Consociationalism Research Papers

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14th in Paris 1995, the political but also general social scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been overwhelmed with the issues of reforms and changes in regard to the... more

Pointing to a number of informal dynamics in small societies that are supposed to enhance cooperation and consensus, traditional studies on power-sharing posit that small states are ‘most likely’ candidates for stable, multiethnic... more

McGarry, John, and Brendan O'Leary, eds. 1990. The Future of Northern Ireland. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

The book is out of print. Copyright retained by the editors and the several contributors

The merits of consociation as a means of solving the Northern Ireland conflict are presented through contrasting it with other ways of stabilizing highly divided political systems. Why voluntary consociation has been unsuccessful in... more

This report presents case study findings from a two-year research and policy-dialogue initiative that explores how international peacemakers and development aid providers affect social cohesion in conflict-affected countries. Field... more

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- by Marie-Joelle Zahar
- •
- 5
  Religion, Lebanon, Consociationalism, Social cohesion

This chapter examines the prospects of a consociational compromise in Spain and Catalonia as a response to the protracted constitutional stalemate between the two governments. While Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s had a... more

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- by Paul Anderson
- •
- 7
  Spanish politics, Spain, Consociationalism, Catalonia

The theory of consociational democracy has emphasized the internal conditions under which elites in “segmented pluralist” countries may choose such a strategy. This article suggests a distinction between genetic and sustaining conditions... more

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- by Gerhard Lehmbruch
- •
- Consociationalism

Through a case study of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland, this article examines the contention that consociational power-sharing, in its determination to include dominant and conflicting identity groups, exalts these identities and... more

Nationalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina had prevailed in the last decade of the 20th century. Notwithstanding that nationalism is a political principle, a sentimental assumption or an ideology, Nationalism is considered as a global... more

The introduction defines what is meant by "value politics" and shows how values are the touchstones of dynamics of consensus and conflicts in all societies. It maps the interdisciplinary state of the art about values in social sciences.... more

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- by François Foret and +1
  Airo Hino
- •
- 18
  Religion, Comparative Politics, Social Networks, Values

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- by Victor Barraso Ibañez
- •
- 3
  Belgium, Consociationalism, Basque Conflict

The Netherlands has been categorized as a consociational democracy from the period between 1917 and 1967, while some principles made a comeback from 1977 to 2003. Lebanon too has been categorized as such from its independence in 1943 up... more

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- by Maryam K Al Qasimi
- •
- 7
  Comparative Politics, Lebanon, Electoral Systems, Consociationalism

The South Caucasus region is quite diverse in its cultural, ethnic, civilization, religious and social structure. At the same time after the collapse of the Soviet Union, emerged numerous internal conflicts significantly hindered the... more

The South Caucasus region is quite diverse in its cultural, ethnic, civilization, religious and social structure. At the same time after the collapse of the Soviet Union, emerged numerous internal conflicts significantly hindered the democratization process in the region. The quarter-century post-Soviet experience shows that with some differences mainly pseudo-democratic or even autocratic regimes are established in South Caucasus countries. Many researches affirm that in plural societies of Azerbaijan and Georgia ethnocratic elements are also observed. In these countries the influence of dominant ethnic groups over other ethnicities not explicitly are encouraged by authorities. Local researchers of ten explain this situation by the transitional period. However, other numerous studies show that in these countries ethnic-based governments aspire to be strengthened. Therefore, these countries could not lead to a fully democratic transition, and in result, they will be able to build ethnic democracies or authoritarian regimes. In this case, the cultural, religious and linguistic identity of subordinate ethnicities will be in danger. To prevent such possible developments, the article explores the idea of cultural relativism as opposition to the ethnocentrism. The cultural relativism treats all ethnic segments of the same plural society as equal. And in this case, the most relevant model of democracy can be the consociational model which continues to be successfully use d for decades in many plural European states such as Netherlands, Belgium, etc. The article argues that in South Caucasus plural states the consociational discourse can be a real tool to build a democratic political culture. Based on the universal objectives and common interests, the consociational discourse tends to create guarantees of equality and security for all segments in South Caucasus plural states. Only on the base of civic culture devel opment, the consociational democracy model implementation can be efficient.

