Heresy and Orthodoxy

The picture that secular theologians of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries did little to combat heresy outside an academic context still prevails in otherwise outstanding surveys on heresy and histories of the inquisition and the Albigensian crusade, which portray the anti-heretical efforts of the episcopate, Paris masters and Cistercians as evolutionarily inferior ante cedents to the friars' education, organization, and asceticism.1 However, Peter the Chanter's circle and their Cistercian colleagues viewed academic and popular heresies as related phenomena. While policing theology as an intellectual discipline, they acted as popular preachers, judge delegates, expert witnesses, episcopal officials and scholastici, fostering lay devotion, defining orthodoxy, aiding bishops in applying legal and pastoral measures against heresy in Northern Europe and the Languedoc and recruiting for the Albigensian crusade. Their efforts furnished the precedents, tools, and roles used by succeeding generations of secular theologians and the friars to combat heterodoxy as many Paris-educated scholars joined the mendicant orders, shaping their educational and pastoral goals.2 This article will examine how heretics were represented and combated in Maisonneuve, Etudes; Dossat, Crises; M.-H. Vicaire, Saint Dominic and his Times, trans.

Monarchia della verità indaga una componente ideologica fondamentale della Controriforma: l’ossessione ecclesiastica per la 'veritas', concepita nella versione dogmatica di 'doctrina' e ortodossia in opposizione alla formulazione umanistica della 'veritas' come ricerca. Da Poggio Bracciolini a Montaigne, gli umanisti esprimono un concetto di 'religio' coincidente con la ricerca stessa della verità, rinunciando a definizioni esclusive o dogmatiche e astenendosi da difese di carattere polemico o controversistico. I teologi adottano invece il concetto dogmatico di 'doctrina', identificando la 'veritas' nell’ortodossia e favorendo il formarsi di un clima di oscurantismo clericale e di generale intolleranza nei confronti dell’autonomia umanistica, dell’individualismo religioso e del libero pensiero, con Valla, Erasmo e Machiavelli in testa.
In questo libro l’autore prende in esame il primato normativo della verità nella Chiesa del Cinquecento e del primo Seicento con lo scopo di illustrare modelli culturali e pedagogici della Controriforma e rilevarne i miti: cronotassi pontificia, agiografia e culto delle reliquie, concetto eroico del documento, didattica figurativa, giurisdizione curiale, temporalismo papale. Tuttavia, la sopravvivenza della tradizione umanistica e il suo confrontarsi dialetticamente con le culture dogmatiche di Riforma e Controriforma si evidenziano in momenti significativi della storia culturale e religiosa della prima età moderna: in particolare, nel dibattito europeo 'de puniendis haereticis' originato dal tragico rogo di Michele Serveto, nel ricorso all’elemento storico in sede di polemica confessionale, nei processi di Bruno e Galilei e nelle discussioni sulla 'libertas investigandi', nel nicodemismo di artisti, scienziati e anticlericali cristiani, infine nella ripresa – specialmente in Olanda e nelle aree della diaspora sociniana – del pacifismo erasmiano e dell’utopismo di Thomas More, associati alla critica del Valla e all’irenismo di Sebastiano Castellione. Un esempio insigne è la proposta irenica di Jakob Arminius, calvinista di cultura umanistica, formulata a Leida nel 1605 con l’intento di superare i contrasti tra cristiani e realizzare la pacificazione sociale e religiosa.

In this article, I analyze the religiosity of Bompietro of Bologna as reported in the register of the inquisition of Bologna, 1291-1310. I attempt to show that Bompietro’s religiosity was above all practical; its doctrinal content seems to be scarce, and it was not focused on support of any church (Roman or Cathar). Bompietro’s case reveals a non-confessional type of religiosity, one still underrepresented in the image of medieval Christianity. This case also encourages wider reflection on the relations between beliefs, practices and membership. Far from having direct causal links, these relations can sometimes prove quite intricate.

Keywords: Bompietro of Bologna; inquisition; practical religiosity; non-confessional religiosity; concept of religion; concept of membership; heresy and orthodoxy; Catharism.

