Intercultural Communication and Public Diplomacy

A new definition of public diplomacy has been presented by developing conceptional framework. According to the definition, “public diplomacy is a new style of diplomacy based on soft power, civil society-oriented, and public opinion-focus”. Subsequently, the interdisciplinary public diplomacy model has been developed by utilizing public relations, communication, propaganda and cultural-art activity, instrument and methods. In conclusion, a new analysis framework has been developed for the societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy during Ak Party era with the newly developed theoretical-conceptual framework and the model of public diplomacy in this research. It is claimed that this newly analysis framework could bring a new perspective in analyzing Turkish foreign policy in the era of Ak Party and to bring forth this rather neglected societal dimension of Turkish foreign policy.

This article aims to provide a retrospective view of the Peace Corps in Turkey. It is based on a number of books and articles written by returned Peace Corps Volunteers as well as personal and email interviews and correspondence with some of the surviving volunteers who are now in their late seventies or early eighties. It also includes the ideas of a number of Turkish academics and educators, whom this author interviewed, on the Peace Corps and the volunteers they met.

While religion is often considered a cultural element of soft
power, religious institutions are rarely studied as diplomatic
actors. The purpose of this study was to better understand
the manner in with the Catholic Church attempts to build
relationships with foreign audiences, a key function of
public diplomacy. Emphasising the role of Pope Francis as
an iconic world leader, this study employed a qualitative
textual analysis to determine what themes are selected and
emphasised in papal speeches in order to construct the
strategic narrative of the Catholic Church. Results suggest
that Pope Francis’ speeches rely most on narratives of
universal identity and values, shared responsibility, and calls
to action to present the Catholic Church more favourably in
the eyes of both Catholic and non-Catholic audiences
around the world. These findings contribute to the study of
public diplomacy, the concept of strategic narrative, and
the theoretical framework of framing.

Countries aim to enhance their image in order to derive economic, trade, tourism benefits, but also to create political and military alliances, cultural or ideological benefits. For this reason, the increase of image is an important dimension for the performance of the state interest. To accomplish this interest by increasing international image of the country, state and non-state actors take various measures often using communication channels, spots, they organize various student's visits, or cultural exchanges etc. This paper deals with strategic communication activities in Kosovo to increase its image, the value selected for this purpose, is communication channel and the expected effect of these activities. Findings show that the most expensive campaigns, was wrong value message, communication channels and the public didn't see in holistic perspective.

is a Brazilian graduate in International Relations with a Master ' s degree in Diplomacy, Law and Global Change (Coventry University, UK). His main achievements are: (i) distinguished student award; (ii) honourable mention award for monograph course-work. Topic: Internationalization of Brazilian Universities; (iii) committee ' s director of United Nations simulation models; and (iv) Alban scholarship grantee -an EU Scholarship of high performance for Latin American students.

Countries aim to enhance their image in order to derive economic, trade, tourism benefits, but also to create political and military alliances, cultural or ideological benefits. For this reason, the increase of image is an important dimension for the performance of the state interest. To accomplish this interest by increasing international image of the country, state and non-state actors take various measures often using communication channels, spots, they organize various student’s visits, or cultural exchanges etc. This paper deals with strategic communication activities in Kosovo to increase its image, the value selected for this purpose, is communication channel and the expected effect of these activities. Findings show that the most expensive campaigns, was wrong value message, communication channels and the public didn't see in holistic perspective.

Keywords: image, national brand, strategic communication, communication channel, Kosovo.

The Internet revolution has affected all aspects of life, including International relations. Diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy has also being transformed by this revolution. This paper examines the concept of digital diplomacy, focusing on the use of digital media in the field of diplomacy and how countries are utilizing these tools in the pursuit of their foreign policies. It examines the opportunities and challenges these media offer for diplomatic activities, and argues that countries cannot afford to be left behind in this era of digital diplomacy as they can greatly benefit from these emerging diplomatic trends. Digital diplomacy and Internet activities as a whole can greatly assist in projecting a state's foreign policy positions to domestic and foreign audiences.

This edited volume examines three aspects of strategic influence, which the authors agree cannot function well without one another: public diplomacy, or soft power; counterpropaganda; and the hard but nonkinetic power of political warfare.

