen, die sich in Form einer lautstarken Demokratiebewegung für diverse Systemalternativen einsetzten. Die Kritik am repressiven Staatssozialismus sowie am ungerechten Kapitalismus eröffnete den Blick auf viele Dritte Wege, die in einer Zeit rasanter öffentlicher Politisierung intensiv diskutiert wurden. Die Massendemonstrationen und propagierten Alternativen der russischen Informellenbewegung werden jedoch von Geschichtsschreibung und Sozialwissenschaften weitgehend ignoriert und sind so in Vergessenheit geraten. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht diesem Vergessen entgegenzuwirken und die damaligen Ideen in aktuelle Diskussionen um eine Redemokratisierung der Demokratie bzw. um sozialistische Systemalternativen einfließen zu lassen. So soll eine neue Perspektive auf das Verhältnis von Demokratie und Sozialismus eingenommen werden. Nach einer historischen Einbettung des
Forschungsgegenstandes werden die diversen Reformvorschläge und Alternativkonzeptionen dargestellt. Da es zu den Inhalten der russischen Informellenbewegung fast keine Literatur gibt, wurden sechzehn qualitative ExpertInneninterviews mit AktivistInnen verschiedenster ideologischer Richtungen in Moskau durchgeführt. Abschließend werden die besprochenen Ideen in den Kontext aktueller Krisen- und Alternativdiskussionen gestellt.

Schlagwörter: Alternative Demokratiekonzepte, Sozialistische Ideengeschichte, Russland, Perestroika, Systemtransformation, Zivilgesellschaft, Demokratiebewegung

Many Third Ways: Alternative Conceptions of Democracy in Russia during the Perestroika

The six years of Soviet perestroika represent a time of radical change, consciously experienced and actively promoted by society and the political elite. In this special period the loosening of social and media censorship enabled the emergence of informal organisations, promoting their various ideas of system alternatives in a loud democracy movement. The criticism of repressive state socialism and unjust capitalism opened a perspective on many Third
Ways, which were vividly discussed in a time of rapid public politicisation. The mass demonstrations and promoted
alternatives of the Russian informal movement are, however, ignored by historic and social sciences and are thus almost forgotten. This paper tries to counteract this oblivion and to incorporate those ideas into current discussions about a re-democratisation of democracy or socialist alternatives respectively. Thus a new perspective on the relationship of democracy and socialism is taken into account. After a historic overview of the Russian informal movement, the various reform suggestions and system alternatives are illustrated. Since almost no literature on this
topic exists, sixteen qualitative interviews with activists of various ideological backgrounds were taken in Moscow. Finally, the illustrated ideas will be put into the context of current alternative discussions of democracy.

Keywords: Alternative models of democracy, history of socialist ideas, Russia, perestroika, system transformation,
civil society, democracy movement

Institutional pension policy is held to be one of the trade marks of the celebrated Scandinavian model. Universal national pensions guarantee a decent livelihood to every citizen irrespective of socioeconomic status. Income-related pensions that are paid on top of the national pensions secure the standard of living achieved during the working career. This Scandinavian institutionalism has usually been associated with long-lasting working class hegemony, consolidated by the deliberate goal of abolishing means-testing from national pensions and expanding the scope and quality of income-related pensions. However, some studies challenge this interpretation. Instead, they emphasize the crucial role played by the middle classes. By using survey data from Finland, this study seeks to determine which socioeconomic groups are in favour of the present Finnish pension policy model characterized by universal basic pensions and income-graduated work-merit pensions. The results show that workers and farmers are more willing to introduce means-testing and flat-rate pensions than white-collar workers. Correspondingly, these groups are more sceptical of income-graduated benefits. Middle classes, especially upper white-collar workers, support income graduated benefits and are more reluctant than workers and farmers to introduce means-tested or flat-rate pensions. Thus, the results indicate that the support for the present institutional pension policy model in Finland is strongest among the middle strata. But the results also indicate that this support is greatly dependent on benefit form, and when debating on the class basis of the Scandinavian universalism, we must be more explicit in specifying which aspects of universalism are at stake.

Judged by their statutory arrangement the selection procedures of the seven main governmental Belgian parties in the 1944-1992 period suggest that party presidents are recruited in a fully democratic way, anticipating a contest between several candidates which is ultimately decided by a secret vote of the members' representatives at the national congress or council or, as in the PSC and recently the PRL, by a membership vote. In practice, competition only occurs in the PSC and the W. In the other parties, the party elites usually propose a consensus candidate to the party's congress, who is then legitimated by a near-unanimous vote or by acclamation. The elite legitimates this method by referring to the devastating effects of an open competition for the party's unity, as well as the belief that the elite can better assess the party needs and the prospective candidates' skills than the more uninvolved and inexperienced congress delegate or party member. Vanmaercke, L. (1991). De verkiezing van de CVP-voorzitters in de jaren '80, Res Publica 33: 229-254. Phone: (10) 47 33 82; Fax: (10) 47 46 03