This paper focuses on how thirteenth- and fourteenth-century inquisitors conceived of the beliefs, practices, and workings of non-conformist Christian groups. The inquisitors’ view of what constituted a heretical sect and how it worked was remarkably modern in at least three respects. First, it was strikingly historical and geographical: the inquisitors were interested in the historical and geographical dimensions of heretical sects, including the changes that particular heretical rituals, doctrines, and communities underwent over time. Second, the inquisitors were deeply interested in distinguishing different groups and subgroups, and produced elaborate classifications and comparisons. Finally, the inquisitors, driven by their need for hard evidence meeting procedural requirements, somewhat shifted the notion of heresy from inner beliefs to observable rituals and habits. At the same time, however, inquisitional trial records abundantly demonstrate that they were well aware of how precarious it is to draw a straightforward causal link between inner beliefs, words, and outer actions. Based on examples from three early inquisitorial descriptions of heresy, including the Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis by Bernard Gui, this paper examines how medieval inquisitors conceived of heretical sects, their changes over time, and the relationship between religious beliefs and actions, and how they headed towards a peculiar, and in many ways familiar, religious theory of religion.

The aim of the article is to show how the Hussites referred the apostolic pattern to themselves. One of the fields where such an attitude may be observed is the liturgy of the Hussite radicals described by Vavřinec z  Březove – which at least intended to replicate the Last Supper and the general conviction about the necessity of communion under both kinds to salvation.
Another field is the repeated and fierce discussion over the role of Judas Iscariot and the meaning of being the true apostle. The will to be the new apostles among Christians seduced by evil was so strong among the reformers, that the new generations took over the idea and confronted it with their forerunners.

An entry in the online German-language MennLex encyclopedia project (originally from 2012; published in 2020). The article considers how Swiss Brethren, Hutterites, and Mennonites can be analyzed in terms of the historiographical model of confessionalization, if that concept is understood in a heuristically flexible way. The English version is a pre-publication text. Please consult and cite the German version (link included).

Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the Middle Ages were divided in many ways. But one thing they shared in common was the fear that God was offended by wrong belief. Medieval Heresies: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam is the first comparative survey of heresy and its response throughout the medieval world. Spanning England to Persia, it examines heresy, error, and religious dissent - and efforts to end them through correction, persuasion, or punishment - among Latin Christians, Greek Christians, Jews, and Muslims. With a lively narrative that begins in the late fourth century and ends in the early sixteenth century, Medieval Heresies is an unprecedented history of how the three great monotheistic religions of the Middle Ages resembled, differed from, and even interrelated with each other in defining heresy and orthodoxy.

Most studies of Donatism tend to focus on its seemingly binary struggle with the other major expression of the Christian faith in North Africa, the Caecilianist church. And for good reason: the majority of our surviving primary sources on the movement are direct products of the polemical war that raged between the two communions. Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to simply characterize the struggle as binary in nature. Like their Caecilianist counterparts, Donatist writers are in fact concerned with a whole range of sub-orthodox beliefs that characterized their own age, including Montanism, the rhetorical construct that passed as “Arianism” in North Africa, and above all Mani.

In this presentation, I will focus on the ways in which heretics outside the Caecilianist communion are addressed within Donatist writings. In doing so, I believe we can discover two important points about the dissident communion. First, Donatist concerns about heresy illustrate the fact that the movement was more well-rounded than we often give it credit for: far from merely fighting for its life against Caecilianist opponents, it was actively concerned with other threats to the life of the church. In particular, anti-Manichaean hysteria appears to have been as widespread among Donatist Christians as their Caecilianist counterparts. Second, understanding the perception of heresy within the Donatist communion may help us navigate the tricky question of how Donatists understood the phenomenon of Caecilianism itself. Several texts illustrate that one concern that Donatists had about Caecilianist baptismal theology was its troubling tendency to accept Manichaean baptisms as valid. Whether these anxieties are real or polemically-convenient, they illustrate the relevance of the wider concept of heresy to the Donatist-Caecilianist debate.

Nie pierwszy to raz papież przywołał gnostycyzm i pelagianizm, dwie starożytne herezje, które, jak pisze w najnowszej adhortacji, wciąż są alarmująco aktualne. Do tej diagnozy o niebezpiecznej obecności dawno już, wydawałoby się, przebrzmiałych starożytnych błędów odniosła się Kongregacja Nauki Wiary, mimo wszystko łagodząc oceny Franciszka. W artykule przedstawiono rzeczywiste zagrożenia gnostycyzmem dla życia i misji Kościoła w oparciu o wypowiedzi papieża. Tekst rozpoczyna "meterefleksja" na temat żywotności herezji, w czym można też odczytać miniapologię określania nowych nieprawidłowości nazwami starych herezji.