Chapter authors are Stephen C. Baker, Angelo Codevilla, Andrew Garfield, John Lenczowski, Carnes Lord, Jennifer Marshall, Juliana Geran Pilon, Robert Reilly, Herbert Romerstein, David Spencer, Hampton Stephens, John J. Tierney, and the book's editor, J. Michael Waller.

Some of the nation's leading thinkers and practitioners combine talents in this edited volume to discuss elements of strategic influence as weapons of warfare. They include: J Michael Waller, the editor of this volume; Angelo Codevilla, Andrew Garfield, Carnes Lord, Juliana Geran Pilon, Robert Reilly, the late Herbert Romerstein, David Spencer and James Tierney, and emerging figures including Stephen Baker, Jennifer Marshall and Hampton Stephens.

This 500-page volume is an edited collection of articles, letters, essays, and official documents about public diplomacy in history and in practice. The Public Diplomacy Reader was edited as a textbook by Dr J Michael Waller for his graduate students.

Citizen diplomacy – or, track three diplomacy - is not only useful, but vital for public discourse and the transmission of new ideas conceived in other diplomacy tracks throughout society. It creates avenues for social change that "traditional" track two processes are not concerned with. By aiming to change conflict affected societies from within at the grassroots level, citizen diplomacy can "pave the way" for future back-channel success. Track three diplomacy is not always conducted part and parcel with track two efforts; it can be done for its own sake. This paper has five sections: the first goes through Definitions of Official diplomacy, back channel diplomacy, and track three diplomacy; the second section looks at the shape and role of the intermediary in track three diplomacy, The third section identifies some common objectives of track three processes, the fourth section asks why track three diplomacy is useful; the fifth section will look at some strategies for citizen diplomacy, and the final leg identifies some methods for measuring the efficacy of track three projects.
(This paper was written for a 4th Year Track Two Diplomacy Course at the University of Ottawa. Instructor: Peter Jones)

The 2020 Comprehensive Annual Report on Public Diplomacy and International Broadcasting, published by the ACPD per its congressional mandate, assesses the major public diplomacy and global media activities conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM).  Based on data collected from the State Department’s Public Diplomacy bureaus and offices, the Public Affairs Sections at U.S. embassies worldwide, and the USAGM, the report serves as a unique reference document, highlighting public diplomacy strategies and resources used to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives.  The report also serves as a platform for innovation, assuring that U.S. government public diplomacy initiatives remain effective in a consistently competitive global information environment.  Finally, the 2020 report showcases U.S. public diplomacy’s embrace of diversity, to include the promotion of broad information sharing networks, multiple viewpoints and voices, and varied cultures.

This special report focuses on the Public Diplomacy Staffing Initiative (PDSI), which represents one of the most important transformations in U.S. public diplomacy (PD) operations overseas since the merger of the U.S. Information Agency into the Department of State in 1999. In addition to launching a major revision of the position descriptions for locally employed public diplomacy staff at U.S. diplomatic missions abroad, the PDSI includes a significant restructuring of embassy public diplomacy sections. Yet outside of the relatively narrow scope of public diplomacy sections, bureaus and offices within the Department of State, little is known about the PDSI's strategic intent, let alone its impacts. To fill this knowledge gap, and to better understand the PDSI's transformative potential, the ACPD is proud to present an assessment of this new staffing model and its role in the modernization of PD practices. We are especially pleased to showcase the great work of locally engaged public diplomacy professionals who are essential to the success of America's information and outreach activities around the world.

Cultural diplomacy, as a set of activities, undertaken directly by or in collaboration with diplomatic authorities of a state, which are aimed at the promotion of foreign policy interests of this state in the realm of cultural policy primarily by means of fostering its cultural exchange with other (foreign) states, is an important part of  diplomacy in our days. In practice, cultural diplomacy can include the following main activities: assisting cultural subjects in the dissemination of national culture and cultural identity, promoting dissemination of the national language of the sending state in the receiving state, promoting and explaining cultural values of the sending state in the receiving state, negotiating international treaties on cultural cooperation and, finally, supporting and keeping up contacts with expatriate communities in the receiving state. However, the structure, as well as the overall intensity of the cultural-diplomatic activities may vary depending on the state and its foreign policy priorities and ambitions.

