Greek Iambic Poetry

The article investigates the ancient edition of Archilochus’ works, examining such things as the division of poems into books, the critical signs that were used to separate poems, and the ordering of poems within books and its significance. It argues among other things that P.Oxy. 2311 (fr. 48 W.2) represents the first column of the Trimeters and that the Epodes were organised according to metre, from the most iambic (beginning with frr. 172-181 W.) to the least iambic (ending with the new fragment preserved by BKT X 11, which was probably entirely dactylic).

È vietata la riproduzione, anche parziale, non autorizzata, con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata, compresa la fotocopia, anche a uso interno e didattico. L'illecito sarà penalmente perseguibile a norma dell'art. 171 della Legge n. 633 del 22.04.41

Lyric Poetry and Social Identity in Archaic Greece examines how Greek men presented themselves and their social groups to one another. The author examines identity rhetoric in sympotic lyric: how Greek poets constructed images of self for their groups, focusing in turn on the construction of identity in martial-themed poetry, the protection of group identities in the face of political exile, and the negotiation between individual and group as seen in political lyric. By conducting a close reading of six poems and then a broad survey of martial lyric, exile poetry, political lyric, and sympotic lyric as a whole, Jessica Romney demonstrates that sympotic lyric focuses on the same basic behaviors and values to construct social identities regardless of the content or subgenre of the poems in question. The volume also argues that the performance of identity depends on the context as well as the material of performance. Furthermore, the book demonstrates that sympotic lyric overwhelmingly prefers to use identity rhetoric that insists on the inherent sameness of group members.

This article is a contribution to our understanding of how Archilochean poetics may be situated in the longer poetic tradition. In examining two fragments that have received little attention, I hope to illustrate how Archilochus’ poetry both engaged with its predecessors and was in turn engaged by its successors. Fragment 222W employs a theme that was perhaps already conventional for Hesiod, in which the incompatibility of the sexes is implicated in the cycle of seasons, an idea that also seems relevant to Archilochus’ quarrel with the daughters of Lycambes. Light is shed on 39W by comparing it to later words for skinning that serve as metaphors for cheating someone, the best known example of which is found in Catullus. In the first fragment the text can be elucidated by a look to Archilochus’ forerunners, and in the second by looking to his heirs.

Hardcover Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-663-9 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-664-6 Hardcover Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-663-9 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-664-6 A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Control Number: 2010290514

Wealth and indigence are variable and essentially subjective ideas, characterized by the historical, economic, social and cultural contexts in which they are employed. The examples drawn from the literary texts of ancient Greece confirm the assumption. In Homeric poems, for example, wealth is seen as a resource for increasing social status, achieving success on opponents, and consolidating power. With Hesiod, there is a change of perspective, since wealth is not only commensurate with land ownership, but also with the sudden gains from trade and maritime traffic. The poet approves the wealth, only if it is acquired legitimately in full respect of divine standards. From the VII century B.C. the elegiac and jambic poets emphasize the fact that there is no direct correspondence between belonging to the aristocratic class and the possession of great substances; surely enrichment has in any case become the main aspiration for those who intend to free themselves in any way from poverty. At the same time, Theognis, accepting the ideology of the most intransigent aristocrats, considers wealth in negative terms, since he thinks that it facilitates the rise of enterprising individuals or coming up from demos. While public opinion accepts the idea that plenty of goods is an absolute value, the wise men repeat the fallacy of this judgment. This dichotomy goes on to Hellenism, when the debate on accumulation of wealth and the positive value of poverty becomes commonplace, after being filtered out of Cynical and Epicurean thought and diffused by the diatribe.

Poeti giambici archiloco Fra vita e leggenda L a tradizione della poesia giambica comincia per noi, come già per gli antichi, con la forte personalità di Archiloco (Ἀρχίλοχος), nativo dell'isola di Paro e vissuto nel VII secolo a.C. La sua cronologia è fissata dal riferimento che l'autore fa a Gige re di Lidia (fr. 19 West), e, a un'eclissi totale di sole nominata nel fr. 122 West, identificabile con quella del 6 aprile del 648 a.C.

This is the first book to study the impact of invective poetics associated with early Greek iambic poetry on Roman imperial authors and audiences. It demonstrates how authors as varied as Ovid and Gregory Nazianzen wove recognizable elements of the iambic tradition (e.g., meter, motifs, or poetic biographies) into other literary forms (e.g., elegy, oratorical prose, anthologies of fables), and it shows that the humorous, scurrilous, efficacious aggression of Archilochus continued to facilitate negotiations of power and social relations long after Horace's Epodes. The eclectic approach encompasses Greek and Latin, prose and poetry, and exploratory interludes appended to each chapter help to open four centuries of later classical literature to wider debates about the function, propriety, and value of the lowest and most debated poetic form from archaic Greece. Each chapter presents a unique variation on how each of these imperial authors became Archilochus -however briefly and to whatever end.