Discrepant findings in electoral studies, particularly in relation to the importance of class, have re-opened the issue of micro-versus macro-levels of analysis. The 'ecological' and 'individualist' fallacies are again the subject of discussion. This article considers how similar issues arise in other sciences, natural as well as social, and shows how in many cases they are not resolved but lead to the development of sub-sciences. It argues that beyond the microlmacro distinction lies another, that between 'molecular' and 'structural' approaches, which exist in parallel in most sciences. The corresponding types of dataaggregate and integralare found at both levels of analysis. Thus we have to contend not with two distinct types of data, but with four: micro-and macro-molecular, and micro-and macro-structural. In electoral studies, as well as 'individual' and 'ecological', there are also 'personal' and 'structural' types of data to be considered. though the latter have largely been neglected in recent times. Drawing valid inferences between any two types of data is difficult. Even if fallacies are avoided, intractable problems may remain. On the experience of other sciences, electoral studies may well continue to develop along parallel but in some ways discrepant lines. '. . . One solution . . . will involve the recognition that the distinction between macro-and microunits as the empirical objects of enquiry is relative to the observer's standpoint, and that units like individual, primary group, organization, community, or even state are not polar but continuous variables of political analysis. If this is so, it should be possible to order these units on a macro-micro continuum, and the task of research will be to link these units in terms of vertical and horizontal patterns of relationship as part of a continuous chain. '... From whatever point on the continuum one proceeds, the task of research is to build, by patiently linking one unit with another, the total chain of interrelationships which link individual to individual, individual to primary group, primary group to primary group, primary group to secondary group, secondary group to secondary group, secondary group to organization, organization to organization, and so on, until the total vertical system of interpersonal and intergroup relations has been given a continuous order. In this order, what is to be considered macro or micro will always depend on the observational standpoint occupied by the investigator. Behavioural analysis of units larger that the individual depends . . . on some construction of the total system in which the individual is a necessary

This article examines party-based Euroscepticism in the candidate states of Central and Eastern Europe. In an attempt to develop comparative lessons from the different cases, it presents research into the location, electoral strength and type of Euroscepticism in the party systems of these countries. The data is then used to examine six propositions about the relationship between party-based Euroscepticism and left-right ideological spectrum, party position in party systems, public Euroscepticism, prospects for accession, 'hard' and 'soft' Euroscepticism and state longevity. The article concludes that extending the scope of our study of Euroscepticism to the candidate states extends our understanding of Euroscepticism from its study in Western Europe and brings new insights into party systems in Central and Eastern Europe. It also offers clues as to some future effects of European Union enlargement.

The article starts from the premise that contemporary anti-Semitism can only be understood from an analysis of National Socialism. National Socialism originated in the collapse of German liberalism, now threatening to draw the surrounding countries into the catastrophe. One of the most important elements in the pre-Nazi situation was the mass of unemployed, whose organization within the European state system seemed an insoluble task after the War. The fascist forces which did solve the problem were not the owners of industry but a new bureaucracy made up of dictators of industry and military and political officials.

This study addresses the dynamics of the issue space in multiparty systems by examining to what extent, and under what conditions, parties respond to the issue ownership of other parties on the green issue. To understand why some issues become part and parcel of the political agenda in multiparty systems, it is crucial not only to examine the strategies of issue entrepreneurs, but also the responses of other parties. It is argued that the extent to which other parties respond to, rather than ignore, the issue mobilisation of green parties depends on two factors: how much of an electoral threat the green party poses to a specific party; and the extent to which the political and economic context makes the green issue a potential vote winner. To analyse the evolution of the green issue, a time-series cross-section analysis is conducted using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project for 19 West European countries from 1980-2010. The findings have important implications for understanding issue evolution in multiparty systems and how and why the dynamics of party competition on the green issue vary across time and space.

The European Union sees the inclusion of many Eastern European statesenlargement -as a natural progression in the process of building an 'ever closer union'. For the European Commission in particular, the process of enlargement (broadening) is part of the process of integration and acts as a complement to the development of a stronger role for the European Union and its institutions or deepening of integration. Yet as the first Irish referendum on the Nice Treaty showed, not all of European's citizens see the two processes of enlargement and integration in the same light. This article addresses two related questions. First, how are attitudes towards deepening and broadening related, and do European citizens see them as complementary or contradictory? Second, and related to the first, what factors drive popular attitudes towards enlargement?

Abstract. The phenomenon of ETA derives from the interaction of two factors: Basque nationalism and Francoism. The fundamental elements of ETA, both ideological and strategical-political, were already well defined and developed in the Basque nationalism of the pre-war period, particularly in its intransigent and radical sector represented by Aberri and Jagi-Jagi groups. Later, ETA acquired characteristics of its own which separated it from the traditional nationalism. The regime of terror and repression imposed by Francoism exerted a fundamental influence on this state of affairs, inclining ETA definitively towards extremely radical and intransigent postures. In this way the activism of ETA arose. This activism should be understood as the sublimation of praxis to the detriment of theory, and the structure of ETA as an armed group and the adoption of a third world, anticolonialist-style guerrilla strategy.

