Finno-ugric

Эта в некоторой степени провокационная статья направлена на развенчание мифа о том, что известные исследователи финно-угорских языков при помощи фонетической транскрипции аккуратно передавали особенности звучащей речи. В статье представлено небольшое исследование, сделанное на основе опубликованных текстов водских плачей. Примечательность этого материала состоит в том, что в нем содержатся плачи, записанные примерно в одно и то же время, на одну и ту же тематику от одного и того же носителя языка, но разными исследователями. Какие результаты получились, вы узнаете из этой небольшой статьи.
This paper discusses the use of folklore collections for linguistic research in minor unwritten languages. In particular, we examine the case of the Votic language. As with many other minor languages, the earliest texts in Votic date from the middle of the 19th century, and mostly come from folklore materials. The focus of our research is the influence of a particular collector on the system of transcription. In this paper, we investigate variation in the spelling of forms, and show that there is an apparent correlation between different ways of transcribing the same forms and the individual researchers responsible for the transcription. It is clear that the written form of Votic folklore texts cannot be fully relied upon for the analysis of Votic phonetics and phonology.

UNDER CONSTRUCTION - TOO MANY TYPOS - Please cite ONLY with permission


"This is the text of an oral presentation made at the symposium "Altaique ou pas?", organized by Guillaume Jacques and Anton Antonov on 10 Dec 2011 in Paris.Part of this symposium was an invited exchange of ideas on the "Altaic hypothesis" between the undersigned and Martine Robbeets. I left the text by and large as read at the symposium, with minor edits (nor of which reflects anything which was said at the venue), and, thus preserved its character as an oral presentation, including direct addresses to members of the audience ("Martine" and, in most cases, "you" refers to Martine Robbeets, whom I wish to thank again for agreeing to participate in this journée, as of course, again, to its organizers and all participants in the discussion.The first part, "Avant-propos", is a short text which I prepared for distribution before the event. Bibliographical references were kept to a minimum, and it is clear that some statements would require them.The paper is not thoroughly proofread, my apologies for the plethora of typos still contained."

Note, 13. July 2013:
In a recently published paper (Genealogically motivated grammaticalization, in: M. Robbeets/H. Cuyckens (edd.): Shared Grammaticalization, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins 2013), M. Robbeets, speaking about the morphological comparanda between he languages in question she presents in several publications of hers, claims (p. 148) that, in this paper, I (St. G.) "have attempted to explain these correspondences in terms of borrowing".
A careful reading of the relevant passages of this paper (towards the end) will reveal to the attentive reader that this is not the case, and that the wording and the line of thought I use here does not lend itself to such an interpretation.


Note 6 July 2020 (sigh)

As of today, the opening remarks on Pallas and Abel-Remusat as "precursors" of something which was *later* to develop into the critique of Altaic as a genealogical (and linguistic) concept came under heavy shelling in some draft on academia.edu. While each and every correction of factual errors contained in this passage (which was also used in a few other public lectures) is of course justified and welcome, but I should add that this *ornamental* introduction is fully aware of the fact (and says so!) that Pallas' early words predate any coherent formulation of the Altaic hypothesis (while I am accused of precisely *not* saying this or, possibly, not even understanding this - there is more which I'm accused of "not mentioning", while I actually *do* mention it). Any careful reading of my passage will quickly reveal that (while everything could still be made and said better and clearer) the recent "criticism" is null and void, since it (I have ample reason to assume, deliberately) misstates content and intent of my words. I am, furthermore, repatedly, not to say constantly, accused of perpetuating a false view on Abel-Rémusat's position  and, an unforgivable sin, not to cite some paper from 1996 in which the record allegedly was set straight on this one. The author of these allegations should still remeber that he, in 2016, received a quite verbose private message from me, which states my reasons for viewing his opinions on Abel-Rémusat as insufficient and *not* dictating to cease repeating what I repeat here, to which the only answer I ever received was a kind of grunt (I am still in the possession of this exchange).

It seems to be spring-time for Nostratic. The question whether the well-established and well-explored Indo-European family of languages might after all form part of a greater linguistic phylum, with relatives scattered all over Eurasia and parts of Africa, seems to

В статье представлен этимологический и лингвогеографический анализ слов пучка и умра, зафиксированных в русских говорах Прикамья и обозначающих различные зонтичные растения (Heracleum sibiricum L., Angelica archangelica L., Conium maculatum L. и др.) или дудчатый стебель зонтичных. Представлен опыт таксономической идентификации растений, которые обозначаются лексемами пучка и умра, их вариантами и производными. Прикамский диалектный материал нанесен на карту и сопоставлен со сходным севернорусским. Утверждается финно-угорское происхождение лексем (для слова умра этимология предлагается впервые).
[The paper proposes an etymological and geographical-distribution analysis of the words puchka and umra, recorded in Russian dialects in the Kama Region. They denote various Umbelliferae plants (Heracleum sibiricum L., Angelica archangelica L., Conium maculatum L., etc.) or the fistular stem of Umbelliferae plants. A tentative taxonomic identification of plants denoted by the lexemes puchka and umra or their variants/ derivatives is proposed. All Kama Region dialect data are mapped and compared with similar Northern Russian data. The Finno-Ugric origin of the lexemes is established, with an etymology of umra proposed for the first time.]

