Greek Iambic Poetry

Bajo el título de La sabiduría griega, Giorgio Colli recopiló de manera exhaustiva los textos fundamentales de lo que se ha dado en llamar «filosofía presocrática», es decir, los documentos sobre los que se ha desarrollado el pensamiento y la cultura occidentales. Cada uno de los textos originales griegos se acompaña de una traducción directa del original, de un notable aparato crítico y de un comentario en el que se indica el estado actual de la investigación sobre el documento, se reseñan los loci similes y otros pasajes relacionados con el fragmento, y se incluyen referencias y citas para clarificar el texto, además de diversas indicaciones bibliográficas, importantes bien para la traducción, bien para la interpretación. Finalmente, superando el mero trabajo analítico sobre cada pasaje, se intenta establecer algunas líneas genéricas de interpretación, tanto con respecto a las tradiciones filosóficas o literarias, como en relación con los diferentes contenidos doctrinales.En esta misma Editorial también ha sido publicada La sabiduría griega II: Epiménides - Ferecides - Tales - Anaximandro - Anaxímenes - Onomácrito (2008).

Los poemas reunidos en la Corona de Filipo suelen ser considerados ejercicios de retórica carentes de originalidad. Sin embargo, muchos de sus temas y tratamientos reaparecen en el epigrama escóptico imperial del siglo II d.C. Esta relación se pierde de vista por el ordenamiento de la Antología Palatina: muchos epigramas compilados por Filipo que podrían ser entendidos como escópticos están en el libro 9, dedicado al subgénero epidíctico. Este trabajo busca demostrar que numerosos rasgos entendidos como característicos de la producción de Lucilio ya pueden identificarse en Antífilo, autor recogido en la Corona de Filipo y escasamente estudiado.

§ 1. As last edited by Kassel and Austin (2001, 146; henceforth K.-A. I) 1 the text of the pseudo-Epicharmean fragment 249 runs as follows (4troch.^): εὐσεβὴς βίος µέγιστον ἐφόδιον θνητοῖς † ἐστι 'a pious life †is † the greatest travelling supply for mortals' 8 K.-A. I (146) after ἔνο in [Epich.] fr. 244,5 K.-A. 9 Ahrens (1843, 461; Epich. fr. 152 of his edition). 10 Kaibel (1899, 140; [Epich.] fr. 261 of his edition). Kaibel's text is printed as Epich. D.-K. 23 B 18. 11 Compare cases like Men. Sent. 472 Jäkel νὴ τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν, µακάριόν γ' ἡ χρηστότης | πρὸς πάντα καὶ θαυµαστὸν ἐφόδιον βίῳ and Men. Sent. 792 Jäkel οὐκ ἔστι τόλµης ἐφόδιον µεῖζον βίου. 12 For the position of ἐστι between adjective and related substantive as in the text I propose to restore compare for instance Men.

During its history, epigram spread beyond its original context on monuments in a physical landscape to the bookish territory of the scroll. The Hellenistic poet Callimachus played with the aesthetic possibilities of that shift. On the one hand, writing epigrams for literary collections, he exploited the absence of material context to let readers supplement imaginatively what was no longer physically present («Ergänzungsspiel»). Elsewhere, however, he experimented with embedding verse-inscriptions into longer poems, recontextualizing them through narrative, which could employ them to new ends and shape readers' understanding, just as their physical circumstances had. Yet examples in Callimachus such as the Sepulcrum Simonidis and Thales' epigram on the cup of Bathycles in Iambus 1 suggest that a verse-inscription can stay true to its monument or artifact even when embedded in someone else's story: it remains the product of a (notionally or actually) different author, able to 'express itself ' with a voice unlike that of its surrounding narrative, indeed it may even be at odds with, and push back against, the context into which it has been embedded.

