History of Pakistan

Amrita Shodhan explores the complex legacy of Partition in India and the difficulties faced by historians in unpicking these narratives.  She re-evaluates the events of August 1947 and situates them in a longer history that forms the genealogy of the division between India and Pakistan.

Publisher's abstract:
Bangladesh did not exist as an independent state until 1971. Willem van Schendel’s state-of-the-art history navigates the extraordinary twists and turns that created modern Bangladesh through ecological disaster, colonialism, partition, a war of independence and cultural renewal. In this revised and updated edition, Van Schendel offers a fascinating and highly readable account of life in Bangladesh over the last two millennia. Based on the latest academic research and covering the numerous historical developments of the 2010s, he provides an eloquent introduction to a fascinating country and its resilient and inventive people. A perfect survey for travellers, expats, students and scholars alike.

Table of Contents

List of Plates
List of Maps and Figures
Acknowledgements
Timeline
Preface to second edition

Introduction
Part I. The Long View
1. A land of water and silt
2. Jungle, fields, cities and states
3. A region of multiple frontiers
4. The delta as a crossroads

Part II. Colonial Encounters
5. From the Mughal empire to the British empire
6. British legacies
7. A closing agrarian frontier
8. Colonial conflicts
9. Towards Partition
10. Partition
11. Population exchange

Part III. Becoming East Pakistan
12. The Pakistan experiment
13. Pakistan falls apart
14. East Pakistani livelihoods
15. The roots of aid dependence
16. A new elite and cultural renewal

Part IV. War and the Birth of Bangladesh
17. Armed conflict
18. A state is born
19. Imagining a new nation

Part V. Independent Bangladesh
20. Shaping a political system
21. The triumph of identity politics
22. Transnational linkages
23. Boom or bust?
24. Gender movements
25. A national culture?
Conclusions

Bangladesh district maps
Key political figures since 1947
Glossary of Bengali terms
Notes
Bibliography
Index


Links:
https://www.cambridge.org/gb/academic/subjects/history/south-asian-history/history-bangladesh-2nd-edition?format=PB


https://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/history/south-asian-history/history-bangladesh-2nd-edition?format=PB


https://books.google.se/books?id=Io7mDwAAQBAJ&pg=PR4&dq=bangladesh+history+2020&hl=nl&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjf4pi6v8LqAhWy5KYKHaftB80Q6AEwAHoECAAQAg#v=onepage&q&f=false

This article talks about the current religious, political and social practices, worldviews of different scholars on these practices and my personal understanding of these worldviews with a special focus on Islam and Pakistan. It is considered that Islam is a religion that promotes authoritarianism, patriarchy and moralistic views, but I argue against such allegations on the basis of Quran and its scholars. At the same time, this article is an attempt to develop a critique of unjust socio-religious practices in the name of Islam, a misleading education system and raising question that why Islam was being misinterpreted or interpreted differently by specific schools of thought. These misinterpretations can be observed in the issues of gender inequality, forced marriages, corporal punishment, discriminating minorities, victimizing other groups who have different religious opinion and introduction of brutal laws like Hudood Ordinance. This article is also a critical review of political decisions made by the politicians throughout the history of Pakistan by using Islam for political gains.

Turkey is fast becoming one of the largest markets for the trafficking of women from nearby former Soviet states who are brought into the country and forced into prostitution, an international agency said in a report released this week. Profits from the illicit sex trade in Turkey were estimated to be about $3.6 billion (€3 billion) last year and growing, the report said. About 5,000 women, more than half from Moldova and Ukraine, are believed to be working as sex slaves across Turkey, said an agency official. The prostitution networks made about $150 (€124) from each customer, with each woman serving as many as 15 clients a day.

This study aims to analyze the ethnic dilemma in the Pamir region, or Badakh Mountains of the Badakhshan region, that became the reason for the call of independence of Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region from Tajikistan. This paper also examines the socio-political linkages among the various Pamiri groups in Badakhshan Region. Likewise, the impact of a declaration of independence by Gorno-Badakhshann region on Pamiri ethnic groups in other geographically linked countries, especially in Gilgit- Baltistan is also highlighted in this study.

India and Pakistan – two multi-religious and multi-lingual countries, sharing a geographical and historical space, with indistinguishable level of extreme poverty and extreme inequality at the hour of independence – have clearly contrasting political regime histories. Throughout the six decades of independence India has remained mainly a democracy, while in Pakistan democracy has been fleetingly instated only as a facade for military-bureaucratic dominance. Why India and Pakistan have grown different fruits (in terms of political systems) despite having common roots (in terms of history and colonial legacy)? In India, Pakistan, and Democracy: Solving the puzzle of divergent paths, Philip Oldenburg – as a quasi-citizen of both countries (p.13) – sets out to get to the bottom of this puzzle.