Nuestro paper se enmarca dentro de la tesis doctoral que finalizamos en 2009 y que intenta recuperar el legado gráfico del Mirouer des simples ames (c. 1290) de Marguerite Porete. Tanto ella como su tratado fueron sometidos a una persecución inquisitorial que concluyó con el encarcelamiento de la escritora, la prohibición de su tratado y la quema de ambos. A pesar de ello, la obra sobrevivió sustentada por varios códices que la recogen como texto meramente escrito. Nosotros sostenemos que este texto posee un trasfondo visual (que no visionario) que se puede recuperar en forma de iconografía. Las razones para plantear esta hipótesis son muchas, aunque la fundamental reside en su justificación didáctica: estamos ante un tratado que se autodefine como speculum, como miroir, y que, efectivamente, se ha escrito para enseñar a otros el camino hacia la divinidad. Tal camino es complejo y se desarrolla a través de los parajes de un lenguaje teológico violentamente abstracto, que se difundía en ambientes de predicación no necesariamente clericales y letrados: aquí es donde la visualidad se constituye como andamio del discurso, que permite hablar, enseñar, un camino experiencial complejo mediante imágenes comprensibles, incluso  memorizables.
Para mostrar el cómo de esta recuperación de manera práctica y presentar algunos resultados, analizaremos en este texto uno de los esquemas gráficos que subyacen en el texto poreteano: la alegoría de Ezequiel. Examinaremos primero el pasaje donde se presenta utilizando instrumentos de la filología para dilucidar un hipotético esquema gráfico subyacente, que, en un segundo estadio, vinculamos con otros textos cercanos al Mirouer que, por una razón u otra, sí tienen una iconografía asignada. Comprobaremos qué relación visual sostiene la obra poreteana con temas iconográficos como el Jardín de las virtudes (en, esencialmente, Le somme le roi) o el árbol de Jesé (ídem Speculum Virginum) y observaremos a qué conclusiones histórico-doctrinales nos lleva este estudio comparativo.
En suma, intentamos con esta ponencia devolver parte del aspecto histórico-visual al Mirouer des simples ames, con la finalidad de que ello nos permita realizar una lectura hermenéutica más amplia, más justa, del texto.

This paper seeks to critically assess the life and legacy of Marcion for the history and development of the early church.  The subjects influence on the development of the church is not strictly limited to the Patristic era, for Marcion continues to evoke passionate discussion today, and his influence, though not always overt, is often never too far from our doctrine and practice.  Through re-examining original sources, as well as interacting with modern scholarship, including Sebastian Moll, we can once more grapple with a complex individual who made life so difficult for the church, yet who also catalysed her into making pivotal decisions on NT canon, and articulating orthodoxy in a manner not done previously. Marcion’s biography, theological stance, ethics, approach to Scripture and ecclesiology will be dissected, and the result will encourage us to be more like Bonhoeffer and less like Von Harnack in our contemporary ministry application.

Honorable Mention, 2012 Early Slavic Studies Association Distinguished Scholarship Award
A pivotal period in Russian history, the "Time of Troubles" of the early 17th century has taken on new resonances in post-Soviet Russia. Current national narratives glorify the role of the Russian Orthodox Church during that torturous span of famine, war, and disintegration. But what was the actual history of the Church and of Orthodox Christian religion in crisis? For the first time, and just prior to the 400th anniversary of the end of the Time of Troubles, this book attempts to give a comprehensive picture of the topic on the basis of archival and other evidence. Beginning with Russia's posited status as "New Israel" and continuing to examine the business activities of monasteries, Gruber discovers the motivations behind key political and religious innovations of the period. New "voices" attributed to women and the people marked this as a unique epoch in the troubled history of one of the world's most enigmatic and influential countries. Both accessibly written and deeply scholarly, this book will appeal to a wide readership interested in history, religion, and culture.