This article proposes an agenda for political participation research aimed at providing empirical answers to questions derived from normative political theory. Based on a threefold distinction between responsive, participatory and deliberative models of democracy, the article first distinguishes three conceptions of political participation: as influencing attempts, as direct decision making, and as political discussion. Second, it is argued that each of the three models is associated with different desired consequences of political participation: equal protection of interests, self-development and subjective legitimacy. Third, a procedural standard is identified from which to evaluate the mechanism generating the three types of participation. By analogy with theories of distributive justice, this mechanism should be sensitive to incentives but insensitive to resources. The empirical questions thus implied are finally drawn together into an integrated agenda for future participation studies.

The paper examines existing classifications of electoral systems, discusses their merits and limits, and proposes a more appropriate classification. It shows that it is possible to extract from the definition of an electoral system three basic dimensions: the ballot structure, the constituency structure, and the formula. It also shows that it is possible to distinguish three components of the ballot structure: the object of the vote, the number of votes and the type of vote, and two components of the constituency structure: its nature and its magnitude. It is argued that the classification proposed here is superior to existing ones. It clarifies and refines existing distinctions. It enables one to identify the basic dimensions of electoral systems as well as the logical connections between them. Finally, it has the property of applying the same criteria to all systems.

Recent empirical research on the long-term cultural dynamics of political values in the USA and Great Britain suggested that modern societies might be characterized by long cycles of recurring value orientations. This paper analyzes and criticizes the theoretical and methodological foundations that guided this content-analytic approach which is based on an application of the Lasswell-value dictionary to political documents. Taking this critique into account, a similar analysis is done on Swiss material. The results are compared to empirical results gained in the United States, Great Britain and the Federal Republic of Germany. They show that there exists a considerable degree of independence in the process of thematic change in national societies. Moreover Swiss data reveal a content-analytic dimension that distinguishes texts according to the degree to which either instrumental or ethical themes predominate. This dimension seems to be related to long-term processes of modernisation.

2021 ausgezeichnet mit dem Hedwig Hintze Preis des Verbandes der Historiker und Historikerinnen Deutschlands (VHD)

Legitimation über wirtschaftlichen Erfolg: Das Francoregime als technokratische Verwaltungs- und Entwicklungsdiktatur.

Die Francodiktatur (1936/39-1975) war sowohl eine der am längsten währenden als auch eine der stabilsten Diktaturen in der europäischen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Anna Catharina Hofmann zeigt, dass sich diese Besonderheit aus der »Neuerfindung« des Regimes als Entwicklungsdiktatur ab den 1950er Jahren erklärt: Am französischen Modell der planification orientiert, sollte das Land in kürzester Zeit ins Industriezeitalter katapultiert werden. Mit dem - wenig bekannten - franquistischen Planungskommissar Laureano López Rodó (1920-2000) rückt die Autorin den Architekten dieser neuen
Legitimationsstrategie in den Mittelpunkt. Er prägte wesentlich den Versuch, das Regime über administrative Effizienz, wirtschaftlichen Erfolg und die Einbindung in den Westen zu stabilisieren. Paradoxerweise legte seine Politik damit zugleich die Grundlagen für die Erosion der Diktatur. Denn sie verschärfte die Machtkämpfe in der franquistischen Herrschaftselite und wurde zum Einfallstor für Regimekritik. Auf diese Weise entwickelt die Autorin eine neue Interpretation der spanischen Diktaturgeschichte.

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Galardonado con el premio "Hedwig Hintze" de la Asociación de Historiadores e Historiadoras Alemanes (VHD) en 2021

Legitimación tecnocrática: El régimen de Franco como dictadura administrativa y desarrollista

El régimen de Franco (1936/39-1975) no sólo fue una de las dictaduras más longevas en la historia europea del siglo XX sino también una de las más estables. Anna Catharina Hofmann demuestra que esta singularidad se explica por la «reinvención» del régimen como dictadura desarrollista a partir de los años 50 con el objetivo de catapultar al país lo antes posible a la era industrial imitando el modelo de la planification francesa. La autora se centra en el principal arquitecto de esta estrategia de legitimación, Laureano López Rodó (1920-2000), quien fuera Comisario del Plan de Desarrollo entre 1962 y 1973. Suyo fue el impulso para intentar estabilizar el régimen a través de  la eficacia administrativa, del éxito económico y de la integración en Occidente. Paradójicamente, su política acabó sentando las bases para la erosión de la dictadura porque contribuyó a agudizar las luchas de poder en la élite franquista y expuso el régimen a la crítica. De esta manera, la autora logra desarrollar una nueva interpretación del segundo franquismo.

In recent years it has become increasingly difficult to maintain that the European party systems are stable and that they reflect the societal cleavage structures of the past. One developmental aspect of the party systems is singled out for description and analysis in this paper. It is argued that European party systems in terms of electoral volatility, i.e., rates of net change in the electorates, are drifting away from each other. Some of the party systems which have traditionally been considered volatile, apparently are becoming less so, while some other systems are taking on the character of highly volatile party systems. A simple set of hypotheses, based upon the notion of party space, is proposed in order to account for the variation observed. The data lend support to the hypothesis that electoral volatility is a function of the format of the party system and of short-term changes in that format.