В несказочной прозе о кладах образ петуха реализуется в нескольких основных вариантах: он выступает как страж сокровищ, фигурирует в условии получения богатства или является его живой персонификацией. Наибольшим разнообразием отличаются мотивы, связанные с условием взятия кладов: манипуляции с петухом становятся частью трудного задания или формулы невозможного (пахать на петухе, петушиная лошадь). Этой птицей заменяется человеческая жертва, необходимая для получения клада, либо найти спрятанное сокровище помогает живой петух. Его пением определяется время появления и исчезновения сокровищ. Заполучить цветок папоротника можно там, где не слышно голоса петухов. Семиотическая значимость и популярность в мифологической прозе наделяют образ петуха большим потенциалом для реализации в редких, единичных сюжетах. Прояснить генезис и семантику отдельных «петушиных» мотивов в фольклорных рассказах о кладах помогают более широкие сведения о ритуально-магических практиках и мифологических представлениях, связанных с этой птицей.

The article is a kind of foreword to the upcoming special issue based on the workshop “Typology of Uralic Languages: Towards Better Comparability”  (SLE, Naples, 2016).
The article consists of three sections:
1. Discussion of Uralic linguistics: problems, contemporary state of art, perspectives, etc.
2. Annotations to the papers in the volume.
3. A brief typological portrait of 30 Uralic varieties presented as a table.

In this article* I describe the process of developing of Mari ethnic religion based on the tradition of animistic beliefs. I aim to consider two areas of contemporary Mari religion, the activities of the official religious organisation and the vernacular tradition as practiced by people in the countryside. The Mari vernacular belief system has been seen as one of the components of Mari ethnic identity. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mari religious tradition has played a role in strengthening national identity, and so the religious organisation has been officially registered. Today there is an attempt to adapt Mari religious practices to the conditions of the religious market, in the face of which vernacular tradition seems to lose its connection with the ethnic worldview and rural way of life. My analysis of research material from fieldwork conducted shows the existence of belief rituals that are followed independently from the official Mari religious movement. Contemporary Mari religious tradition has two layers and can be described as a process of transformation from vernacular belief to ethnic religion with its religious institutions and group of experts.

A series of 20 primitive but detailed bronze idols of the 2nd-1st cc. BC founded in 1900 near Sapogovo / Novo-Burino Village in South Trans-Ural Region, on the border of Forest and Steppe Zones, in former lake (see Figs. 1-2 from V.Yu. Zuev article-1993). This treasury divided into three parts and not studied until 1998. Now there are several small articles of V.Yu. Zuev and S.A. Yatsenko. There are several groups after V. Zuev: A-Б – a gods or chiefs, В-Г – an epic heroes, Е-З – an armed dancers, Д-Ж – man-woman pairs. In these images we see the unusual combination of nomadic Sarmatian and ancient Ugrian elements of iconography and attendant artifacts. It was the votive complete set prepared especially for the sacrifice to the sacred lake. In Ugrian rituals such series of warriors’ figurines in sanctuaries depicted the enemy heroes and their wives killed by the local semi-god hero. The pairs of the main personages А-Б (with torques, bracelets and also daggers and swords of different types), probably, reflected of the pairs of the main god Mir-Susne-Khum of Iranian origin, Topal-Oika - the god of local territories and their sons. These figurines were created by the local Ugrian craftsman. But it is still darkly, are they prepared for the local Ugrian chief adopted some Sarmatian traditions or for Sarmatian military leader adopted some Ugrian beliefs.

В статье рассматриваются вопросы дословного перевода на русский географических названий и апеллятивной лексики вепсского и карельского происхождения на территории юго-восточного Обонежья. Также представлены примеры топонимических калек и влияния народной этимологии на современных вепсских территориях (в частности, на примере вепсских и русских названий деревень в селе Шимозеро). Проведено количественное и территориальное распределение топонимических калек и их языковая атрибуция. Затронуты вопросы народной этимологии в топонимии и ошибки этимологической интерпретации топонимов. По данным анализа топонимических калек установлено время былого использования прибалтийско-финских языков на изучаемой территории. Полученные результаты соотнесены с данными других наук.

Does anyone of you know where I can order a hardcopy from this book:

Ugrian heritage : West-Siberian antiquities from the collection of Urals University = [Ugorskoe nasledie : drevnosti Zapadnoĭ Sibiri iz sobraniĭ Uralʹskogo universiteta] A P Zykov; Uralʹskiĭ gosudarstvennyĭ universitet im. A.M. Gorʹkogo. Yekaterinburg : [publisher not identified], ©1994.

Please reaction to: vikingsandartefacts@yahoo.com

Thank you.