This is paperback edition of the 1999 book, unchanged except for a brief Epilogue dealing with Kosovo. I still think this is the most detailed study of constitutionalism at the end of Yugoslavia, and in the constitutional design of the... more

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- by Robert M Hayden
- •
- 19
  Democratic Theory, Balkan Studies, Contemporary History, Nationalism

Il Sud Tirolo e l’Irlanda del Nord sono due contesti profondamente divisi, dove le fratture non solo etniche, religiose, linguistiche, ma soprattutto nazionali hanno un ruolo rilevante in politica. Sono regioni di frontiera, dove queste... more

Il Sud Tirolo e l’Irlanda del Nord sono due contesti profondamente divisi, dove le fratture non solo etniche, religiose, linguistiche, ma soprattutto nazionali hanno un ruolo rilevante in politica. Sono regioni di frontiera, dove queste divisioni sono state e a volte rimangono conflittuali, con fenomeni di violenza politica di varia intensità. Ma sono anche due importanti percorsi di risoluzione del conflitto, non di distruzione dell’avversario, ma di accomodazione, compromesso, patto per la condivisione del potere. Le caratteristiche principali di questo accordo sono racchiuse in un intreccio istituzionale, dove i principi dell’inclusione e della divisione dei gruppi si reificano in ordinamenti complessi, analizzati dalla letteratura secondo due tipi ideali: la democrazia consociativa, di cui l’Irlanda del Nord rappresenta ad oggi l’esempio più fortunato e l’autonomia come autodeterminazione interna, per il caso del Sud Tirolo. È evidente, però, che questi due tipi ideali sono utili per comprendere entrambi i contesti, tanto quello nordirlandese quanto quello sudtirolese.
Questa tesi vuole analizzare come l’unione tra meccanismi di condivisione del potere tra gruppi costitutivi e il trasferimento di poteri dall’autorità centrale a quella periferica influisca sulla vita e l’azione dei governi. Le domande di ricerca saranno quindi: come sono governati l’Irlanda del Nord e il Sud Tirolo? Quali le loro forme di governo? Quali le caratteristiche dell’autonomia e del power sharing negli esecutivi? Come le istituzioni influenzano i partiti? E come contribuisce questo panorama alla stabilità o instabilità dei regimi presi in esame? Dopo un’introduzione definitoria e contestuale, nel primo capitolo verranno analizzati criticamente i contributi della letteratura sulla democrazia consociativa, sull’autonomia e sul cosiddetto complex power sharing. In seguito, verrà tracciato un rapido quadro sui casi, collocandoli nella storia e negli apporti teorici. Il terzo capitolo, invece, descriverà i meccanismi di formazione e composizione degli esecutivi dell’Irlanda del Nord e del Sud Tirolo, evidenziandone le esigenze e i differenti metodi di condivisione del potere. Successivamente, verranno approfonditi i peculiari sistemi partitici, in particolare la loro dinamica nel contesto istituzionale. Il quinto capitolo, infine, esaminerà come i diversi profili dell’autonomia influiscono sulla condivisione del potere nel governo e sulla sua stabilità.
Nell’autonomo Sud Tirolo, il power sharing governativo, nelle sue indicazioni minime ma chiare, risponde all’esigenza di protezione della minoranza italiana. Le garanzie per le minoranze sono considerate inscindibili dall’ampia autonomia, richiesta e ottenuta dalla maggioranza tedesca. Vari fattori, ma soprattutto la stabilità della norma costituzionale, hanno reso il Sud Tirolo un modello efficiente di risoluzione del conflitto. In Irlanda del Nord, invece, ad un’istituzionalizzazione maggiore delle garanzie consociative non è seguita una fissazione normativa dell’autonomia che, anche se con alcune costrizioni internazionali, resta legata alla sovranità parlamentare. Questo ha influito sulla vita del governo, conferendo alla maggioranza unionista una sorta di potere di veto sulla condivisione del potere, che ha contribuito e contribuisce all’instabilità della regione.