Convegno internazionale “Elegy and Iambus: History and Challenge of Two Poetic Genres” – “Elegia e giambo: storia e sfide di due generi poetici”,  25-27 maggio 2022.
Università degli Studi dell'Aquila, Dipartimento di Scienze Umane – Dipartimento di Eccellenza
Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio” Chieti - Pescara, Dipartimento di Lettere, Arti e Scienze Sociali


25/05/2022

I parte

Università degli Studi dell'Aquila, Dipartimento di Scienze Umane – Aula 3A
Link alla videoconferenza interattiva: https://univaq.webex.com/meet/conferenze
Link alla diretta streaming: https://www.univaq.it/live

I sessione, ore 14:00-16:20

Presiede Jan Kwapisz (University of Warsaw)

14:00-14:20
Saluti istituzionali e apertura dei lavori.

14:20-15:00
Lucia Athanassaki (University of Crete), “Picturing performance settings and celebratory occasions in the elegies of Archilochus, Solon, Theognis, and the Theognidea”

15:00-15:40
Ewen Bowie (Corpus Christi College, Oxford University), “Anacreon in the Theognidea?”

15:40-16:20
Vanessa Cazzato (CNRS – ANHIMA Anthropologie et Histoire des Mondes Antiques), “Sense and Reference in Hipponax”

Pausa caffè, ore16:20-16:50

II sessione, ore 16:50-18:30

Presiede Jan Kwapisz (University of Warsaw)

16:50-17:30
Krystyna Bartol (Adam Mickiewicz University), “Early Greek elegy and epigram: a creative confrontation of genres”

17:30-18:10
Silvia Barbantani (Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore), “Biografie di città e di re: evoluzione di un ‘genere’ poetico, tra epica ed elegia”

18:10-18:30
Dibattito finale e chiusura della prima giornata.

26/05/2022

Trasferimento e visita di Sulmona e del Museo archeologico di Chieti: sguardi sul patrimonio culturale abruzzese e intrecci con le antiche cività letterarie greca e latina.

27/05/2022

II parte
Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio” Chieti - Pescara, Dipartimento di Lettere, Arti e Scienze Sociali, Auditorium del Rettorato
Link alla videoconferenza interattiva: https://unich.webex.com/meet/EleqyAndL.ambus.HistoryAndChallengeOfTwoLiteraryGenres

III sessione, ore 09:30-10:50

Presiede Luigi Bravi (Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio” Chieti - Pescara)

09:30-10:10
Enrico Magnelli (Università degli Studi di Firenze), “Ancora sul problema dell'inno elegiaco (tra Callimaco, Simonide e gli Inni omerici)”

10:10-10:50
Luca Bettarini (Sapienza Università di Roma), “Un frammento della coliambografia ellenistica: il cosiddetto ‘epitafio di Linceo’”

Pausa caffè, 10:50-11:10

IV sessione, ore 11:10-13:30
Presiede Luigi Bravi (Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio” Chieti - Pescara)

11:10-11:50
Marialuigia Di Marzio (Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio” Chieti - Pescara), “Pausania e i piccoli auleti”

11:50-12:30
Laura Lulli (Università degli Studi dell'Aquila), “L' 'elegia del tatuaggio' tra la poetica dell'incrocio tra i generi e la ridefinizione del genere”. 

12:30-13:30
Tavola rotonda finale coordinata da Carmine Catenacci (Università degli Studi “G. d'Annunzio” Chieti - Pescara) e Livio Sbardella (Università degli Studi dell'Aquila).

In poem 11 Catullus commissions Furius and Aurelius with the task of delivering a bitter message to Lesbia. I suggest that in so doing the poet alludes to a longstanding figure of invective, the iambic herald, whose marginal status supports an ironical reading of poem 11 and helps to answer the question of how the travelogue fits into this poem and the surrounding poems in the text of Catullus.
Keywords: Catullus; iambic; herald; Archilochus.