By drawing upon a series of immensely popular Punjabi films that centre around the character of Maula Jatt, this paper explores the code of masculinity depicted in the genre of rural based Punjabi vendetta films. The character of Maula Jatt and other similar characters in Punjabi films are approached here as constitutive of a specific male cultural type. Films, it should be noted, are studied as sources through which to understand wider cultural discourses of masculinity that are compelling at a particular historical juncture. It is stressed here that in critically engaging with masculinity one has to discard notions of natural, fixed or unitary notions of maleness. Not only is masculinity in itself a relational construct, there are also numerous codes of masculinity that co-exist in a particular context. Hence, this paper is attentive to ways in which Punjabi films present a series of actions and qualities as being the sole domain of manly men as well as to the celebration of a particular code of masculinity over others and its presentation as the standard to judge the worth of all men by. For instance, the ability to protect one’s izzat (honour), which is vested in the body and chastity of women (who are under the guardianship of men), openly display arms and ammunition, exact revenge and rise against the state’s law and order machinery are heralded as markers of masculinity. Beyond examining the presentation of men in relation to women, this paper asserts the importance of examining masculinity in terms of caste identities. Approaching gender in relational terms entails the study of how hegemonic masculinities function by demonstrating their superiority not only over women but also ‘other’ men. In the films studied here, the Jatt protagonist is portrayed as representing the hegemonic masculinity. Other caste groups are measured according to their ability to live up to this form of masculinity. In turn, the Jatt’s superior masculinity is itself reified by the very fact that other caste groups are valued according to characteristics that are supposed to mark out a manly Jatt.

The Obama administration considered Pakistan “the most dangerous country in the world”  and the US Joint Chiefs of Staff worried about insurgents there gaining control of nuclear weapons. So understanding Pakistan really matters. In nearly 25 years working in and dealing with Pakistan this collection of essays is among the best I have read and some of the chapters are outstanding.

This book is a window into contemporary Pakistan and my role in
shaping it. I have lived a passionate life, perhaps an impetuous one
in my early years, but always I have focused on self-improvement and
the betterment of my country. Often I have been chastised for being too
forthright and candid, and I trust you will find these qualities reflected
here. I do not shy away from sensitive issues, circumscribed only by
certain dictates of national security.

I decided to write my autobiography after Pakistan took center stage
in the world's conflicts, including the war on terror. There has been
intense curiosity about me and the country I lead. I want the world to
learn the truth.

This collection of thirteen articles from the Journal of the Sind Historical Society concentrates on precolonial and colonial Sind. These articles reveal much about Sindh’s past and historically showcase the region’s broad socio-cultural spectrum. Scholarship frequently overlooks the subjects and people in this collection. In part, this oversight is due to so few libraries (both in Pakistan and around the world) having copies of the Journal of the Sind Historical Society. There are no reprints of these articles in any other book, nor has anyone reprinted them in their entirety since the 1930s and 1940s.

The articles in this book not only deepen knowledge about Sindh but also the history of Pakistan and the diversity of its people. They represent, like most research printed in the Journal of the Sind Historical Society, ‘forgotten’ chapters in both Sindhi and Pakistani history. These chapters celebrate Pakistan’s socio-cultural diversity and point toward how the histories of region and nation should be intertwined.

The question of legality of the Durand Line is not much of an interest for the international political and academic community. Most of the Global Powers readily buy Pakistan’s legal argument and agree that the Durand Line is a sacrosanct international boundary separating Afghanistan and Pakistan and that it has existed as it is for more than a century now.They also assert that Afghanistan had no legal rights to repudiate any agreement pertaining to their border unilaterally. However, there is a new line of scholarly investigation on the legality of the Durand Line as an international border and it questions the nature of the agreement and treaties pertaining to the Line. This paper intends to pursue the investigation further and challenge the legality of the Durand Line. For the purpose, all the original treaties and agreements signed between the Amirs of Afghanistan and the Government of India, and since 1919 between the two Governments have been studied in the paper.

UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB [MA-Part 2 ANNUAL EXAMINATION_2020]
Subject: Political Science, Paper: VI (Comparative Political Systems)

You can get Solved Paper by emailing at fatimatariq98@gmail.com.