Consociational Democracy was the theory introduced by Arend Lijphart, a world renowned political scientist specializing in comparative politics. It's a power-sharing form of democracy often recommended to deeply divided societies because... more

Almost half a century after its first formulation by Arend Lijphart (1968), the consociational model of democracy remains deeply contested and fiercely criticised.

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- by Konstantinos Athanasiadis
- •
- 6
  Religious Pluralism, Lebanon, Democracy, Consociationalism

This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the... more

This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group -defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.

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- by Katharine Adeney
- •
- 5
  Indian studies, Federalism, Pakistan, History of Pakistan

Full academic CV. Many items are downloadable from my U Penn website:
https://www.polisci.upenn.edu/people/standing-faculty/brendan-oleary

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- by Brendan O'Leary
- •
- 16
  Irish Studies, Democratic Theory, Conflict, Kurdish Studies

THE IMPLEMENTATION OF CONSOCIATIONAL STRATEGY IN SOUTH CAUCASUS LEVON SHIRINYAN Abstract The study explores the comprehensive picture of consociational democracy with its regional security component. In post-Soviet South Caucasus,... more

THE IMPLEMENTATION OF CONSOCIATIONAL STRATEGY IN SOUTH CAUCASUS
LEVON SHIRINYAN

Abstract
The study explores the comprehensive picture of consociational democracy with its regional security component. In post-Soviet South Caucasus, especially in Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia under the influence of various factors uncontrolled and hegemonic ethnocratic (Azerbaijan, Georgia) or plutocratic (Armenia) societies emerged instead of genuine democracy. In the course of time it has become apparent that in these societies some theoretical requirements pointed out by Arend Lijphart,viz. the autonomy of segments (in Azerbaijan and Georgia) or specific interests (in Armenia), are ignored. Meanwhile, each of these countries needs coexistence and harmonious development, which are ensured through the implementation of the consociational democracy model.

CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN PLURAL AND UNITARY SOCIETIES
HAYK SUKIASYAN

Abstract
The current view of democracy differs from former classical concepts. The diversity of modern societies and states, complex social stratification, unequal distribution of wealth of the society, the emergence of new classes and segments dramatically change contemporary views and ideas about democracy.
The development of democracy or the search for progress in the society in the context of confrontation is not a productive way. Confrontation between the majority and minority can the victory of one part. However, it may not necessarily be the best part. Sometimes or even often confrontation can lead to the destruction of one of the parts, thus to the upsetting of the balance. The issue is not in opposition but in establishing balance. It is a natural law. Then natural law is the balance. Therefore, restoring the balance is the foundation of democratic development.
In this context, the consociational model of democracy differs favorably due to its functionality.
Most societies, including most post-Soviet societies are plural, and they are characterized by “segment differences”. These differences may be religious, ideological, lingual regional, racial or ethnic characters. Populations, which are separated on this basis, feed by segments of plural society. Such society in general has problems of political stability and of balance between the different segments. The imbalance in favor of one of the ethnic groups inevitably leads to ethnocracy, i.e. to the domination of one ethnic group over other ethnic groups. In plural societies there are two ways for political stability and for balance between different segments of society: the first is federalism, and the second is consociational democracy of Arend Lijphart.