Στην Ποιητική του Αριστοτέλη ο αίνος και ο ψόγος χρησιμοποιούνται ως γραμματολογικά εργαλεία για την κατάταξη των ποιητικών ειδών. Ο φιλόσοφος διακρίνει τις δύο βασικές μορφές ψογερής ποίησης, ίαμβο και κωμωδία, και τις τοποθετεί σε μια γραμμή τελεολογικής εξέλιξης από το στοιχειωδέστερο προς το περιπλοκότερο είδος. Αρκετές δεκαετίες πρωτύτερα, οι κωμικοί συγγραφείς της κλασικής Αθήνας εξέφραζαν παρόμοιες απόψεις μέσα από τις θεατρικά ζωντανεμένες ποιητολογικές συλλήψεις τους. Στους Αρχιλόχους του Κρατίνου και στην έξοδο της αριστοφανικής Ειρήνης διεξάγεται αγώνας μεταξύ του σκωπτικού ιάμβου και του σεμνοπρεπούς ηρωικού έπους, και η ιαμβική σύνθεση προβάλλεται ως προτύπωση της σατιρικής κωμικής δραματουργίας. Ίσως πίσω από τις ιδέες των κωμικών να κρύβονται θεωρητικές αναζητήσεις στοχαστών της εποχής (π.χ. σοφιστών) οι οποίοι, προλαβαίνοντας τον Αριστοτέλη, είχαν αντιληφθεί την ειδολογική αυτή συγγένεια.

Κατά πόσον υπήρξε γενετική σχέση μεταξύ ιάμβου και κωμωδίας, είναι ζήτημα που διχάζει τους ειδικούς. Πέρα από τις άλλες αναλογίες, καθοριστικός παράγων που φαίνεται να τεκμηριώνει τέτοια σύνδεση είναι ο πρωτοδραματικός χαρακτήρας της αρχαϊκής ιαμβοποιίας. Πολλά ιαμβικά ποιήματα παίρνουν τη μορφή μονολόγου που εκφωνείται από επινοημένο χαρακτήρα ή ρόλο, διαφορετικόν από τη βιογραφική ταυτότητα του ποιητή. Όταν ο εκτελεστής απαγγέλλει τη σύνθεση ενώπιον του κοινού, παριστάνει αυτόν τον πλαστό χαρακτήρα, πράγμα που καθιστά τον ίαμβο ένα είδος μονοδράματος με σκωπτικό περιεχόμενο, σαν πρωταρχική εκδοχή του κωμικού θεάτρου. Χαρακτηριστικό παράλληλο, από τον χώρο της Ανατολής, προσφέρουν οι πανάρχαιες παραστάσεις του aluzinnu (> ελλ. ἀλαζών), ενός ειδικού λειτουργού των μεσοποταμιακών και συροπαλαιστινιακών ναών, ο οποίος αναλάμβανε να ψυχαγωγήσει τους πιστούς κατά τις θρησκευτικές πανηγύρεις υποδυόμενος αστείους ρόλους, συχνά με αισχρολογικό χιούμορ. Ίαμβος και aluzinnu αποτελούν αρχέγονες μορφές της stand-up comedy, ενταγμένες σε τελετουργικό πλαίσιο.

Είναι αξιοπρόσεκτο ότι, από τα ποικίλα πρωτοκωμικά δρώμενα που συνέβαλαν στη γένεση της κωμωδίας, μόνο εκδηλώσεις χορικού τύπου μαρτυρούνται για την Αττική και τον ιωνικό χώρο, ενώ μορφές λαϊκής φάρσας ή μίμων εντοπίζονται αποκλειστικά σε δωρικούς πληθυσμούς. Ο ίαμβος κάλυπτε αισθητικό πεδίο παρόμοιο με εκείνο του δημώδους μίμου και επιχωρίαζε στις ιωνικές περιοχές, όπου αναπτύχθηκε από νωρίς ως έντεχνη έκφραση υψηλού επιπέδου. Θα μπορούσε συνεπώς να συντελέσει ώστε να περιθωριοποιηθούν και να παρακμάσουν, στις αντίστοιχες περιοχές, λαϊκότερες και πιο άτεχνες μορφές ανάλογης θεματικής και αισθητικής εμβέλειας.

Μια ενδιαφέρουσα παράμετρος που μοιράζονται ο αρχαϊκός ίαμβος και η κωμωδία είναι η σατιρική ηθολογία, η σκιαγράφηση φαιδρών χαρακτήρων και χιουμοριστικών ανθρώπινων τύπων, όπως ο αλαζών στρατιωτικός, ο λαίμαργος παράσιτος, η κερδοσκόπος εταίρα, ο άσωτος νεαρός και ο γκρινιάρης πατέρας, ο μάγειρος, ο κομπογιαννίτης γιατρός, ο τραχύς χωριάτης. Είτε ζωντανεύουν παραστατικά, ως εκφωνητές των ποιητικών μονολόγων, είτε παραμένουν πρόσωπα μιας αφήγησης, οι ιαμβικοί χαρακτήρες φέρουν τα βασικά αναγνωριστικά σημάδια των κωμικών επιγόνων τους. Συχνά τα πρόσωπα του ιάμβου δεν αντιπροσωπεύουν γενικές ηθολογικές κατηγορίες αλλά συνιστούν σατιρικά πορτρέτα συγκεκριμένων προσωπικοτήτων από τον κοινωνικό περίγυρο του ποιητή. Όμως ο ιαμβογράφος προσδίδει εννοιολογικό εύρος και καθολικότητα στη συμπεριφορά τους, ανυψώνοντας τα σκωπτικά του σκίτσα σε εποπτικά χαρακτηρολογικά σύμβολα.