Avropanın ən uzun müddətli dondurulmuş münaqişəsi hesab edilən Dağlıq Qarabağ münaqişəsi də məhz bu dövrdən etibarən başlamış bigünə qədər də həll edilməmişdir.1994-cü il mayın 5-də Bişkekdə barışıq haqqında protokol imzalandı. Lakin, bu atəşkəsdən sonra sülh barışığı hələ də razılaşdırılmamışdır.
Bu prosesin tənzimlənməsi üçün bir sıra beynəlxalq qurumlar fəaliyyət göstərmiş və hələ də bu fəaliyyətlərini davam etdirməkdədirlər.
Ənənəvi diplomatiyanın tətbiqinin səmərəsizliyini 2016-cı il Aprel döyüşləri fonunda aydın şəkildə görmək olur. Məhz bu səbəbdən də vətəndaş cəmiyyəti arasında barışığın yaradılması labüddür. Bu prosesdə isə xalq diplomatiyasının rolu çox böyükdür. Bir sıra qərbi Avropa ölkələri, habelə ABŞ və s. inkişaf etmiş ölkələrin timsalında bu diplomatiya növünün tətbiqi üçün xüsusi qurumların və strategiyaların yaradılması ikinci yol (track 2) diplomatiyasının tətbiqinin əhəmiyyətindən xəbər verir. Bütün tarixi uğurlu nümunələrə baxmayaraq Dağlıq Qarabağ münaqişəsinin spesifik xüsusiyyətləri və ən əsası isə Qafqaz xalqlarının etnik psixologiyasının qərbi Avropalılardan fərqli olması5 xalq diplomatiyasının tətbiqinin müsbət və ya mənfi nəticələr verəcəyini proqnozlaşdırmaq çətinləşdirir.

This work is a collection of lectures by twelve ambassadors to Japan on Japan's perceived position and role in the international community, each followed by transcripts of discussions between the ambassadors and a group of predominantly Japanese postgraduate students of international relations, law, economics, history, and comparative culture. The lectures were presented and the discussions undertaken in English, 19 April to 19 July 2005, at the Korakuen campus of Chuo University in Tokyo, as part of the International Policy Studies Forum, organised under the auspices of the University Graduate School and the Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University. The collection is edited and introduced by the organisers and moderators of the Forum, David Ewick and Modjtaba Sadria. 191 pp.

The purpose of this article was to analyse the concept of public diplomacy from the perspective of communication actors. Public diplomacy implies the communication between state and non-state actors and the foreign public, and the process of informing, influencing, establishing long-term relations and realizing foreign policy goals. While most studies to date view such communication activities as social interactions, some scholars consider them to be foreign policy activities, in which case the concept of public diplomacy is explained in terms of an interdisciplinary approach. Through the critical literature review, this article argues that public diplomacy shows the interaction between different communication stakeholders and the foreign public, where the former give direct messages and often achieve the desired effects through communication channels. By analysing public diplomacy activities carried out by communication actors, the article concludes that the concept of public diplomacy is clearly defined and more structured in communication sciences.