v INDICE Premessa ix Prologo. Intorno a Maometto il profeta 3 §1. Dove si apprende che Maometto, prima che profeta, am-biva essere papa di Roma, p. 3-§2. Dove si apprende che Maometto era gabellato per cristiano eretico e l'islam per un magma di eresie cristiane, p. 10-§3. A proposito di quei teologi bizantini che fra alto e basso medioevo si dilettavano a confrontare cristianesimo e islam, e ad insultarsi recipro-camente coi sapienti arabi, p. 14-§4. Si ragiona sulle con-clusioni di tanto pensare. Il rapido successo dei musulmani nel mondo si deve alla violenza e all'edonismo promossi dal Corano e suggeriti dal demonio, p. 17 I. La caduta di Costantinopoli, Mosca ' terza Roma' e le congiure dei pagani 23 §1. Dove Nestore Iskinder profetizza la caduta e il riscatto di Costantinopoli, liberamente interpretando la lotta fra un serpente e un'aquila al tempo di Costantino il Grande, p. 23-§2. Dio lo volle, non senza dolore, p. 24-§3. Enumerando utopie e distopie germinate fra i ruderi di Costantinopoli, p. 29-§4. Si spiega come sia mai possibile che in Europa da Carlo Magno in poi vi fossero due imperatori, entrambi romani, entrambi universali, p. 31-§5. Dove si ricorda la triste sorte dell'ultimo imperatore bizantino, Costantino XI Paleologo, mai incoronato secondo regola, e ci si pone il problema, non banale, dell'importanza dell'incoronazio-ne e della Chiesa nella nomina imperiale, p. 35-§6. «Due Rome sono cadute, una terza è e una quarta non sarà»: po-teva anche lo zar essere imperatore dei romani? E poteva Mosca essere la terza Roma a capo di un impero romano

The Nicene–Constantinopolitan profession that the Son of God is begotten, not made, presents the tension that the Son is caused by God but not created. This claim was a point of controversy in the semi-Arian and Eunomian/Anomean disputes of the fourth century. The latter argued that unoriginateness is central to divinity. Hence, the Son, being originate, cannot be of the same nature as the Father. Some philosophers of religion today echo this same conclusion. In this article, I show, contrary to both ancient and modern critics of the begotten-not-made distinction, that the Eastern fathers offer clear differences between begetting and creating, which clarify why the distinction is cogent and necessary within their metaphysics.

NOTE: The attached PDF is of the author MS, not the journal proofs. However, the author has formatted the MS to ensure that its pagination coincides with the supplied proofs of the published version. The published essay appears in Religious Studies in 2018.

Página 1 "Portanto, vão e façam discípulos entre todos os povos. Baptizem-nos em nome do Pai, do Filho, e do Espírito Santo. Ensinem-lhes a obedecer a todos os mandamentos que vos dei. Fiquem certos de que estou sempre convosco até ao fim do mundo." (Mat. 28:19,20) 1 A ordem tinha sido dada pelo próprio mestre: "Ide, ensinai todas as nações em meu nome." 2 Estávamos no ano 30 da nossa era, numa montanha algures na Galileia, nos confins do Império Romano, e um Jesus ressuscitado, segundo o relato de Mateus, dirigia-se pela última vez aos seus discípulos, ordenando-lhes a obra de evangelização. E que obra tinham eles pela frente! Até final desse século, muito menos de 1 por cento da população de 60 milhões de habitantes do império seria cristã, mas a partir daí o

Internal debates about orthodoxy and unorthodoxy inside the Church of England have been going on for centuries. The new contribution this article hopes to make is to provide an outsider's view of these issues which will incorporate personal experiences, historical analyses, doctrinal developments, and diversifications, reflecting on three test cases, engagement with recent voices, and finally, retrospective reflection on key biblical texts which suggest that faithfulness to Scripture should lead to realignment from a dividing Church of England.

In wandering my internal "alleyways" I once found myself in a cardboard-box factory of old Tilly-sur-Seulles, a bit of dust on the worn floorboards, and an interesting array of consecrated "hosts" with blood-dappled sigils, affixed to blue silk, near a window open to a very tall elm tree. "The Oratory in Eugene Vintras' factory!" I recognized with surprise — intrigued that I had landed there, in view of the actual TREE where his predicted Madonna had appeared in Her spangled-blue belt upon a pink cloud. Of course, Eugene's Saint Michael ALSO first knocked on his door in this honest workaday environment; a rather downcast old man, curiously confiding, "I am very TIRED, everywhere I present myself, they look at me with

Joan of Arc wore men’s clothing almost continuously for the last two years of her life. Joan’s lengthy testimony at her trial for heresy clarifies how cross-dressing shaped her self-presentation and why she was unwilling to give it up despite months of pressure to do so. Joan’s supporters tended to justify her cross-dressing by citing its abnegation of feminine inferiority and its practicality for military campaigning. Neither of these conventional justifications is sustained in Joan’s verbal testimony. She never hides or renounces her womanhood, yet she refuses to give up cross-dressing when no longer on campaign. Men’s clothing emerges in Joan’s testimony as one of several aspects of masculinity in her uniquely gendered practice. Of all her contemporaries, Christine de Pisan in her "Ditié de Jehanne d’Arc" comes closest to articulating Joan’s own sense of how masculinity and femininity interrelate in her identity.