Abstract. The phenomenon of ETA derives from the interaction of two factors: Basque nationalism and Francoism. The fundamental elements of ETA, both ideological and strategical-political, were already well defined and developed in the Basque nationalism of the pre-war period, particularly in its intransigent and radical sector represented by Aberri and Jagi-Jagi groups. Later, ETA acquired characteristics of its own which separated it from the traditional nationalism. The regime of terror and repression imposed by Francoism exerted a fundamental influence on this state of affairs, inclining ETA definitively towards extremely radical and intransigent postures. In this way the activism of ETA arose. This activism should be understood as the sublimation of praxis to the detriment of theory, and the structure of ETA as an armed group and the adoption of a third world, anticolonialist-style guerrilla strategy.

2020--- PAIX ET SÉCURITÉ INTERNATIONALES-Núm. 08 (2020) - Journal of International Law and International Relations

https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/paetsei/issue/view/425
https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/paetsei/issue/view/425/253
https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/paetsei/issue/archive
https://revistas.uca.es/index.php/paetsei/index

SOMMAIRE
IN MEMORIAM
Alejandro DEL VALLE GÁLVEZ
In Memoriam Gil Carlos Rodríguez Iglesias, Former President of  the European Court of  Justice. A Biographical Note (1946-2019) .......................15
ÉDITORIAL
Ricardo ARREDONDO
The Age of  Disorder : Global Governance in Covid Times...............37
ÉTUDES
Teresa FAJARDO DEL CASTILLO
The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration: a Soft Law Instrument for Management of  Migration Respecting Human Rights .......................................................... 51
El Pacto Mundial por una migración segura, ordenada y regular : un instrumento de Soft Law para una gestión de la migración que respete los derechos humanosLe Pacte mondial pour des migrations sûres, ordonnées et régulières: un instrument de Soft Law pour la gestion des migrations dans le respect des droit de l ́homme

Ángel RODRÍGO HERNÁNDEZ
Between Grotius and the Pro Communitate Principle: The Limits to the Principle of  Freedom of  the Seas in the Age of  Marine Global Commons ............ 95
Entre Grocio y el principio pro communitate: los límites del principio de la libertad del mar en la época de los recursos marinos mundialesEntre Grotius et le principe pro communitate: les limites du principe de la liberté de la mer au temps des ressources marines mondiales

Miguel A. ACOSTA SÁNCHEZ
An Analysis of  Integrated Management of  the External Borders of  the European Union .......
... 121
Un análisis de la Gestión Integrada de las Fronteras Exteriores de la Unión EuropeaUne analyse de la gestion intégrée des frontières extérieures de l ́Union européenne

María AVELLO MARTÍNEZ
Human Rights and Gender Aspects in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Mandates: How Did they Sneak in? ................. 145
Los  Derechos  Humanos  y  las  cuestiones  de  género  en  los  mandatos  de  las  operaciones  de  mantenimiento de la paz de las Naciones Unidas: ¿de qué forma se introdujeron?Les Droits de l’homme et les questions de genre dans les mandats des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies: comment ont-ils été intégrés ?

Nora SEDIKKI
Repenser la Responsabilite en Affaires Dans un Monde Globalise ....185
Repensar la responsabilidad en negocios en un mundo globalizadoRethinking Responsability in Business in a Globalized World

Jorge URBANEJA
The European Union-Turkey Cooperation on Migration Matters: Towards a Review of  the Migratory Statement of  18 March 2016 ............. 211
La cooperación Unión Europea-Turquía en materia migratoria: hacia una revisión del Acuerdo migratorio de 18 de marzo de 2016La  Coopération  Union  européenne-Turquie  en  matière  de  migrations:  vers  une  révision  de  l’Accord migratoire du 18 mars 2016

Michel REMI NJIKI
Le Statut Juridique des Étrangers dans l’Union Européenne: le cas des ressortissants camerounais ........................... 251
El Estatuto Jurídico de los extranjeros en la UE: El caso de los nacionales de CamerúnThe Legal Status of  Foreigners in the EU: The Case of  the Nationals of  Cameroon

Anass GOUYEZ
Les Défi s Sécuritaires de la région de la Méditerranée Occidentale : vers une vision globale et integrée ........329
Los desafíos de seguridad en la región del Mediterráneo Occidental: hacia una visión global y integradaThe Security Challenges in the Western Mediterranean Region: Towards a Global and Integrated Vision
NOTES
Najib BA MOHAMED
La COVID-19 : exigences de la sécurité sanitaire, crise du multilatéralisme et implications géopolitiques ............ 365
COVID-19: Exigencias de la seguridad sanitaria, crisis del multilateralismo e implicaciones geopolíticas  COVID-19: Health Security Requirements, Multilateralism Crisis and Geopolitical ImplicationsJoan

David JANER TORRENS
Migrant Search and Rescue Operations in the Mediterranean by Humanitarian Organizations: Migrant Smuggling or Humanitarian Assistance?................. 381
Operaciones de búsqueda y rescate de migrantes en el Mediterráneo por Organizaciones Humanitarias: ¿Contrabando de migrantes o asistencia humanitaria?Opérations de recherche et de sauvetage de migrants en Méditerranée par les Organisations humanitaires: Contrebande de migrants ou assistance humanitaire?