This  chapter  considers  the  nature  of  sexual  humor  in  ancient  Greek  literature, with particular attention to Athenian Old Comedy and the pioneering work of Jeffrey Henderson in The Maculate Muse. Henderson argues that comedy describes sexual activities and sexual organs with a wide variety of primarily al-lusive terms. His work depends on close readings of thousands of individual pas-sages,  supported  by  a  complex  implicit  theory  as  to  how  figurative  language  is  established and deployed on the comic stage to shock and amuse. Through a series of case studies, I argue that Henderson’s treatment of specific obscenities (or alleged obscenities) is often inadequate, confused, or unclear, and that the humour of many individual passages in Athenian Old Comedy is not what he takes it to be. A larger concern is with how riddling, allusive language of this sort is created and employed,  and — much more important — with how it can be detected,  and the risks of misidentifying or misreading it.

This article responds to Laura A. Marshall’s argument that Socrates does not compare himself to a gadfly in Plato’s Apology but rather to a spur on the side of a horse directed by Apollo. In revisiting the evidence for the canonical reading, this article argues that ‘gadfly’ or some other irritant insect is the only plausible translation for μύωψ in the Apology. Scrutinizing the source of the contemporary notion of the Western philosopher is pressingly important—not only for its own sake, but because the ‘spur reading’ has made its way into public circles and even the Cambridge Greek Lexicon.

The article studies Eustathius’ Ep. 43 Kolovou and proposes a new interpretation of ll. 57-62,  in particular of the segment where Sappho is mentioned (fr. 209 N.). The poetess’ name is the
result of a mnemonic error (instead of that of the Pythagorean Theano) by the Byzantine scholar.

Il presente contributo si propone di fornire la prima traduzione di un'ode che Francesco Filelfo dedica al Cardinal Bessarione (De psychagogia 1.2), carme che si contraddistingue per una fitta trama di rimandi intertestuali che si celano, tuttavia, dietro l'apparenza di un componimento stancamente celebrativo. Alla traduzione si accompagna dunque un commento volto a isolare temi finora rimasti inesplorati, senza tralasciare considerazioni sulla lingua greca adottata da Filelfo, la cui produzione si presenta per lo più in italiano o in latino.

Premessa 5 Ad Conventum Synesianum Un cristiano difficile: Sinesio di Cirene 9 UGO CRISCUOLO El l xico de la educaci n en Sinesio 47 JUAN ANTONIO LÓPEZ FÉREZ La dottrina del p euma in Sinesio e la sua ripresa in Marsilio Ficino 8 CLAUDIO MORESCHINI Vita quotidiana e memoria letteraria nell'Epistola 148 Garzya-Roques di Sinesio GABRIELE BURZACCHINI Le citazioni dei classici nelle epistole di Sinesio GIUSEPPE ZANETTO Tracce plutarchee in Sinesio GIUSEPPE LOZZA Cosmologia e retorica negli di Sinesio: immagine della choreia astrale MARIA CARMEN DE VITA Configurazione linguistica e conformazione letteraria nelle lettere di Sinesio GIUSEPPINA MATINO Forme di memoria letteraria e strategie allusive in Sinesio ANNA TIZIANA DRAGO Tracce di teorie epistolografiche in Sinesio ASSUNTA IOVINE Conclusioni Bibliografia

This article opens a series devoted to investigating the sources of the ample zoological excursus (vv. 916-1223) in the Hexaemeron by George of Pisidia, a 7 th-century Byzantine poet. Since the two attempts to find a general formula for George of Pisidia's treatment of his models have led to directly opposite results (according to Max Wellmann, the poet distanced himself from pagan zoologists; according to Luigi Tartaglia, on the contrary, he drew material from them, favouring Aelian), it seems that the question of the poem's sources should be addressed by a step-by-step examination of passages, paying attention to such evidence as the coincidence of minor details or words. In v. 1116 the unusual metaphor "aithyia, bending its winged cloud" (in the sense of "spreading its wings") makes one think of an (unconscious?) association with Arat. Phaen. 918-920, where "a stretching cloud" is mentioned in the catalogue of storm's signs in immediate juxtaposition to the flapping of the wings of seabirds. In vv. 1117-1124 (the self-cleansing of the ibis) the reference to Galen is not a mere metonymy (= "the most skillful physician"), as interpreters have hitherto thought, but points to the poet's source: in the Galenic corpus this story is attested three times, and the passage closest to George of Pisidia's account is [Galen.] Introd. 1.2. In vv. 1154-1159 (the structure of the web) the confused sequence of the stages of the spider's work (first concentric circles, then radial threads), that contradicts both reality and (which is more important) the ancient tradition going back to Book IX of Historia animalium, seems to betray the influence of John Philoponus (De opif. mundi, p. 257, 24 sqq. Reinhardt). In Philoponus' text this sequence is justified by the fact that his rhetorical passage describes, strictly speaking, not the web itself, but a drawing of it made by a "diligent geometer".