THE NEED FOR CIVIC CULTURE TO IMPLEMENT
CONSOCIATIONAL DEMOCRACY IN
SOUTH CAUCASUS PLURAL STATES
EMIL ORDUKHANYAN

Abstract
The South Caucasus region is quite diverse in its cultural, ethnic, civilization, religious and social structure. At the same time after the collapse of the Soviet Union, emerged numerous internal conflicts significantly hindered the democratization process in the region. The quarter-century post-Soviet experience shows that with some differences mainly pseudo-democratic or even autocratic regimes are established in South Caucasus countries. Many researches affirm that in plural societies of Azerbaijan and Georgia ethnocratic elements are also observed. In these countries the influence of dominant ethnic groups over other ethnicities not explicitly are encouraged by authorities. Local researchers often explain this situation by the transitional period. However, other numerous studies show that in these countries ethnic-based governments aspire to be strengthened. Therefore, these countries could not lead to a fully democratic transition, and in result, they will be able to build ethnic democracies or authoritarian regimes. In this case, the cultural, religious and linguistic identity of subordinate ethnicities will be in danger. To prevent such possible developments, we explore the cultural relativism as opposition to the ethnocentrism. The cultural relativism treats all ethnic segments of the same plural society as equal. And in this case, the most relevant model of democracy can be the consociational model which continues to be successfully used for decades in many plural European states such as Netherlands, Belgium, Northern Ireland etc.
We argue that in South Caucasus plural states the consociational discourse can be a real tool to build a democratic political culture. As a universal objective, the consociational discourse tends to create guarantees of equality and security for all segments in South Caucasus plural states. Only on the base of civic culture development, the consociational democracy model implementation can be efficient.

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- by Emil Ordukhanyan and +1
  hayk sukiassyan
- •
- 3
  Democratization, Consociationalism, Post Soviet Transformation of the South Caucasus

‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬ ‫ـﻮ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫وﻫ‬ ‫واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ،‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ،‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن.‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ً ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬ ‫إﻟﻰ‬ ‫ودﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ر‬ ّ ‫ﻃﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮزﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬ (Consensus) ‫ـﺎع‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـﻤ‬ ‫ـ‬... more

‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬ ‫ـﻮ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫وﻫ‬ ‫واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ،‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ،‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن.‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ً ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎد‬ ‫إﻟﻰ‬ ‫ودﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ر‬ ّ ‫ﻃﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮزﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬ (Consensus) ‫ـﺎع‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـﻤ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـﺎﻹﺟ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﺑ‬ ‫أﻣﺮ‬ ‫وﻫﻮ‬ ، ً ‫دورﻳﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎت‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺼﺺ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺌﺎت‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮاﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺿﻊ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ.‬ ‫ﻋﺎم‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺬي‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺜﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻬﺎرت‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎل‬ ‫ﻛﺎن‬ (World ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺔ‬ ‫ـﻲ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﻓ‬ ١٩٦٩ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫وﺿﻌﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎت‬ ‫أوﻟﻰ‬ Politics) ‫وﻣﺪى‬ (Consociational) ‫اﻟﺘﻮاﻓﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ـﺎت،‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ودراﺳ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ـﺪة‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﻋ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌﻬﺎ‬ ، ‫ﱠ‬ ‫ـﻢ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﺛ‬ ‫ـﻦ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫وﻣ‬ ‫ـﺎ،‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ـﺪواﻫ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﺟ‬ . (١) ‫اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬ ‫ـﺬا‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﻫ‬ ‫ـﻮل‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﺣ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ر‬ ّ ‫ـﻮ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ﻃ‬  ‫وﻗﺮاءات‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻬﺎرت‬ ‫أرﻧﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﻧﻤﺎط‬ ‫ﻋﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ص.‬ ٤١٤ .(٢٠١٥ ‫واﻟﻨﺸﺮ،‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮزﻳﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎت‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫)ﺑﻴﺮوت:‬ (*) ‫ﻋﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎس‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ.‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺣﺪة‬ ‫دراﺳﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎون‬ abbasassi@caus.org.lb.