PARTICULARLY DESIGNED FOR THE STUDENTS OF:
● CSS
● LAW
● POLITICAL SCIENCE
To purchase these notes, contact at fatimatariq98@gmail.com.
Case List:
1. Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1955 Sindh 96)
2. Usif Patel and others v/s The Crown (PLD 1955 FC 387)
3. The State v. Dosso and others (PLD 1958 SC 533)
4. Asma Jilani v. Government of Punjab (PLD 1972 SC 139)
5. Begum Nusrat Bhutto vs Chief of Army Sta etc PLD 1977 SC 657
6. Haji Muhammad Saifullah Khan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1989 SC
166)
7. Benazir Bhutto v. the President of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 492)
8. Hakim Khan v. Government of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 585)
9. Khawaja Ahmad Tariq Rahim v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 646)
10. Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif v. President of Pakistan & others PLD
1993 SC 473
11. Mahmood Khan Achakzai v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1997 SC 426)
12. Benazir Bhutto v. the President of Pakistan (PLD 1998 SC 388)
13. Zafar Ali Shah vs General Pervez Musharraf (PLD 2000 SC 869)
14. State versus Zia-ur-Rehman [PLD 1973 SC 49]
15. Al-Jehad Trust versus Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1996 SC 34)

You can also purchase a single case in PKR 50 if required.

"Reflecting Pakistan’s increasing multifaceted problems, the book under review presents the history of Pakistan of the last six decades. It highlights the major turning points that have shaped Pakistan’s “historical travails”. It emphasizes, in particular, the “increased entrenchment” of the army in Pakistan’s politics  and economy; the issues surrounding the role of Islam in public life; the  tensions between central and local and democratic urges; and the impact of  the geo-political influences on internal development.
The book is a lucid and comprehensive exploration of Pakistan’s past and present which highlights solutions for future prospects. It is an excellent contribution and a must-read for all those interested in the history, culture, society and security of Pakistan."

"Mass communication refers to the process by which we communicate with a large group of people through mass media" The source in the mass communication situation is a group of individuals who usually act within predetermined roles in an organizational setting. In other words mass communication is the end product of more than one person. Mass media is a source of communication with masses and communication through mass media is mass communication. In mass communication, society communicates with itself as an individual or a group of people convey a message to the large group of people and they use transmitter of information such as magazines, newspaper, radio, television, books and posters or combination of these. Types of Mass Communication There are two types of mass communication: 1. Micro-mass Communication 2. Macro-mass communication Micro-mass Communication: In this type of communication, we communicate with smaller number of people such as professor to his students. Usually this type of mass communication does not require any channel for conveying message to the audience. Macro-mass communication: In this type of mass communication, we communicate with a large group of people. We communicate for conveying our messages to the large group of people through radio, TV, magazines and posters. In this way sender always uses channel for communication because communication with large group of people is not possible without any channel.

ABSTRAC Pakistan although is overwhelmingly a Muslim majority state, however some minority religions exist in it too. The formation of Pakistan was based on the struggle by Muslim minority to get equal rights and representation in the body politic of India. The founding father of Pakistan Quaid-e-Azam made it clear that all the minorities in Pakistan would be completely free to practice and profess their resptective religions in independent Pakistan. Since independence various governenments have taken measures to accommodate minorites in every aspect of life in Pakistan. One aspect in which minorities have been neglected is 'curriculum'. In the educational system of Pakistan in terms of religious education only Islam is beign tought to all students all across Pakistran. It has been obsereved that the students belonging to minority religions are given a choice to study Islam or some other alternate subject of scinece or Humanities. They are not offered a course designed to offer the study of their religion. This breeds a feeling of alienation in the hearts of religious minorities and bifercate the society. In veiw of many scholars it is imperative to inculcate a sense of inclusion in the hearts of minorities through variosu measures. Curriculum canplay an important role in this regards to build a more coherant society in pakistan if the memebrs of religious minorities are offered to take courses in their religion or a course of comparative religions.

In the race of two R’s; revenue and rating, we often
see that news agencies would go to any lengths to
make their news sensational. News and reports lack
in-depth research and prioritize entertaining
people. Their target is to make their news
"sensational" and to make it stand out among other
news about the same topic. Yellow journalism,
Paparazzi and Tabloidism are few examples of such
style of news reporting. Pakistani media industry
has also been affected by these unprofessional
ways. Keeping in view the fact that Today’s News is
Tomorrow’s history, we are making wrong history.
All kinds of medium of mass communication are
considered primary sources of history because they
are written in the contemporary times. This
research will be mainly focused on the
aforementioned phenomenon and how they have
affected Pakistani media industry directly and
history of Pakistan indirectly and what is the future of journalism and history of Pakistan due to such
practices.