"Megaleh Temirin (Revealer of Secrets), ed. Jonatan Meir, Three volumes, Mosad Bialik, Jerusalem

Megaleh Temirin (Revealer of Secrets), first published in Vienna in 1819, is one of the sharpest and wittiest pieces of Jewish literature written in the first half of the nineteenth century, and is perhaps the most important piece of Hebrew prose composed before the stories of Mendele Mocher Seforim. A sly and complex story deriding Hasidism and Hasidim, it is told through the correspondence between the beadles of Hasidic courts and contemporary rabbis, and it presents a dark picture of  avaricious frauds and swindlers whose main concern was control over territory and the souls of believers, a goal achieved by beguiling the authorities and attacking all opponents. Perl lends his book a ‘Hasidic’ feel both in its physical design and in its language, presenting a Maskilic version of In Praise of the Ba’al Shem Tov that lays Hasidism bare so that no reader will ever be able to look at that, or any other Hasidic book, in the same way again. In addition to the book’s satiric sting, which would have been enough to bring its readers a dual pleasure, Perl’s hints at contemporary people and places, hidden within anagrams and numerological tricks. With the unraveling of these clues, which also include the use of actual Hasidic sources, the book is a valuable, contemporary view of historical reality. A meticulous reading of the book may therefore open a window on the hidden worlds of Hasidism and the Haskalah at the start of the nineteenth century.


The first volume (Imagined Hasidism) serves as an introduction to the complex satirical writings of Josef Perl of Tarnopol (1773-1839). At the center of the book stands an analysis of the satires, Megaleh Temirin (1819) and Bochen Tzadik (1838), including a systematic treatment of the ‘characters’ in the central works and a discussion of the dozens of manuscripts to be found in the Perl Archive in Jerusalem. Perl’s writings are analyzed here in the fuller context of Hebrew and Yiddish literature in general and Maskilic and Hasidic literature in particular, as well as other polemical writings and governmental records critical of Hasidism. The study thus presents a complex and nuanced picture of the relationship between literature and history, between the anti-Hasidic reports and the more complicated historical reality, and lays the groundwork for further research into the genre of nineteenth-century Maskilic satire.

The second and third volumes (Megaleh Temirin) present for the first time an annotated edition of Megaleh Temirin. It is based on the first edition and the scattered manuscripts and it includes a comparison to its Yiddish translation. The book is accompanied by appendices on its origins and contents, including fundamental treatments of several passages: an explication of the encoded names, the Hasidic sources used by the author, and the variants found in the manuscripts and in the only edition of the book in Yiddish.

The editor of the book, Professor Jonatan Meir, teaches in the Goldstein-Goren Department of Jewish Thought at Ben-Gurion University. He has published several articles on the Haskalah of Eastern Europe, Hasidism, and a number of varied topics in twentieth-century Kabbalah.


Contents

Volume 1  - Critical Edition

Concerning this edition
Key personalities
Sefer Megale Temirin – Critical Edition


Volume 2 - Appendixes:
1. Glossary, Abbreviations, Acronyms
2. Explanation of the Speaking Names
3. Perl’s Hasidic Sources
4. Manuscripts of Sefer Megale Temirin
5. Yiddish Introduction to Sefer Megale Temirin
Bibliographic Abbreviations