Αυτή η κοινή τάση ιάμβου και κωμωδίας διερευνάται στη συνέχεια μέσω τριών επιλεγμένων παραδειγμάτων. Ο μεγαλόσωμος αλλά λιπόψυχος στρατηγός (Αρχίλοχος απ. 114 West) αποτελεί πιθανότατα γελοιογραφία κάποιου αξιωματούχου από τη συγκαιρινή του ποιητή κοινωνία της Πάρου. Όμως ο Αρχίλοχος συγχωνεύει τον εξατομικευμένο στόχο του με μια πάγια ηθολογική μορφή της χιουμοριστικής παράδοσης και προαναγγέλλει τον τυπικό miles gloriosus της κωμικής σκηνής. Ο ψόγος του επηρμένου και θρασύδειλου ταξίαρχου στην Ειρήνη του Αριστοφάνη (1172-1190), που μοιάζει με ιαμβική σύνθεση εγκιβωτισμένη στο εσωτερικό της κωμωδίας, αναπτύσσει τη σατιρική μικρογραφία του Αρχίλοχου και την εμπλουτίζει με πρόσθετα μοτίβα, δανεισμένα από άλλες συνθέσεις του μεγάλου ιαμβογράφου (ριψασπία, θηριομορφική εικονοποιία και απηχήσεις από μύθους ζώων).

Παρόμοια, ο Άσιος ο Σάμιος, ο Αρχίλοχος (απ. 124 West) και άλλοι ποιητές πλάθουν προδρομικές εκδοχές του τύπου του κόλακα ή παράσιτου, ο οποίος εμφανίζεται απρόσκλητος στα δείπνα των πλουσίων, τρώει και πίνει με λαιμαργία, προσφέρει κολακείες σε αντάλλαγμα για το δωρεάν φαγοπότι, αλλά παρασύρεται σε ασχημοσύνες. Ο Εύπολις, στην κωμωδία του Κόλακες, τοποθετεί ανάλογο χαρακτηρογραφικό σχεδίασμα στο στόμα των ίδιων των κολάκων (απ. 172 K-A), μετατρέποντας την ιαμβική επίθεση σε σαρκαστική αυτοπαρουσίαση. Η προσωπογραφία του τύπου συνδυάζεται έτσι με άλλη γνωστή τεχνική της ιαμβοποιίας, όπου συχνά ο αφηγητής του ποιητικού μονολόγου λοιδορείται εμμέσως διά του κειμένου που εκφωνεί, λόγω της ασυνέπειας ή της υπερβολής των λεγομένων του.

Τέλος, το χιουμοριστικό ποίημα Μαργίτης, το οποίο συγγένευε πολλαπλά με τον σκωπτικό ίαμβο, εισήγαγε το αρχέτυπο του αβέλτερου και αποτυχημένου αντιήρωα, ο οποίος αποδεικνύεται ανίκανος για όλα τα έργα που αναλαμβάνει. Καθώς ο Μαργίτης παρουσιαζόταν ως γόνος επιφανούς οικογένειας, η διακωμώδησή του προσλάμβανε διαστάσεις κοινωνικής σάτιρας, ενώ δεν αποκλείεται να υπέκρυπτε διασυρμό γνωστού αριστοκράτη από τον περίγυρο του ποιητή. Ο Ιππώναξ περιγράφει ανάλογους γελοιωδώς ανεπαρκείς χαρακτήρες, που ονειδίζονται ομοίως μέσω αισχρολογικών στιγμιοτύπων. Παραλλαγές του ίδιου τύπου αναπτύσσονται σε σκωπτικά άσματα της αριστοφανικής κωμωδίας, τα οποία μοιάζουν επίσης με ιαμβικά νούμερα παρέμβλητα στη σκηνική δράση. Λόγου χάρη, η διαπόμπευση του αποτυχημένου χορηγού Αντίμαχου (Αχαρνής 1150-1173) συνδυάζει τον ιαμβικό τρόπο της ευφάνταστης κατάρας (πρβλ. π.χ. Ιππώναξ απ. 115 West) με την εξευτελιστική γρουσουζιά που κατατρύχει τους χαρακτήρες του τύπου του Μαργίτη.