Contrary to some beliefs, the Iamborum Liber is highly structured, such that it can be seen to be one meticulously crafted ‘artwork’ carefully composed of seventeen pieces . The ‘artwork’ looks like one emotive blast from the heart, conveying anxiety due to the potential loss of a friend and of amor, and fear that this anxiety cannot be properly explicated by the poet . In this respect the journey from ‘ibis’ to ‘exitus’ covers very little distance at all, emotionally or temporally. The blast is structured in two Halves, pivoting round a central piece (Iambus 9). The individual iambi connect in an unexpected, mathematical/poetical way. Each Half comprises eight poems divided into two sets of four. Each poem of the 1st Half is in some way re-imagined sequentially in the 2nd Half, such that Iambus 1 is reimagined by Iambus 10, and so on. The two Halves, by number of poems, reveal an 8:1:8 pattern, a numerical palindrome which, whether by craft or coincidence, reflects forwards and backwards the number of lines of the last Iambus.

Nell'articolo l'Autore raccoglie alcuni contributi che riguardano Ibico e la sua attività poetica. Nel primo (I) egli difende le forme di congiuntivo ἔχῃσι e ἐγείρῃσι che ricorrono nel fr. 303 Page-Davies. Nel secondo (II) egli cerca di trovare nei frr. 312 e 330 Page-Davies una accezione metaforica nell'ambito del linguaggio marittimo applicato a situazioni politiche. Nel terzo (III) egli ravvisa nel nome Πολυκράτης, che ricorre nel testo da Imerio, un gioco di parole etimologico (Πολυκράτης = ὁ πολὺ κράτος ἔχων). Parole chiave Schema Ibycium, Metafore marittime in Ibico, Nome di Policrate .

The Edessene 'schools of the Armenians, Persians and Syrians' (syr. 'eskōlē d-armānāyē w-pārsāyē w-sūryāyē) are the main circles where the repercussions of Christological controversies of the 5th century are noticeable in terms of identity formation. Recent historiographical research argues that these communities were, at least initially, organised
along ethnic lines, sharing a certain degree of geographical-linguistic homogeneity. These 'schools', on which the sources are poor in details, it seems that developed into increasingly complex centres of theological and exegetical learning, attracting intellectuals from the Syro-Mesopotamian region and beyond the blurred boundaries between the Sasanians and the Romans. The environment in which this learning activities took place remain to be explore, likewise how the teaching of the 'schools' of Edessa influenced the overall identity of the scholars and bishops who were educated there. This paper analyses the construction of self-definition and the strategies used to shape cross-border identities among Christian intellectuals. This analysis will be based mainly on Philoxenus of Mabbug, Jacob of Sarug and Theodoret of Cyrrhus.

This article enquires into the not-quite-thereness of Octavian in Horace's early poetry. It argues that Octavian's poetic peripherality leading up to Actium is not incidental, but the result of a persistent and careful process of removal. By placing Octavian just beyond the poem's reach, Horace dissociates Octavian from civil-war politics while emphasizing his extraordinary political status. This careful articulation of Octavian's removedness generates two effects. On the one hand, it absolves Octavian of his responsibility in plunging Rome into civil war. On the other hand, it directs the reader's gaze to his increasingly unreachable and indefinable political position. in the third poem of Book 1 of Horace's Satires (c.36/35 B.c.e.), 1 the poet takes aim at the Sardinian singer Tigellius, accusing him of refusing to perform upon request: not even Caesar, the future Augustus, could get a tune out of him (1.3.4-6): Caesar, qui cogere posset, si peteret per amicitiam patris atque suam, non quicquam proficeret;. .. If Caesar, who could just compel him, asked in the name of his own friendship and his father's, he would not get anything. . .