Helena TORROJA MATEU
Reflections on the ‘Statement on the Lack of  Foundation on International Law of  the Independence Referendum that has Been Convened in Catalonia’ Issued by Members of  the Spanish Association of  International Law and International Relations Professors (AEPDIRI) in 2017 ............................................ 403
Refl exiones sobre la «Declaración sobre la falta de fundamentación en el Derecho Internacional del referéndum de independencia que se pretende celebrar en Cataluña» fi rmada por profesores de Derecho internacional y relaciones internacionales de la AEPDIRI, en 2017Réfl exions sur la « Déclaration concernant l’absence de fondement au regard du Droit International du référendum sur l’indépendance que d’aucuns voudraient voir se tenir en Catalogne », signée par des Professeurs de Droit International et de Relations Internationales de l’AEPDIRI, en 2017

Jorge QUINDIMIL
Technology Transfer, International Law and Protection of  Marine Biodiversity beyond National Jurisdiction: Key Issues for a new International Agreement ....................... 423
Transferencia  de  tecnología,  Derecho  internacional  y  protección  de  la  biodiversidad  marina  más allá de la jurisdicción nacional: Cuestiones clave para un nuevo acuerdo internacionalTransfert de technologie, droit international et protection de la biodiversité marine au-delà de la jurisdiction nationale: Questions clés pour un nouvel accord international

Taoufi k EL MARRAKCHI
Les enjeux stratégiques ACTUELS de la Russie en Méditerranée : Analyse retorspective et prospective ............................. 451
Los desafíos estratégicos actuales de Rusia en el Mediterráneo: análisis retrospectivo y prospectivoThe current Strategic Challenges of  Russia in the Mediterranean: Retrospective and Prospective Analysis

M. Esther JORDANA SANTIAGO
The European Union Fight against Traffi cking of  Human Beings: Challenges of  the Victim’s Statute .........................467
La lucha de la Unión Europea contra la Trata de Seres Humanos: retos del estatuto de la víctimaLa lutte de l’Union européenne contre la traite des êtres humains: un défi  pour le statut de victime

AGORA
Antonio LAZARI
Las Redes y el écart: Refl exiones en torno a «El Estado de Derecho y la Unión Europea» ......................................................................................................... 497
Networks and écart: Refl ections on “El Estado de Derecho y la Unión Europea”Réseaux et écart: Réfl exions sur «El Estado de Derecho y la Unión Europea»

Juan Domingo TORREJÓN RODRÍGUEZ;Lorena CALVO MARISCAL
Presentacion de Resultados de investigación: Proyecto I+D 2015-2019 «España, Seguridad y Fronteras Exteriores Europeas en el área del Estrecho» (Der2015-68147-R) – Presentation of  Research Results: R&D Project 2015-2019 «Spain, Security and European External Borders in the Strait of  Gibraltar Area» (DER2015-68147-R) ........................................................ 551

BIBLIOGRAPHIE CRITIQUE

CARRERA, S., SANTOS VARA, J., STRIK, T., Constitutionalising the External Dimensions of  EU Migration Policies in Times of  Crisis, Edward Elgar, 2019, 336 pp. por Lorena CALVO MARISCAL ................................................................................................ 571

CHANG, K.-S., Developmental Liberalism in South Korea: Formation, Degeneration and Transnationalization, International Political Economy Series, Series Editor : Timothy M. Shaw, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, 221pp. By Nouha BENJELLOUN ANDALOUSSI .................... 579
MARRERO ROCHA I., Soldados del terrorismo global - Los nuevos combatientes extranjeros Tecnos Madrid 2020, 216 pp. por Beatriz CÓZAR MURILLO ........................ 587

NJIKI M.R., El estatuto jurídico de los nacionales de África, Caribe y Pacífi co (ACP) en la Unión Europea, Edit. Reus, 2019, por Beatriz CÓZAR MURILLO ................................. 597
SOLER GARCÍA, C., Los límites a la expulsión de los extranjeros ante el TEDH y el TJUE, Thomson Reuters Aranzadi, Navarra, 2019, por Marina ORTEGA APARICIO .. 605

TABLEAU D’EQUIVALENCE DES POSTES UNIVERSITAIRES
Tableau d’equivalence des postes Universitaires  – Tabla de equivalencia de cargos académicos – Academic Ranks .......................................................................................

1 Cfr. anche per ulteriori indicazioni bibliografiche Lucien JAUME, L'individu effacé ou le paradoxe du libéralisme français, Fayard, Parigi 1997; Aurelian CRAIUTU, Le centre introuvable. La pensée politique des doctrinaires sous la Restauration, Plon, Parigi 2006; Alan S. KAHAN, Aristocratic liberalism. The social and political thought of Jacob Burckhardt, John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville, Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick-Londra 2001. 2 Cfr. le osservazioni di Edoardo TORTAROLO, L'invenzione della libertà di stampa. Censori e scrittori nel Settecento, Carocci, Roma 2011, pp. 13-14.