This essay will attempt to examine the factors behind escalation of the conflict, why the conflict is still there, and how initiatives are evaluated to resolve the conflict. Knowledge from a recent excursion to Bosnia and Herzegovina... more

This study sets out to explore why the consociational prescription to have cultural autonomy in education contributes to perpetuating ethnic conflict instead of conflict resolving, in post-war societies like Bosnia and Herzegovina. The... more

This study sets out to explore why the consociational prescription to have cultural autonomy in education contributes to perpetuating ethnic conflict instead of conflict resolving, in post-war societies like Bosnia and Herzegovina. The prescription is to recognise and strengthen the major ethnic groups through decentralisation of decision-making in education. The study analyses a fragmented and politicised educational system, and its consequences for inter-ethnic relations, which are analysed and presented as manifestations of exclusivist, educational protectionism.

The single-case study on consociational post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina builds on interview data from a three-week-long fieldwork in Mostar and Sarajevo, in January 2016. It uses a constructivist perspective to analyse conflict and to understand how ethnic boundaries are being constructed. It is genuinely inter-disciplinary, drawing on work from social anthropology and comparative education, while remaining firmly rooted in the discipline of comparative politics.

It concludes that the cultural autonomy prescription assumes a recognition of equality (Donald Horowitz' term) between the major ethnic groups, that it requires such a recognition to contribute to conflict resolving, but that it is unable to produce such a recognition. Decentralisation in education serves to empower the majority ethnic group in the various administrative units, at the cost of ethnic minorities. Without a recognition of equality, the Bosnian case shows, the consociational approach to cultural autonomy in education is fundamentally incapable of handling diversity.

Consociationalism correctly values the importance of education, but an emphasis on recognition and strengthening of ethnic groups also have inter-group effects, which must also be tackled. The failure to theorise the ‘negative face of education in ethnic conflict’ is attributed to an instance of conceptual stretching, and a failure to consider a mainstream constructivist perspective on the construction and maintenance of ethnic boundaries. Measures to increase internal cohesion also increase external differentiation. Educational protectionism in Bosnia is associated with particularistic claims for group rights, and is manifested in ethnically slated, mono-perspective curricula and various forms of segregation in schooling, most visibly in the “two schools under one roof”, where the students are separated on the basis of their ethnicity.

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- by Snorre Standish Norheim
- •
- 12
  Religion, Education, Segregation, Yugoslavia

In the early twentieth century, three provinces of the Austrian half of the Habsburg Empire enacted national compromises in their legislation that had elements of non-territorial autonomy provisions. Czech and German politicians in... more

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- by Börries Kuzmany
- •
- 34
  Czech History, Polish History, Legal History, Nationalism

The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement both ended the Bosnian War and created the consociational democracy that exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina to this day. The ethnic autonomy created by the Dayton Agreement has resulted in a frozen conflict... more

Abstract: The comparison of domestic political structures is a missing component of the literature on the Cyprus conflict. This article reviews efforts to transform an antagonistic political structure to an agonistic one in Cyprus.... more

"El volumen arroja luz sobre la complicada y multifacética relación entre nacionalismo y democracia, mediante el examen de cómo el nacionalismo confiorma y es conformado, en diversos períodos y contextos, por la prácticas democráticas o... more

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- by Luis Moreno and +1
  Andre Lecours
- •
- 24
  Eastern European Studies, Multiculturalism, Basque Studies, Galician Studies

The objective of this report is to enrich the public debate on these complex issues. Greater understanding of the current debate and the options for a decentralized governance structure in Somalia could support the current process towards... more

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- by Afyare Abdi Elmi
- •
- 8
  African Studies, Comparative Politics, Political Science, Governance

This paper considers the prospect of using the Constitution of Ireland as the basis for a iunited Ireland Constitution. It is perhaps assumed by some political commentators in the South that this approach – similar to the German... more

Lebanon is frequently referred to as a model of a plural and stable democracy in the Middle East: a multi-ethnic and pluri-religious society that guarantees political representation through a power-sharing confessional framework. Numerous... more

This dissertation seeks to answer whether the confessional system is able to produce a stable democracy in Lebanon in the long-term. Power-sharing models -typified by Arend Lijphart's typology of consociational democracy -are often deemed... more

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- by Sally Nelson
- •
- 6
  Middle East Studies, Lebanon, Syria, Middle East

This is chapter-V of my PhD dissertation, titled: 'Consociationalism & Ethnic Discord in Pakistan'.