Tommaso d'aquino trariness of his own method". 9 Infatti il testo dice: "ἡ τοῦ ψεύδους ταύτης διπλόη, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ Μυσῶν καὶ Φρυγῶν διεστήκασι, τῆς ἡμετέρας εἰλικρινοῦς ἀληθείας ἀφέστηκε, πλὴν ἀλλ' εἴ γε θέμις τὴν ἀγριέλαιον πρὸς καλλιέλαιον ἐγκεντρίζειν". 2. L'opera esegetica del poema esiodeo ha per dedicatario Giovanni, il figlio dell'autore, impegnato ad atene nei suoi studi. Essa nell'editio princeps 10 del Trincavelli, 11 risalente al 1537, e già nel manoscritto più autorevole su cui la princeps si fonda, il Marc. gr. 464, 12 presenta in modo continuativo un testo corredato di lemmi scarsi ma estesi, costituiti da alcuni versi esiodei e residuati dopo la probabile perdita di un loro ingente numero, coi quali essi consentivano la simultanea lettura in un supporto solo e della Teogonia e della sua interpretazione galeniana. Il commento, autonomo in principio, avrebbe poi accostato il testo esiodeo vanificando l'utilità dei lemmi, in buona parte eliminati nella redazione del predetto codice. Talora i versi sono inseriti nel corpo della loro illustrazione galeniana secondo il loro dettato letterale o una loro versione parafrasata. L'autore dichiara che l'accesso alla verità celata nel mito antico è possibile all'anima razionale in virtù di una sua lettura allegorica: egli la esercita tratteggiando i caratteri, le genealogie e le azioni di dèi ed eroi, dei quali etimologizza nomi ed epiteti. Il testo esegetico è omogeneo nell'articolazione delle sue parti correlate da frequenti mutui richiami, anche grazie alla ricorsività di interpretazioni identiche, e spesso strutturato in modo da proporre più letture del medesimo mito che con una certa frequenza confliggono tra loro, perché quella fisica è affiancata ora da quella etica (Platone, neoplatonismo) ora da quella cristiana. Evidente è la derivazione del materiale esegetico delle Allegorie dagli scholia vetera. 13 In particolare le predette rapsodie interpretative rappresentano per il Flach 14 la prova di una confluenza nel commento galeniano di materiali attinti a fonti diverse. La sua convergenza con quelli offerti dagli scholia vetera gli fece ipotizzare una derivazione autonoma di entrambi da uno stoicheggiante παλαιὸς ἐξηγητής τοῦ παρόντος βιβλίου, come lo chiama Giovanni Galeno, che leggeva il testo esiodeo in accezione fisica. Gli scolii sarebbero stati distinti in due redazioni manoscritte: la prima, stringata, quella originale e derivata direttamente dal commento antico poi arricchito, fu la base dell'edizione del 1542 15 e costituì la fonte della seconda redazione, più estesa, su cui si fondò il Trincavelli per la predetta edizione del 1537. Giovanni Galeno per il Flach si sarebbe avvalso di entrambi gli apparati scoliastici. di recente il Filoni, 16 che pure riconosce l'importanza degli scolii antichi per le Allegorie galeniane, ha ipotizzato una genesi diversa di esse: egli afferma che l'autore "non ha composto il commentario alla Teogonia" ma ha acquisito i materiali interpretativi già esistenti, corredandoli di contenuti propri nelle sezioni introduttiva e conclusiva e nell'esegesi della Titanomachia e rinunciando ad un commento organico e sistematico originale, ravvisabile solo in quello antico di matrice stoica e di allegoresi fisica ed in parte etica, risalente al tardo ellenismo e generatore per un verso degli scholia vetera e per l'altro di un commento neoplatonico, forse non anteriore al Iv s. d.c., da cui Galeno avrebbe tratto gli strumenti della sua interpretazione. Originale in una esegesi compilativa del testo esiodeo, sostanziata di materiali scoliastici, sarebbe la sua lettura cristiana di alcuni miti antichi. Filippomaria Pontani osserva che il suo commento "displays strong familiarity with ancient grammatical techniques, but at the same time represents perhaps the first attempt towards a thorough Platonising Christianisation of an ancient epic poem: we find here the reading of Zeus as God, the lore of Pythagorean numerology, the ethical or physical resonances