"The mausolea of communist leaders, a major component of Stalinist symbolic politics, are still shrouded in mystery. Some are destroyed, like Dimitrov’s in Sofia, Gottwald’s in Prague and Neto’s in Luanda. The Lenin mausoleum in Moscow is basically defunct. Yet the Ho Chi Minh mausoleum in Hanoi, Mao’s in Beijing and the Kumsusan mausoleum complex of the Kim dynasty in Pyongyang keep fulfilling their task of a powerful symbol of a different political, social and economic order, with the embalmed cadavers of the founding fathers embodying the supposed eternal duration of that order and thereby perpetuating its legitimacy.
While the destroyed and defunct mausolea continue to be a subject of rumours and fables widely circulating among citizens of the respective countries, and globally among journalists and some scholars, very little is currently known about what actually transpired in a communist mausoleum.
This talk will offer first an overview of the cultural background and ideological reasons for the origin of communist mausolea in general. Second, it will demonstrate the details of the Soviet embalming method and the symbolic meaning of displaying the leader’s body, based on archival documents relating to the mausoleum of Bulgarian leader Georgi Dimitrov (on display 1949–1990) and Czechoslovak president Klement Gottwald (on display 1953–1962). The recently declassified archives of these mausolea currently represent the only freely accessible documentation of its kind. The formerly top secret material to be presented in this talk was never seen before by anybody else than the embalmers.
The talk will conclude with a discussion of the relationship of the embalmers to the practice of preserving dead bodies in the past. It will be shown that the Soviet, and to a lesser extent also the Bulgarian, specialists were fully aware that their preservation work in a monumental tomb constituted a continuation of a tradition inherited from antiquity, and they did not hesitate to publicly acknowledge that, at the same time highlighting the fundamental differences between the context and method of ancient and modern body preservation. They were (and still are) proud of their work while the attitude of particularly the Soviet population to the mausoleum project certainly was not negative. The attitude of the Czech specialists, however, was marked by indifference or even shame while the mausoleum project met with condemnation among the majority of Czechoslovaks."

Modern democracy requires delegation. One problem with delegation is that principals and agents often have conflicting interests. A second problem is that principals lack information about their agents. Many scholars conclude that these problems cause delegation to become abdication. We reject this conclusion and introduce a theory of delegation that supports a different conclusion. The theory clarifies when interest conflicts and information problems do (and do not) turn delegation into abdication. We conclude by arguing that remedies for common delegation problems can be embedded in the design of electoral, legislative, and bureaucratic institutions. The culmination of our efforts is a simple, but general, statement about when citizens and legislators can (and cannot) control their agents.

The literature on populism used to depict the phenomenon as an alternative to the standard path from traditional to modern society, as a way to enfranchise the underclass, or as an anomaly vis-à-vis class politics and liberal institutions. More recently, the debate has shifted into something of a terra incognita due to the growing interest in the connection between populism and democratic politics. One of the more intriguing contributions to this debate is an article by Margaret Canovan, if only because it makes this unknown territory less confusing. Her argument draws from Michael Oakeshott’s claim that political modernity is characterised by the interplay of two distinct styles, the politics of faith and of scepticism. She renames them the redemptive and pragmatic faces of democracy, and suggests that populism arises in the gap between them. This establishes a relation of interiority between populism and democracy. The former will follow democracy like a shadow. At times, however, the theoretical status of the gap is somewhat uncertain, as it seems more appropriate for thinking politics— particularly radical politics— in general. One could also specify the political valence of the shadow further to show the undecidability between the democratic aspect of the phenomenon and its possible ominous tones. I will look into this in some detail to engage in a friendly interrogation of her claims.

RINASCIMENTO-RENAISSANCE Millennium III
Together for Europe's Future ... Together with Europe for the World

It’s time for a HUMANISTIC Europe to rise up again to guide the world for peace and prosperity ...
Europe must carry the flame of a new Renaissance to restore the immortal values of her XIV-XVI c. Renaissance, placing humanity back into its Central Position over and above all biases, ideologies, interests, and aspirations.
We are proud of our working staff of Literature/Thought Luminaries, Peace Ambassadors, and Human Rights Activists from around the world:
RINASCIMENTO-RENAISSANCE Millennium III
• Founder-President: George Onsy - EGYPT (thinker, writer, poet, artist, peace science researcher).
• Associate President: Goffredo Palmerini - ITALY (writer, journalist, festival organizer).
• Vice President & SD Coordinator: Nikki De Pina - UK (founder-president of Global Peace Let Talk-GPLT).
• Cultures Dialogue Coordinator: Michela Zanarella – ITALY (president of Euro-Mediterranean Dialogue Network, editor-in-chief, poet).
• Academic Coordinator: Franca Colozzo - ITALY (writer, architect, professor, researcher, Human Rights activist).

Do academic publication standards reflect or determine research results? The article proposes minimal criteria for distinguishing useful 'unpublishable' results from low-quality research, and argues that the virtues of negative results have been overlooked. We consider the fate these results have suffered thus far, review arguments for and against their publication and introduce a new initiative -a journal to disseminate negative results and advance debate on their recognition and use.

This article demonstrates that socioeconomic development, emancipative cultural change and democratization constitute a coherent syndrome of social progress -a syndrome whose common focus has not been properly specified by classical modernization theory. We specify this syndrome as 'human development', arguing that its three components have a common focus on broadening human choice. Socioeconomic development gives people the objective means of choice by increasing individual resources; rising emancipative values strengthen people's subjective orientation towards choice; and democratization provides legal guarantees of choice by institutionalizing freedom rights. Analysis of data from the World Values Surveys demonstrates that the linkage between individual resources, emancipative values and freedom rights is universal in its presence across nations, regions and cultural zones; that this human development syndrome is shaped by a causal effect of individual resources and emancipative values on freedom rights; and that this effect operates through its impact on elite integrity, as the factor which makes freedom rights effective.