Το βίντεο της διάλεξης, μαζί με τη συζήτηση που ακολούθησε, είναι διαθέσιμο στο ειδικό κανάλι του σεμιναρίου του Κέντρου στο youtube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A0EOYtFDUgc&list=PLRDYLsc_gaWQjQck66yhKtkaMDDFN17hu&index=3.

Archilochus' relationship to Thasos has long troubled scholars. The poet, numerous ancient sources attest, was involved in the Parian settlement of Thasos, an island 400 km away at the other end of the Aegean. As such, he is not only our first "lyric" voice, but also our first "colonial" voice. ...

This paper will take a fresh approach to Archilochus' colonial context. Earlier scholars have mined the "so-called historical fragments" (Owen 2003) for scraps of information about Parian and Thasian history, often ignoring the hard(er) evidence of archaeology. More recent scholarship has tended to focus on formal, generic, and ritual aspects of the corpus, abandoning the error-strewn pursuit of historical reference and biography. I want to take a middle road, first examining the relevant archaeological evidence for seventh-century Thasos, and then exploring how Archilochus positions himself relative to that evidence, and relative to Thasos itself. Next, with a slow, "surface" reading of the some of the erotic fragments, I will show how the Thasian landscape structures the poet's conceits; finally, a brief analysis of poems by Ibycus and Anacreon will suggest the fruitfulness of extending this reading strategy to other archaic poets.

This book is a historical and comparative study of the language of Hipponax, a Greek poet of invective verse who lived in Ephesus in the middle of the sixth century BCE. Many factors invite the linguist to take a close look at the surviving fragments of his poetry, including a creative use of language that is coarse, parodic, barbaric, and sometimes delightfully obscene, his distinctive meter, and his relish for lexical rarities and foreign words borrowed from neighboring languages. The four chapters of the book cover the alphabet and matters related to letter forms, phonology, morphology, and loanwords. Throughout the book the author offers original solutions to linguistic, historical, and textual problems, while also touching on a range of issues such as performance, genre, style, religion, and myth. Shane Hawkins is Associate Professor of Greek and Roman Studies at

This article proposes a unified solution to four of the five puzzles about Catullus 56: why it alludes to Archilochus fr. 168 West, which Cato is being addressed, what precisely is being done by the pupulus either of or to the puella, and why Catullus emphasizes the anecdote’s laughability. Plutarch attests that M. Porcius Cato, when jilted by Lepida, wrote iamboi against his successful rival, Metellus Scipio, “making use of the bitterness of Archilochus, but rejecting his licentiousness and childishness”. Such a selective form of imitation would situate Cato within a long tradition of modified iambos, suppressing aspects which were perceived as being distinctively Archilochean (or Hipponactean) but nevertheless undesirable on aesthetic, ethical or social grounds. Catullus 56 can be seen as a response addressed, not to Cato the prude, but to Cato the iambist, reasserting the importance of “licentiousness” and “childishness” to the art of being Archilochus properly. The reassertion of these qualities is both enacted by the poem’s practice and reified in its literalized imagery.

nel Brothers Poem di Saffo le vicende autobiografiche della poetessa relative ai viaggi del fratello maggiore Carasso e all’attività di coppiere del fratello minore Larico vengono lette attraverso la lente della sezione ‘feacia’ dell’Odissea, da cui riprendono sia i moduli narrativi dell’attesa dei familiari, sia l’etica dell’otium aristocratico minacciata da manifestazioni di corruccio, legate a preoccupazioni ‘mercantili’. La persona loquens, limitatamente alle prime tre strofe è da identificarsi con una personificazione di un componimento scritto, un’epistola, che chiede di essere inviata al fratello assente. Eliminata la preoccupazione, e se anche Larico mostrerà di sapersi comportare, mescendo il vino, si potranno godere le gioie del simposio. Il cenno ad una lettera, che svolga il ruolo che nel mito è svolto da figure quali messaggeri e daimones, rende conto delle raffigurazioni vascolari e del personaggio di Saffo nella commedia, in cui si insiste sulla poetessa come ‘lettrice’ e ‘scrittrice’.