Taking into account the bases of functional metre, I emphasise that, in the archaic Greek poetry, both the dactylic hexameter and the iambic trimeter respond to the same structure. These are spoken verses of twelve perfectly alternating components: six monosyllabic components (M) and six potentially disyllabic components (D), which have end-of-line marks, as well as positions in which the word ending is common (caesuras) and positions in which it is avoided (bridges). Each of them has a single rhythm (-v-or-vv-), which must appear at least once in each verse. The trochaic tetrameter is an extension of the iambic trimeter. All three lines necessarily end in a potentially disyllabic component (D), reduced to a single long syllable. A description of the elegiac distich is given, showing that its first verse is a spoken hexameter, while the second has a first series of perfect M/D alternation (MDMDM), but the second has a fixed scheme based on monosyllabic components, in the style of lyric poetry: MDMDM / MMMMMMM //. It thus serves as a bridge between spoken verse and lyric κῶλον.

CRISTIANO MINUTO Le informazioni che possediamo sul poeta comico Nicolao risultano estremamente esigue. Di lui Stobeo, nel terzo libro dell'Antologia, ha tramandato un ampio frammento in trimetri giambici (3,14,7 Hense), preceduto dal lemma Νικολάου. Si è proposto di correggere il lemma di Stobeo con due nomi di poeti comici meglio conosciuti: Νικοστράτου oppure Νικομάχου. In particolare, la seconda alternativa era parsa inizialmente molto convincente, perché esistono numerose analogie stilistiche tra il frammento di Nicolao riportato da Stobeo e un esteso frammento di Nicomaco, che proviene dall'Εἰλείθυια (1 K.-A.), restituitoci da Ateneo (7,37,290e-291d). Tuttavia, si è poi constatato che la correttezza del lemma Νικολάου trova una conferma in Fozio. Infatti, nel codice 167 Henry della Biblioteca, dedicato proprio all'Antologia di Stobeo, dopo avere fornito una sintesi del contenuto dell'opera, Fozio stila l'elenco degli autori che compaiono al suo interno 1. Questo elenco si articola in cinque liste di nomi: la prima, che è anche la più corposa, comprende i filosofi, la seconda i poeti, la terza gli oratori e gli storici, la quarta i sovrani e gli strateghi e, infine, la quinta i medici. Ebbene, Nicolao è espressamente menzionato, nella lista dei poeti, fra Nicostrato e Neofrone (cfr. Bibl. 167,115a,10-11 Henry) 2. Accertata, quindi, l'esistenza di un poeta comico chiamato Nicolao, si è cercato di identificarlo con altri autori omonimi già noti. A questo proposito, si segnala l'ipotesi di Fabricius, che valorizza una notizia del Lessico di Suida relativa allo storico Nicolao Damasceno: poiché costui-come si legge nel Lessico-compose anche tragedie e commedie molto apprezzate (αὐτός τε τραγῳδίας ἐποίει καὶ κωμῳδίας εὐδοκίμους, ν 393e,10-11 Adler), Fabricius ipotizza che il poeta comico Nicolao sia, in realtà, da identificare con Nicolao Damasceno 3. A ben vedere, però, l'informazione ___________ * Ringrazio il Prof. Giulio Massimilla per i suoi preziosi suggerimenti e i due revisori anonimi, le cui osservazioni hanno contribuito ad arricchire ulteriormente il presente lavoro.