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- by Katharine Adeney
- •
- 4
  Federalism, Pakistan, Democracy, Consociationalism

This chapter examines the dynamics of ethnopolitics in Manipur particularly how the state fallsinto 'ethnocracy trap' and thus perpetuate ethnocratic regimes. Rather than looking into thedemand for internal autonomy within the... more

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- by T Haokip
- •
- 5
  Northeast India, Democracy, Consociationalism, Manipur

""This book sheds light on the complicated, multifaceted relationship between nationalism and democracy by examining how nationalism in various periods and contexts shapes, or is shaped by, democratic practices or the lack thereof. This... more

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- by Luis Moreno
- •
- 30
  Sociology, Eastern European Studies, Anthropology, Multiculturalism

Studies of the Arab-Zionist matrix are ordinarily written from what may be termed as a territorially Palestine-centric vantage-point; this -obviously -makes sense since the conflict"s sorrows, battles, deaths, expulsions and displacements... more

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- by Moshe Behar
- •
- 113
  Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Ethnic Studies

In May 2018, Malaysia’s Barisan Nasional (BN) lost power for the first time since the country’s independence. Although the opposition finally succeeded in assuming the reins of government after three failed attempts since 1990, the... more

In this chapter Asier Blas focuses on the Basque state as the most effective instrument for the management of the diverse cultures that have a place in present-day Euskal Herria, taking as its point of departure the diversity of national... more

Ending intrastate wars has required peace agreements that accomodate many different actors in deeply divided societies. Agreements like the Ta´if and the Dayton Accord, provided specifications for the necessary power-sharing arrangements... more

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- by Laura S
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- 2
  Post-Conflict State Building, Consociationalism

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- by Adem Beha
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- 10
  Political Parties, Albanian Studies, Identity politics, Kosovo

This paper aims to discuss about some of the dominant theories and discourses of the contemporary world politics; pluralism, multiculturalism and Consociationalism. On the one hand, these three approaches shares some common grounds on the... more

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- by Nirdesh Silwal
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- 6
  Political Philosophy, Multiculturalism, Political Science, Democracy

A collection of articles on power-sharing in Asia and Oceania by Benjamin Reilly, Graham Hassall, Natalia Bahlawan, Rafał Kłeczek, and Krzysztof Trzcinski in Special Issue of ACTA ASIATICA VARSOVIENSIA, No. 30 (1), 2017, Edited by... more

Bu tez Lübnan'da ulus olgusunun inşa ediliş sürecini konu almaktadır. Lübnan, birçok farklı mezhebe ev sahipliği yapması hasebiyle Ortadoğu'nun en kozmopolit ülkelerinden biridir. Onu bölgedeki diğer ülkelerden ayıran en önemli... more

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- by Fahri Danis
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- 29
  Multiculturalism, Middle East Studies, Nationalism, Lebanon

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- by Damir Kapidžić
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- 4
  Democracy, Consociationalism, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Power Sharing

As far as I know, this is the most detailed analysis available in English of the Slovenian-Croatian proposed "Model for a Confederacy in Yugoslavia" of mid-1990. It's interesting for several reasons. One is that it contains provisions... more

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- by matilde peinado rodríguez
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- 4
  Conflict, Consociationalism, Identity, Devolution

The social science literature on ethnically divided states is huge and varied, but suggestions for constitutional solutions are strangely uniform: “loose federations” of ethnically defined ministates, with minimal central authority... more

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- by Robert M Hayden
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- 15
  Democratic Theory, Bosnia, Yugoslavia, Comparative Constitutional Law

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- by Andrea Baldi
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- 8
  Middle East Studies, Lebanon, Middle East Politics, Consociationalism

Consociationalism

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