From an entirely new collation of the four manuscripts that transmit the encomiastic religious poem In Christi resurrectionem, written by the court poet George of Pisidia, it ispossible to prove that between the actual verses 116 and 117 there is another one attestedunanimously  by  the  extant  medieval  witnesses: Par.  suppl.  gr.  690,  Par.  suppl.  gr.  139, Vat. gr. 1126, Vat. Barb. gr. 279. The paper wants to offer a transcription and a criticaldiscussion  of  this  verse,  completely  neglected  by  the  first  and  last  editor  of  the  text,Giuseppe Maria Querci.

This paper proposes that there are certain thematic shifts within the Greek poetic corpus, mirroring the transition of verse from an Archaic and Classical popular art to a form of elite Hellenistic entertainment. These shifts are mapped through a survey of gluttony and overindulgence as a poetic device from an Archaic Epic, Lyric, and Iambic means of attack and shame to a Hellenistic and New Comedic form of quasi-impolite comic endearment. Finally, a brief examination of late antique Greek verse exhibits that the implications of these themes continue to shift alongside larger social changes in the ancient world. As these poems began to be composed for an elite audience, gluttons take on new identities. No longer are they the Other, someone in the out-group to be attacked and ostracized, but elite members of the author’s own social circle, satirized but not shunned.

In his 1692 'Discourse on Satire', John Dryden sought to confirm Quintilian’s opinion that Roman satire was purely Roman. As part of his proof, he discounts Horace’s Epodes and Ovid’s Ibis on the grounds that they represent an overly-narrow sub-category of satire that originated with Archilochus’ attacks on Lycambes. Dryden dismisses such poetry as ‘the Under-wood of Satire’ and does not deign to treat it on a par with the hexametric ‘Timber-trees’ of Roman satire, but I show that Ovid’s Ibis reacts to, even upends, Horace’s Epodes as part of a discourse about the rhetorical structure of society that goes well beyond the narrow confines of personal invective that Dryden scorned.

Ovid’s late-career move toward Archilochean iambos sets his Ibis as the apocalyptic antipode to Horace’s Epodes. He constructs the years between the Epodes and his Ibis as an interregnum devoid of Archilochean carnage and his angriest poem puts a menacing twist on his repeated pleas for imperial mercy.  The long catalogue of mythological curses that comprises the bulk of the Ibis (paralleling the similar, smaller inventory at the end of Epode 17) threatens to throw the world into the chaos of myth, a hellish abyss that evokes Roman civil war through the figure of Remus, who appears in the closing lines (635-36; cp. Epod. 7.19-21).  After analyzing several key issues that link the Epodes and the Ibis - the word ibis, Archilochus fr. 1, and the themes of sailing and stinking - I suggest that we can access and assess the rhetorical climate in Rome through Ovid’s choice not to give Ibis’ true name as an inversion of Horace’s apparent willingness to name names.

Un análisis de las ediciones y comentarios acerca de Arquíloco (fr. 189W) desde Liebel(1812) y la sugestión de un posible nuevo contexto (hornoerótico), en el caso de que el poema no esté relacionado con la saga de Neobula y sus hermanas. A survey of the editions and commentaries on Archilochus (fr. 189W) since Liebel(1812), and the suggestion of a possible new (homoerotic) context, in case the poem was not related to the Lycarnbid saga.

ENCICLOPEDIA ORAZIANA lo volume-OTTOBRE 1 996 IPPONATTE via mettere in discussione il senso dell'anamnesi con dotta da H.: il rapporto con 1. appare in la Il effettivamente improntato, tramite la forte metaforicità (Gall 1981, 120 s.), alla principale topica della merz/iiia elegiaco, dal /#ror (v. 6) al pzfdor (v. 7), alla /aógZa (v. 8), al g#esf s (v. 12), fino al tema dell'exc/Ksz/s ciad/07 (vv. 20 22). Sono tratti convenzionali, come ci mostreranno i successivi sviluppi dell'elegia latina, e nulla ci dicono sulla reale fisionomia di 1.: una sorta di petrarchismo a /e /f/feram, che conviene proiettare sullo sfondo della vita galante di Roma (La Penna 1968, xxiii s.). resche espressioni idiomatiche, insolite voci gergali, forestierismi, che talora si compiace di tradurre, inframmezzati a neoformazioni altisonanti, burleschi composti d'ascendenza epica in contesti scopertamente triviali, con doppi sensi, metafore e iperboli, con la giustapposizione a sorpresa di contrari(Degano 1987). La propensione per l'inatteso, il paradosso, i particolari insoliti, il grottesco, l'indubbia predilezione per gli aspetti farseschi, l'inesauribile vena ironica (anche nelle composizioni dai contenuti più grevi) fanno emergere un artista arguto e disincantato, un raffinato e colto poeta, profondo conoscitore della tradizione letteraria precedente, con la quale instaura un rapporto dialettico con effetti parodia svenne considerato infatti l'inx-encore di questo genere; Polemo fr 45 Preller).