Tibullus' sixteen canonical poems owe a debt to Horace's invective Epodes, sixteen of which are in metres that feature alternating lines. Play and playfulness, in particular roleplay and wordplay, typify the creative dialogue between these poetry collections. This article teases out the links between Epode 16 and Tibullus II 5, both featuring Sibylline-style prophecy related to Rome and absence from Rome, with an iambic edge to the elegist's depiction of the Parilia festival, and reminiscences of the etymology of iambic in a focus on magic that also pervades the other Nemesis poems. The poem spoken by Priapus, I 4, also contains iambic elements in the play on the names of the questioner and Tibullus' own beloved Marathus, the gender politics with an attenuated god and hints of cinaedic activity, and the imagery of dogs. Uncovering such echoes enhances our understanding of the influences and achievements of both poets.

In this article I will examine some instances of forgery of the female voice in Classical literature and of the opposite phenomenon: the denial that a literary work was written by a woman, either by modern or ancient critics. I will first review some testimonies pertaining to handbooks περὶ ἀφροδισίων and offer some reflections on the link between women and erotic treatises in the Greco-Roman world; I will then focus on other literary genres, paying similar attention to false attributions and their opposite. My aim is not to assess the reliability of attributions and disattributions. For this purpose, much more space would be needed, and no generalisation would be possible: each case would have to be treated on its own. Rather, I intend to reflect on the dynamics of attribution and disattribution of female authorship and what they reveal about the intellectual space assigned to women in the ancient world.

Is the aesthetic experience of reading poetry necessarily pure pleasure, or is it often a pain? How might form be used as a technology of such discomfort? As a structure of constraint and boredom, rather than a pattern of liberation? This chapter seeks to answer these thorny questions using the case study of Ovid's Ibis, a strange and alienating curse poem which employs a monotonous form to capture the phenomenology of being bound. I show how Ovid makes use of a particular affordance of the elegiac couplet - its self-repeating, stichic movement between open and closed, free and constrained - to mimic the various forms of binding found throughout the poem's hectic listicle of claustrophobic punishments: imprisonment, impediment, burial, burdening, strangulation, choking, piercing, transfixing, crushing, confining, and entrapment. I end by considering form itself as a binding force with the capacity to burden and bore.

Polish and English (below). Streszczenie: Około stu bajek greckich z tradycji Ezopowej zawiera bezpośrednie lub alegoryczne nawiązania do religii. Te nawiązania nie zostały należycie przebadane. W całości reprezentują one anonimowe, popularne podejście do religii z okresu hellenistycznego, ze źródłami w czasach wcześniejszych. Mają one pewne znaczenie dla historii religii greckiej. Bajki te można podzielić na dwie grupy. Pierwsze przedstawiają bogów i mitologię, z dominującą rolą Zeusa, bliską henoteizmowi. Druga grupa zawiera krytykę religii, idolatrii i chybionych modlitw (z Hermesem jako przedmiotem drwin). Summary: About a hundred Greek fables from the Aesopic tradition contain direct or allegorical references to religion. These references were not sufficiently studied. As a whole, they represent an anonymous, popular approach to religion from the Hellenistic period, with some sources in the earlier times. They have some importance for the history of Greek religion. These fables may be divided into two groups. The first group presents gods and mythology, with the dominant role of Zeus, near to henotheism; other gods are not really important. The second group contains criticisms of religion, idolatry and misguided prayer (with Hermes as the butt of jokes).

The description in the Phaedo of the last day of Socrates opens with the philosopher recounting a fable on pain and pleasure which is soon followed by the surprising reference to an obscure literary heritage, of which nothing is heard in the rest of the platonic corpus. Socrates composed the night before a hymn to Apollo and versified some Aesopic fables as a response to a dream that he had. The paper discusses the similarities and the suggestive differences between the literary portraits of these two unconventional wise men. This is a necessary first methodological step in the attempt to decipher the platonic assimilation of the fabulist Aesop into his portrayal of Socrates.