-------------------------------
Reviews:
(1) Dan Meron, 2013, ‘Megaleh Temirin’, Kivunim Hadashim 29, 55 pages (Hebrew)
(2) David Assaf, 2014, ‘Hasidim will not Read it but Tear it’, Haaretz, Tarbut ve-Sifrut, p .6 (Hebrew) http://onegshabbat.blogspot.co.il/2014/04/blog-post_18.html
(3) Eliezer Brodt, 2014, 'New book Announcement- Megale Temirin', The Seforim Blog http://seforim.blogspot.co.il/2014/01/new-book-announcement-megale-temirin.html
(4) Matan Hermoni, 2014,  הסבתא המופקרת של הספרות העבריתHaaretz, Sfarim (Hebrew) http://www.haaretz.co.il/.premium-1.2382365
(5) Shinichi Yamamoto, 2015, 山本　伸一, "ヨナタン・メイール編著『想像のハシディズム』", ユダヤ・イスラエル研究　第28号  http://www.waseda.jp/assoc-jsjs/jistudies.html
(6) David Biale and David Assaf,, 2015, 'Revealer Revealed', Jewish Review of Books, pp. 17-21  http://jewishreviewofbooks.com/articles/1454/revealer-revealed/
(7) Hillel Halkin, 2015, "Sex, Magic, Bigotry, Corruption- and the First Hebrew Novel', Mosaic Magazine,  http://mosaicmagazine.com/observation/2015/05/sex-magic-bigotry-corruption-and-the-first-hebrew-novel/
(8) Tomer Persico, 2015, "Interview", Lula'at haEl Blog, http://tomerpersico.com/2015/08/10/meir_perl/

In this paper, I argue that Sola Fide was formulated as the result of low social welfare, Luther’s inheritance of Roman Catholic soteriology, application of various other religious/political climates of opinion, and misinterpretation of Holy Scripture.

Briefly explores the nature of heresy and schism in the church and its effect on a primitive non-Trinitarian doctrine.  Little is known about early monarchianism today, other than that it is "heresy", but in fact, there were a wide variety of opposing doctrines that all stemmed from its early reading of scripture.

Comment parvenir au trésor de la lumière, où nous pourrons atteindre le repos et chanter la gloire du Dieu inaccessible? Fascinants et déroutants avec leurs diagrammes et leurs puissances célestes aux noms mystérieux, les Livres de Iéou nous en révèlent le chemin, parsemées d’obstacles et d’embûches, ainsi que les mots de passes et les sceaux nécessaires pour en déjouer les gardiens. Pour quiconque s’intéresse aux origines chrétiennes, ce volume rend disponible pour la première fois une traduction fiable, toutes langues modernes confondues, de ces textes énigmatiques et uniques, qui suscitent la fascination à la fois des spécialistes et des non-spécialistes. Mettant en scène un dialogue entre Jésus et ses disciples, les Livres de Iéou révèlent à leurs lecteurs la configuration des sphères célestes et fournissent tout ce que les âmes doivent connaître (sceaux, chiffres secrets et formules à réciter) et recevoir (initiation aux mystères et baptêmes) pour franchir ces mondes. Le manuscrit accompagne ces révélations de Jésus de plusieurs diagrammes et dessins, qui illustrent les mondes célestes et les sceaux dont les âmes doivent se marquer.
Malgré leur importance pour la connaissance de la diversité des courants gnostiques, les « deux Livres de Iéou » figurent parmi les textes les plus méconnus et négligés de cette littérature. Ce volume vise à leur redonner la place qui leur revient. Le lecteur y trouvera une toute nouvelle édition critique du texte copte des « deux Livres de Iéou » – la première depuis 1892 –, réalisée à partir de négatifs sur verre du manuscrit et d’une collation du codex original, conservé à la Bibliothèque bodléienne d’Oxford. L’édition critique est accompagnée d’une traduction française – la première depuis 1891 –, qui rend les traités accessibles et intelligibles, et de notes philologiques et textuelles, qui expliquent le texte copte et justifient les choix de traduction. L’édition, la traduction et les notes sont précédées d’une introduction qui renouvelle complètement la compréhension de ces textes. On y trouvera notamment l’histoire moderne du manuscrit, depuis son acquisition par l’explorateur et géographe écossais James Bruce en 1769 – d’où son nom de codex Bruce –, et des informations inédites sur l’état dans lequel se trouvait le manuscrit à ce moment. L’introduction présente également la première analyse papyrologique et codicologique du manuscrit, qui a mené à un nouvel ordonnancement du texte conservé et à l’identification, dans ce qu’on considérait traditionnellement comme un seul traité en deux parties, de trois ouvrages distincts, provenant probablement d’au moins trois manuscrits eux aussi différents. Enfin, un chapitre consacré au contenu analyse et décrit en profondeur les traités, invitant le lecteur à une nouvelle compréhension des textes.