The Majority of the papers in the present volume are the result of a series of seminars which took place between autumn 2007 and spring 2009 at the Department of the History of Eastern Europe at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, headed by Dr. Tamás Krausz, under the auspices of the doctoral programme entitled ‘The History of Eastern Europe first in a wider historical context and then concentrating on the processes of the past twenty years.

"The project helps young researchers to join in with the international debate on their subject matter and to foster the emergence of a common discourse. We believe it is important that the young generation of historians born around or after the transition who did not live through the pre-1989 period as children or young contemporaries should come to play an increasing role in this discourse. A certain distance in time is an important condition for a deeper understanding of the events and processes of the time. Not only do we gain access to the sources for this exciting sequence of historical phenomena – a distance in time also allows the subject matter to shift from the boundary zone between political sciences and history clearly into the sphere of the latter, thus becoming free of daily political interests. We trust that the authors of the present volume will become active participants in shaping this process."

Joseph Stalin (1879–1953), originally Joseph Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili, until he adopted "Stalin" ("man of steel") as a nom de guerre while editing Pravda. As the leader of the USSR from 1924 to 1953, he outmaneuvered and liquidated all rivals for power. Stalin's policies of forced collectivization of agriculture and intensive industrialization created great misery; a frightened nation of suppressed speech and action, and, in the 1930s, one that feared imprisonment or execution due to extensive purges. During WWII,  he negotiated skilfully with the Allied leaders at Yalta and Potsdam and forced puppet communist governments on the states of Eastern Europe. His repressive policies were emulated by many communist governments in the 20th century.

This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan,” which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the “Orange Revolution” in 2004 and the “Euromaidan” in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pro-nationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan.” It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the “Euromaidan,” such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions.

In the years leading up to the Crash of 2008, Iceland had been triumphed in world business media as an economic miracle. Its new breed of Viking Capitalism had become rock stars of the global finance driven economy, even while it was testing the foundations of Europe's financial system. Eirikur Bergmann applies Postcolonial analysis to explain the paradigmatic case of Iceland's fantastical boom, bust and rapid recovery after the Crash. His critical approach to the claims of the financialization advocates relates the questions of the national economy and globalisation to current trends in Europe and the World.

ABSTRACT
Similar to some other so called sensitive issues, Freemasonry as well is avoided due to it has been accepted objectionable spoken and written. However, ''who do not know history can not shape the future''. In fact, there are how many issues similar to this, particularly on socio-cultural low fragments of less developed and developing  societies which were accepted taboo and shown hostility, actually without knowing what it is.
In this connection, without taking into account similar unconscious hostility, I will try to reflect  the subject of ‘’The Role of the German Grand Lodge ‘’ZU DEN III WELTK’’, on the Development of the Ancient and Accepted Scotch Rite (AASR) of Freemasonry in the Continental Europe’’, for which I realised a deep research on that subject, in the content of this talk.

At the very beginning, I must elaborate that ‘’why I have chosen this subject?’’ While researching the historical development of Freemasonry in Turkey,  I have always felt the need for a more detailed examination of the known that the beginning phase of Freemasonry’s implantation, development and spreading in the Continental Europe in general terms.