One of the most preserved fragments (fr. 2 Livrea) of the Meliambi by Cercidas, a third-century BCE poet and politician from Megalopolis in Arcadia, centers on the figure of Eros. Addressed to a certain Damonomus, the fragment opens with a metaphor that is reminiscent of the image of Eros' 'double breath' from a lost tragedy of Euripides (lines 1-14). 2 Someone told us that from the cheeks in two directions breathes the son of Aphrodite, the one with dark blue wings, Damonomus, and you are in no way too ignorant. And of the mortals, for whom soft and benevolent breath blows from the right side of the jaw, this one on calm sea drives the ship of Eros with the prudent helm of Peitho. But for those against whom releasing from the left he excites storms or greedy whirlwinds of Pothos, for them the passage is all stormy. Well said, Euripides. Surely, since there are two, we should choose the fair wind, and use the helm of Peitho along with Sophrosyne for better sailing, as the passage is favorable to Cypris … 3 In Hellenistic literary tradition, the image of the 'ship of Eros' adapted from the Archaic Aeolic lyric often appears in παιδικά, a type of poetry that involves declarations of love for handsome boys. 4 In this paper, I 1 Grateful thanks to the Hardt Foundation for support during the completion of this article. I also wish to express my gratitude to anonymous reviewer and editorial team of the journal. 2 Eur. fr. 929a Snell ('Eros breathes with double breath'). On Cercidas and tragedy see López Cruces 2004; 2012. 3 Here and below, translations belong to the author of this note.

This paper focuses on Lucian's critique of the wonder-working of the second century CE prophet of Asclepius, Alexander of Abonouteichos, in Alexander or the False Prophet. It explores meta-literary depths of the essay which have not been scrutinized before. The analysis unfolds in three sections. In the first, Alexander emerges from an intertextual reading with Hippolytus' polemic against magic (Ref. 4.28-42) as a creative innovator of the common magician's repertoire, making his magic a cypher for Lucian's own literary techniques. In the second section, I argue that Alexander's 'autophone' oracles dramatize Lucian's poetics in a particularly pointed way, embroiling author and subject in a dialogue of mutual exposure. Overlaps emerge between Lucian's technoprophet and the discourse of Orakelkritik, which sharpen and lend nuance to Lucian's attack, whilst comparison with Hero of Alexander's mechanical wonders opens up a more ambivalent interpretation of the professed scepticism of both Lucian and his readers. Having examined the ways in which Lucian implicates himself in Alexander's fraud, connections are explored with other Lucianic works-of-wonder such as Lover of lies, True Stories and the prolaliai, showing that magic and religious fraud are deeply connected with fiction in Lucian's oeuvre. This lends uniquely rich complexity to Lucian's thaumatology, since he meditates not only on the nature of wonders, but on the nature of reading about wonders as well. * I would like to express my warmest thanks to Maria Gerolemou for inviting me to contribute to this volume, and to Daniel Ogden for his expert advice on magical matters in particular. Translations throughout the article are my own, unless otherwise stated.

Notes on the Character of Κίκων in Hipponax. A Case of Ethnic Parody? • The attribution of the ethnic Κίκων to a soothsayer-charlatan suggests that Hipponax's intent might be parodic because the Cicones-and more broadly speaking the Thracians-were traditionally known to be ministers, clairvoyants and skilled healers.