Hipponax frequently evokes Odyssean mythology in a lowered poetic register, and at least in a few instances he also conflates Homeric and contemporary contexts. I analyze Hipponax’s engagement with the mythology of Odysseus by drawing upon modern theories of parody, especially Hutcheon’s model of ‘transcontextualization’ (Hutcheon 1985), to show that Hipponax urged his audiences toward an evaluative process of decoding his parodies that differs from what we find elsewhere in archaic poetry.  When Hipponax tells the story of Odysseus among the Phaeacians with Bupalus somehow inserted into the tale, he demands a thoroughgoing and protracted involvement with his Homeric model.
  After assembling the remains of Hipponax’s Odyssean parodies and suggesting that Homer’s Thersites offers a relevant parallel to his construction of a degraded Odyssean persona, I show that Hipponax frr. 120-121 contrast sharply with Homer’s account in terms of social context and register and fr. 39, which inverts the discourse strategies in the Homeric encounter between Odysseus and Circe. By way of conclusion, I turn to the painted images of Odysseus and Circe from the Theban Cabirium to suggest that they may preserve a classical era reception of Hipponax’s parodic poetry. These vases, like his poetry, draw viewers into an active intellectual assessment of their artistic programs by overlapping seemingly inharmonious contexts into a new synthetic and multilayered whole.

The relationship between Archilochus's poetry and the account of his life preserved in the Mnesiepes Inscription is intimate but obscure. Here I present one avenue for elucidating this connection by focusing on two episodes of social breakdown. In the first section I propose a reading of Archilochus fragment 230 in terms of wider patterns of ecological collapse. In the second, I contrast this reading with the episode of impotence visited upon the men of Paros as told by Mnesiepes. By reading these crisis narratives against one another we can better understand Mnesiepes' dynamic authorial role in the Hellenistic reception of the iambic tradition.

Los orígenes de la poesía yámbica en la Grecia arcaica aparecen estrechamente vinculados a las festividades comunitarias y a los rituales religiosos relacionados con los cultos de Deméter y Dioniso. Además de la presencia de la escrología, típica de estos cultos, el yambo se caracteriza por la construcción de una máscara enunciativa que podría emular aquella material y tangible empleada en los rituales. En este trabajo nos proponemos indagar en los procesos de producción, transmisión y recepción de lo que denominamos "persona yámbica", entendida como un determinado tipo de máscara (πρόσωπον) propia de este género, que regula la legalidad del "yo" en una tonalidad que puede ir desde un anclaje intimista hasta el empleo de un personaje ficticio o de una figura típica. Nuestro análisis se centrará particularmente en ciertos yambos de los famosos poetas Arquíloco de Paros e Hiponacte de Éfeso, donde, consideramos, se observan reflejos de aquellas antiguas canciones rituales. Introducción En sus orígenes, la poesía yámbica de la Grecia arcaica podría haber estado asociada con las festividades comunitarias y los ritos religiosos de Deméter y Dioniso. En efecto, es posible observar que ciertos elementos característicos de los yambos encuentran antecedentes y correspondencias dentro de estos cultos. Por esta razón, es importante, en principio, repasar algunos de estos vínculos para, posteriormente, hacer hincapié en un aspecto no del todo trabajado sobre este tema: es posible, tal vez, que las formas enunciativas del "yo" en la poesía yámbica arcaica, particularmente en las

In Archaic Athenian vase-painting, silens (satyrs) are often sexually aroused, but only sporadically satisfy their desires in a manner acceptable to most Athenian men. François Lissarrague persuasively argued that the sexuality of silens in vase-painting was probably laughable rather than awe-inspiring. What sort of laughter did the vase-paintings elicit? Was it the scornful laughter of a person who felt nothing in common with silens, or the laughter of one made to see something of himself in their behavior? For three reasons, I argue for the latter interpretation. First, some vase-paintings are constructed so as to invite the viewer to adopt imaginatively the persona of a silen. Second, parallels for the less-than-triumphant sexuality of silens occur in Archaic iambic poetry. Like the vase-paintings, the poetry was often constructed so that performers of the poems are incorporated into the narratives as all-too-human protagonists. Third, certain formal features of classical satyr-play encouraged the audience to identify with the point of view of the satyr-chorus, while others reminded it that there were better role models than silens. In all three media, a negative characterization of male characters or silens is combined with a manner of presentation that invites the viewer or performer to see himself among those characters despite their negative traits. That form of humor may have been common in Archaic symposia, but its presence in satyr-play suggests that it may also be a fundamental characteristic of silens. THE SEX LIFE OF SILENS IN VASE-PAINTING Perhaps the most remarkable characteristic of the sexuality of the part-horse, part-man creatures known as silens (also known as satyrs) is its inexhaustibility, I have received helpful suggestions from many people on this paper. I thank Sarah Peirce, Ann Steiner, Richard Hamilton, and Jeffrey Rusten for comments on drafts of the paper. I also thank the anonymous readers for Classical Antiquity for their detailed suggestions. I thank Mark Griffith in particular for his thoughtful comments, helpful suggestions, and the opportunity to read his forthcoming paper.