The very first Freemasonry Lodge of the Continental Europe was founded by a group of Jacobins under the leadership of Lord Charles Radcliffe, the Count of Derwentwater, in Paris France in 1725. As it is seen, contrary to the thought at first glance, Ancient and Accepted Scotch Rite of Freemasonry was neither founded in Scotland nor England but France.
The Masonic authorities of France tasked Stephen Morin from Bordeaux in 1761, in order to deliver the high degrees to the next shore of the Ocean and Morin established these degrees in Caribbean islands in 1763. On May 1801 in Charleston  in the United States, the first Supreme Council was opened as known the US South Jurisdiction.
Following this brand new establishment, we learned that on August 14th, 1738, at the Rheinsberg Castle in Brunswick which is castle of the Crown Prince who wil be known Frederick the Great of Prussia later on, a private lodge was established as the first step of Freemasonry and  Frederick II initiated to the Freemasonry in this lodge. Afterwards, on September 13th, 1740, a second private lodge was established in Berlin by Etienne Jordan with the permission of the King and Frederick II stayed as Grand Master until 1799.
Therefore, you will find the roles of either the Grand Lodge 3 Globes and Frederick II on these developments, in the context of this research study.
ÖZET
Bazı diğer sözde hassas konular gibi, genelde konuşulup yazılması sakıncalı kabul edildiği için Masonluğa da uzak durulur. Ancak ‘’tarihi bilmeyen geleceği şekillendiremez’’.  Özellikle az gelişmiş toplumlarda ve de bu toplumların sosyo-kültürel alt katmanlarında ne olduğu bilinmeden tabu kabul edilen ve düşmanlık gösterilen benzeri ne çok konu vardır.
Ben bu bağlamda, benzer bilinçsiz düşmanlıkları dikkate almadan, bu konuşmamda sizlere, uzun süredir araştırdığım ‘’Eski ve Kabul Edilmiş Skoç Riti’nin (EKSR) Kıta Avrupasındaki Gelişiminde, Alman Üç Küre Büyük Locası’nın Rolü’’ konusunu yansıtmaya çalışacağım.
Sunumumun başında, bu konuyu seçme nedenimi de yansıtmak isterim. Masonluğun ülkemizdeki tarihsel gelişimini incelerken, zorunlu gördüğüm karşılaştırmaları gerçekleştirebilmek için, hep Eski ve Kabul Edilmiş Skoç Riti’nin kıta Avrupasına girişi ve yayılmasındaki başlangıç aşamalarını daima genel hatları ile bilinenden daha detaylı inceleme gereğini hissetmişimdir.
Kıta Avrupasındaki ilk Mason Locası 1725’te Derwentwater Kontu Lord Charles Radcliffe öncülüğünde bir grup İngiliz Jakoben tarafından Paris Fransa’da kuruldu. Görüleceği üzere, ilk bakışta düşünülenin aksine, Eski ve Kabul Edilmiş Skoç Riti İskoçya’da veya İngiltere’de değil, Fransa’da kuruldu. 1761’de Fransa’daki Masonik Yetkililer yüksek dereceleri Okyanus ötesinde Amerika’ya taşımak üzere Bordeaux’dan Stephen Morin’i görevlendirdi.  1763’te de Morin bu dereceleri Karaip Adaları’nda Fransa patenti altında kurdu. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nde Charleston’da Mayıs 1801’de, bugün ABD Güney Juridiksiyonu olarak bilinen ilk Yüksek Şura açıldı.
Bu Locanın kuruluşunu takiben, 14 Ağustos 1738’de Brunswick’de sonradan Büyük Frederik olarak anılacak Prusya Veliaht Prensi’nin kendi Rheinsberg Kalesi’nde, Prusya’daki Hürmasonluğun ilk adımını oluşturan bir özel loca kurulduğunu ve Frederik II’nin bu Locada mason olduğunu biliyoruz. Bunu takiben kıralın izniyle 13 Eylül 1740’ta Berlin’de Etienne Jordan tarafından 3 Küreler adı altında ikinci bir Özel Loca kuruldu ve Frederik II 1799 yılına kadar Büyük Üstad olarak kaldı. İşte bu araştırma kapsamında gerek 3 Küre Büyük Locası’nın ve gerekse Frederik II’nin bu gelişmelerdeki rollerini bulacaksınız.
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This talk was delivered by M. Iskender TARGAC, on November 28th, 2012, in Turkey’s Idea and Culture Association in Istanbul.

Time: 7 PM to 9 PM

KEYWORDS

3 Globes, Frederick II, Frederick the Great, Lord Charles Radcliffe, Stephen (Estienne) Morin, John Mitchell, Fredrich Dalcho, German Grand Lodge, Lycee Louis-Le-Grand, Magnoludoviciens, Clermont Cizvit Koleji, Francken Manuscripts, Albert Pike, Franz Liszt, Lorenz Adlon, Symbols, Theology, Mythology, Religion

Event Date: November 28th, 2012

Organization: Turkey’s Idea and Culture Association (Istanbul)

The paper presents a brief description of the situation of sport in
Poland. The first part focuses on the legacy from state socialism. It
concerns both the impact of Stalinism on sport in Poland (1949-
1956), and the rest of the socialist era in Poland (1956-1989). Many
topics concerning the political, social, and economic functions of
sport during these periods are discussed. The second part focuses
on the nature of the transition of sport following the 1989-1990
political and economic changes in Poland. The third part focuses on
the functioning of sport in contemporary Polish society. The Sports
Act as a legal background of sport and its consequences are
analysed. Some challenges (e.g. organization of European Football
Championship 2012 in Poland and Ukraine; Zakopane – candidate
city for future Winter Olympic Games) and problems (pseudo-fans
and football hooliganism) are discussed as well.

Eutanasia.
Analisi di alcune sentenza emesse dalla CEDU di Strasburgo in relazione a quanto sancito e deciso secondo il diritto interno degli Stati firmatari.
Non si può fare a meno di notare un mutato orientamento da parte della stessa Corte, la quale, nonostante avesse negato perentoriamente a Diane Pretty il diritto a morire, riconosce nei successivi casi, per i quali fu chiamata ad esprimere il proprio parere, l'esigenza di una maggiore valutazione e sensibilità nel tutelare e regolamentare quel "diritto di autodeterminazione", a cui fanno appello quanti vorrebbero porre fine alla loro esistenza ma che incontrano nelle leggi dello Stato di cui sono cittadini un ostacolo.
File di sintesi.

This paper seeks to reconstruct and revitalize the famousHirschman framework by providing a comprehensivereview of the current use ofexit, voice and loyalty'. Webegin by critically examining Hirchman's originalaccount, and then look at the way his argument hasbeen extended in different fields both conceptuallyand empirically. We suggest that while advances have been made, the results so far are somewhat disappointing given the perceptivenessof the original insight. We believe this is because hisapparently simple ...