Homer was such a fundamental part of Greek education, literature, and cul ture under the Roman Empire that any attempt to concisely chart his Second Sophistic reception requires setting some parameters. In this chapter I restrict my survey to the major 'sophistic' authors of the late-first to the mid-third century CE-Aelius Aristides, Dio of Prusa, Lucian, Maximus of Tyre, and Philostratus-with an occasional glance at other Imperial writers like Aelian, Athenaeus, Galen, and Polyaenus. 1 Even within this limited group, the sheer quantity of material is overwhelming. Dio's corpus alone includes short essays and dialogues entitled On Homer, On Homer and Socrates, Chryset's, and Agamemnon (Orr. 53, 55, 61, 62) as well as lang speeches devoted either entirely to Homer, like his Second Kingship and Trojan orations (Orr. 2, n) or in part, like his O/ympian (Or. 12.55-83). Four of Maximus' orations take Homer as their topic (Orr. 4, 17, 18, 26), Aristides' Embassy Speech to Achilles (Or. 16) 'rewrites' Iliad g, and large sections of Books 1 and 5 of Athenaeus' Deipnosophists explore Homeric banquets in elaborate detail. Lucian's True History and Philostratus' Heroicus follow Dio's Trojan in 'revising' Homer, while several of Philostratus' Imagines (e.g., 1.1 , 1.8 , 2. 7) explore, as in Dio's O/ympian, the relation between Homer's poetry and the visual arts. Yet even this list excludes a hast of signifi cant discussions of Homer and his poetry made in passing by these authors. In this chapter, however, I want to avoid focusing too closely on such 'Homeric' works or passages; instead, I examine the more general deployment of and reference to Homer by these writers across their corpora, in order to better demonstrate how profoundly Homer's influence penetrated Imperial sophis tic discourse. To do so, I concentrate on describing and discussing the vari ety of Homeric citational practices that are characteristic of sophistic authors as a group, before turning to some specific examples of more extended and 1 For a brief overview of Imperial Greek approaches to Homer, see Kirn (2010) 4-21; cf. Zeitlin (2001) and the essential study of Kindstrand (1973) on Dio, Aristides, and Maximus. Hunter (2018) is selective and thematically arranged, but vividly conveys the range and depth of the interest in Homer in antiquity, including the Imperial era. For studies of individual authors and texts, refer to the works cited in the notes below. sophisticated 'citations' of Homeric poetry from Dio's Nestor (Or. 57) and First Tarsian Oration (Or. 33) and Lucian's dialogue Charon.

How is the performance of Shakespeare's texts made special? Does each performance have an independent relationship to the text, or are performances related to each other? This article presents findings from a corpus analysis of recordings spanning eighty-five years from 1930 to 2015. Several factors changed scholarly views on Shakespeare (both text and performance) in the twentieth-century, ultimately tipping the balance away from the meter of the text, toward the meaning of the text. The results of a corpus study of 61 recordings contribute to our knowledge of how Shakespeare's plays are differentiated from ordinary speech not only by the text, but also through performance, as well as how Shakespearean performance is evolving over time. Three aspects of speech timing are analyzed computationally, specifically tempo, rhythm, and pauses. Evidence suggests that tempo has decreased while rhythmic contrast and amount of pause has increased. The role of meter as well as enjambment and caesura are addressed. The results are consistent with the conclusion that the meter of Shakespeare's verse may not have had a large influence on the spoken rhythm of professional performance for nearly a century.

This article provides a critical commentary on Sim. fr. 260, 11-14 Poltera (= 542, 11-14 Page) in order to: 1) substantiate certain interpretations, particularly from a linguistic point of view (οὐδέ … ἐμμελέως … νέμεται); 2) illustrate the ways in which Simonides employs irony with regard to Pittacus (σοφοῦ; παρά + gen. and passive verb; φάτο); 3) specify the linguistic register of some terms and their function (καίτοι; φωτός).

Con lo smarrito mondo non ci è dato far nulla più. Non ci assegna alcun compito, più nessun atto netto non ci impone: Osiride ci guarda ad occhi immobili, già tutto sa e ci osserva, del giudizio della Giustizia solo consapevole e muto testimone. Le querele (sì, quelle che chiamiamo "le ragioni") ignora interamente né il suo orecchio ascolta voci che da noi si levino al sorger dell'aurora o in muti vesperi: non mira a noi né ci guida accennandoci benevolo, il suo ciglio altrove è volto; pupille ha inespressive e sì ci scruta il sole alto di un cielo gemmeo e freddo, la castità dei giusti assorti in cogiti d'equilibri perlacei d'asfodelo, pigri cherùbi ruminanti invano, si fissa indifferente in cielo e nuvole, vaga e vendemmia; il Re servono eserciti di muti camerlenghi della luce, oh pavidi non già, ma sigillati quali idoli di bronzo in una cava; forse di scure albane e fasci schiavi, ma senza lor contezza; nulla è mosso, su lor la storia volse sempre eguale, come una nube eterna. Ora che tutto in opposti cangiò, nulla è mutato: abbiamo dietro a noi un mondo, gli eoni ed il mutar purpureo di stagioni; ed è quel mondo che abbiamo violato coi nostri gesti eburnei di supplica: poiché ciò che spregiammo ora preghiamo.