Analytic piece on music, languages and nation formation in Coke Studio Pakistan. Published in Dawn newspaper, on August 25, 2019. It includes the original piece submitted to Icon/Dawn, with the proper footnotes and percentage numbers, omitted in the published edition. It also includes the spreadsheets with the numeric data, displaying quantities and percentages.

This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group -defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.

This study attempts to explore, investigate and analyse causes and consequences of the pliability of the cultural heritage of Pakistan which is showing the signs of disappearing on the eve of extremism in Pakistan particularly of the Kalasha by focusing on the Kalasha people. The Kalasha were raided by the Muslims inthe 14 th century. The demarcation of Durand Line (Pak-Afghan border) in 1893 became their lifeline when they fell to the British Indian government while their tribe fellows at the other side of the Pak-Afghan border in Afghanistan were forcefully converted as a whole in 1896. Somehow, the Kalasha of Pakistan were leading their life according to their dastoor (culture & religion) and then military coup of 1977 brought ill-fate for them under pseudo Islamization of military ruler Gen. Zia-ul-Haq. The Talibanization/extremism suppressed the Kalasha indigenous tribe. The event of 9/11 devastatingly hit the tribe for their faith and their strategic location. As reactions and chain reactions of War on Terror many extremists and terrorist groups mushroomed, especially in tribal agencies and in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan recently threatened the Kalasha to convert their faith or to be ready for genocide. The Kalasha people are seeking their survival through their unique identity. They could earn soft image trait for Pakistan, but unfortunately, extremism, terrorism and ill-governance of the state losing it for decades. If the government failed to protect them, we will lose a unique tribe and culture.

Pakistan's constitution has experienced a thorough evolution in her short history. This paper explores this constitutional development thoroughly through the pre- and post- independence years. The clashes of various interest groups in a diverse society packed in a small piece of land, this journey explores how a third-world society may go through political exploitation and lead onto better democratic values.

A lot of terracotta figurines were made in the Indus Valley between 3150 B.C. and 1080 B.C. In that period, heaven and earth were dominated by a limited number of deities: first by Kartikeya and his three spouses and later by Saraṇyū and her twins Yama and Yami. These seven deities provided prosperity: they produced corn, fish, poultry, cattle and the mind-expanding soma drink. Above all, their main activity was that they gave children to humanity. Because they were so important in the Indus Valley Civilization the seven deities were constantly symbolized on seals and they were also portrayed by terracotta figurines.

One of the landmark cases in Constitutional History of Pakistan.

Notes on the following cases are also available. Feel free to contact at fatimatariq98@gmail.com

Case List:

1. Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1955 Sindh 96)
2. Usif Patel and others v/s The Crown (PLD 1955 FC 387)
3. The State v. Dosso and others (PLD 1958 SC 533)
4. Asma Jilani v. Government of Punjab (PLD 1972 SC 139)
5. Begum Nusrat Bhutto vs Chief of Army Sta etc PLD 1977 SC 657
6. Haji Muhammad Saifullah Khan v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1989 SC
166)
7. Benazir Bhutto v. the President of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 492)
8. Hakim Khan v. Government of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 585)
9. Khawaja Ahmad Tariq Rahim v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1992 SC 646)
10. Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif v. President of Pakistan & others PLD
1993 SC 473
11. Mahmood Khan Achakzai v. Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1997 SC 426)
12. Benazir Bhutto v. the President of Pakistan (PLD 1998 SC 388)
13. Zafar Ali Shah vs General Pervez Musharraf (PLD 2000 SC 869)
14. State versus Zia-ur-Rehman [PLD 1973 SC 49]
15. Al-Jehad Trust versus Federation of Pakistan (PLD 1996 SC 34)

The very complexity of that story, however, puts it beyond the compass
of a book of this size. Accordingly, I have settled for a more limited - and
manageable - project: to describe and explain the process by which Indians and Pakistanis emancipated themselves from the seemingly iron-clad yoke of British imperialism. This seems to me the aspect of the South Asian story most directly accessible to an international undergraduate audience, and the one most in keeping with the style and purpose of this series. It also goes to the heart of what sets modern India apart from most other countries of Asia, namely its vigorously democratic polity - which in turn begs the question of why India has remained for the most part steadfast in its attachment to parliamentary democracy while Pakistan (and Bangladesh), emergent from the same imperial structure, have repeatedly succumbed to military coups .