The miles gloriosus of ancient comedy is characterized by an inherent contradiction between appearance (impressive looks and aggressive braggadocio) and reality (inner cowardice). Long before the Lamachus of Aristophanes’ Acharnians, the figure of the braggart warrior had been formed in earlier Greek humorous literature. Well-developed specimens occur in Archilochus’ satirical poems, such as the foppish general of fr. 114 and the self-proclaimed “war heroes” of fr. 101. The soldier who abandoned his shield (fr. 5) also displays traits of the military alazon, notably the discrepancy between his extraordinary weapon and his actual deficiency in battle. Aristophanes (Pax 1295–1304) seems to have read Archilochus’ poem in this way, given that he places it in the mouth of the son of Cleonymus, a personage which resembles the typical swaggering miles in some respects. Archilochus’ boastful soldiers express themselves in elevated epic style or affected language, which matches their pretentiousness. This seminal technique was taken over by the comic poets. Epicharmus’ dramas, which abounded in character sketches, also offered primordial examples of the miles gloriosus. In the mythological burlesque Odysseus the Deserter, the type of the boastful captain was projected on the mythical figure of Odysseus (a technique later adopted in the myth burlesques of Attic comedy). Ironically reversing the Homeric prototype of the enduring hero, the Epicharmean Odysseus abandons his military duty and is afraid of blows; yet he tries to conceal his cowardice with pompous bragging about false feats, and his speech is loaded with Homeric locutions. Cf. the title Periallos (“Mr. Above-all-others”), which alludes to the Homeric expression περὶ ἄλλων ἔμμεναι or γενέσθαι, repeatedly applied to warrior heroes of the epic. Both the archaic iambus and Epicharmus’ works were known to the poets of Old Comedy and may have inspired them to further develop the type of the soldier, as Aristophanes did with his boastful Lamachus.

The aim of this paper is to examine the ways in which the poetic speaker manifests itself in the iambic poetry of Archilochus of Paros (7th century BC) and its possible functions within the poetic performance. In more specific terms, from a discursive analysis, we analyze the ways in which the first and the second person are deictically inscribed in ff. 19, 122, 196 and 196aW, and the identity relations that are established between the different actants of the enuncive and enunciative levels. In short, it is concluded that it is possible to observe a process of masking the poetic speaker linked, probably, to criticism and iambic invective.

Links red-figure iconography to the tradition of iambic invective.  Activities of the Pesistratid tyrants (e.g. erecting herms) and the Athenian democracy (e.g. minting coins) are both connected visually to images of prostitution and self-abuse.  Direct analogies to these visual strategies are found in the poetry of Arkhilokhos, Hipponax and others.

Exegetical and critical notes on Archil. fr. 8,1 (connecting ἐυπλοκάμου with ἁλός), 33
(editorial history of the fragment, elimination of a false reading, analysis of the context
of quotation in [Luc.] Am. 3), and °°328,9 W.2 (new reading of the ms. and establishment
of the text).

This paper will explore the role of iambic poetics in Dio Chrysostom's First Tarsian Oration and the two prologues to Babrius' choliambic fables. These authors deal in different ways with the weight of this literary mode's ancient associations (dangerous, funny, scurrilous, shameful). Although they seem to share few points of contact, Dio and Babrius offer us an opportunity to see how two authors of roughly the same era (Babrius' dates remain uncertain, but he is typically assigned to the first or second century C.E.) and provenance (the provincial world of Asia Minor) present very different faces of an iambic inheritance that each goes out of his way to emphasize. As I will demonstrate, Dio shows more interest in using the person and personal voice of Archilochus as a model for confronting a crisis of masculinity in Tarsus, whereas Babrius is more concerned with how matters of his modified Hipponactean form interact with issues of content, register, and performance. In other words, each author activates different aspects of the iambic tradition to different effect. By sharpening these differences and ferreting out certain similarities, I will sketch a synchronic outline of how iambic poetics was conceptualized in the early imperial East and, more importantly for this volume, a diachronic assessment of how things got to this point.