Subject of the study is a little-known aspect of Chamberlain’s appeasement policy, namely, the propaganda campaign towards the German public from September 1938 until May 1940. Although there is a vast literature about appeasement, Chamberlain’s efforts to reach the German people by way of propaganda have so far received no attention from historians. The thesis reconstructs for the first time the history of British German-language propaganda dur-ing Chamberlain’s premiership. The evolution of the institutional framework, the changing strategies and the contents of this propaganda campaign are described in detail, offering a deep insight into the thinking of the British Government about German society and exposing a naive belief in the power of propaganda.
In the thesis a new methodological approach is adopted by integrating the study of high poli-tics at the diplomatic level with the study of the propaganda campaign towards a foreign pub-lic. Whereas conventional interpretations consider appeasement a foreign policy strategy con-ducted exclusively on the diplomatic stage between the two governments of Britain and Ger-many, the author maintains that appeasement has rather to be viewed as a policy consisting of two equal and complementary pillars. The first pillar was the well-known dual policy of deter-rence and conciliation directed towards the Nazi regime at a governmental level. The second pillar was the propaganda campaign directed towards the German public over the heads of the Nazi regime. The propaganda campaign, while on the whole reflecting Chamberlain’s foreign policy on the governmental level, seems to have been regarded by the British government as an additional deterrent element to the diplomatic pillar: Hitler was to be warned that he would risk serious opposition from his own people if he provoked war, and thus be induced to seek a peaceful solution to his territorial claims. In this sense, the propaganda campaign was a safe-guard for the conciliatory part of appeasement, namely, the readiness to consider favourably Germany’s legitimate territorial and economic claims.
The thesis identifies five phases during which Chamberlain attached varying degrees of im-portance to the propaganda instrument in his dealings with Germany. Thus, the significance of propaganda increased in direct relation to the deterioration of Anglo-German negotiations on the diplomatic level. The propaganda pillar even outlasted the outbreak of war and the col-lapse of the first pillar: After negotiations on an official diplomatic level had come to an end on 3rd September 1939, Chamberlain sought to continue his policy of goodwill towards the German people by means of propaganda in the hope to stir up a revolution against Hitler.
In the end, however, British propaganda proved to be a failure. The author identifies two rea-sons for this. The first was a lack of credibility, i.e. the discrepancy between the picture of events as presented in British propaganda, and the reality as experienced by the German pub-lic. The second, and even more important, reason was, however, a whole host of unrealistic British assumptions about the Nazi state and the character of the German people. In particular, the British political elite unconsciously transferred British democratic traditions onto Hitler’s totalitarian regime. Chamberlain’s propaganda was based on the premise that public opinion did carry some weight in the Third Reich and that the German people, even though living un-der a dictatorship, would cherish similar political ideals of democratic participation and a dis-like of Hitler as British subjects.

The following review explores Intercultural Information Ethics (IIE) in terms of comparative philosophy, supporting IIE as the most relevant and significant development of the field of Information Ethics (IE). The focus of the review is threefold. First, it will review the core presumption of the field of IIE, that being the demand for an inter- mission in the pursuit of a founding philosophy for IE in order to first address the philosophical biases of IE by western philosophy. Second, a history of the various philosophical streams of IIE will be outlined, including its literature and pioneering contributors. Lastly, a new synthesis of comparative philosophies in IIE will be offered, looking towards a future evolution of the field. Examining the interchange between contemporary information ethicists regarding the discipline of IIE, the review first outlines the previously established presumptions of the field of IIE that posit the need for an IE as grounded in western sensibilities. The author then addresses the implications of the foregoing presumption from several non-western viewpoints, arguing that IIE does in fact find roots in non-western philosophies as established in the concluding synthesis of western and eastern philosophical traditions.

The article analyzes the current research comprehension of public diplomacy and options of practical application of this phenomenon as an additional resource of international interaction. The author traces back the evolution of the concept "public diplomacy" in American scientific discourse and the specific features of recourse to it in scientific-practical rounds of Russia and other states. Key theoretical approaches - neoliberal conception of "soft power", constructivism theory, political communication and national brand concept of marketing theoreticians - towards an interpretation of the phenomenon of public diplomacy are highlighted. Taking into account an increasing role of public diplomacy formats in achieving foreign policy objectives and in constructing an international positive image of states, the author makes an attempt of assessing the potential and recsourses of public diplomacy of Central Asian states and their practical steps in the given field. The author supposes that the use of public diplomacy formats by the region’s states can promote regional cooperation and development of international contacts between states.
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Статья посвящена анализу современного исследовательского осмысления публичной дипломатии и рассмотрению вариантов практического применения этого феномена как дополнительного ресурса международного взаимодействия. Прослеживается эволюция понятия «публичная дипломатия» в американском исследовательском дискурсе и специфика вариативного обращения к нему в научно-практических кругах России и других государств. Освещаются ключевые теоретические подходы - неолиберальная концепция «мягкой силы», теория конструктивизма, политическая коммуникация и концепция национального бренда теоретиков маркетинга - к осмыслению феномена публичной дипломатии. С учетом возрастающей роли форматов публичной дипломатии в дости­жении внешнеполитических целей и формировании международного положи­тельного имиджа государств, рассматриваются потенциал и ресурсы публичной дипломатии государств Центральной Азии и их практические шаги в этой области. Автор полагает, что использование форматов публичной дипломатии государствами региона может способствовать региональному сотрудничеству и развитию международных контактов его государств.

This paper suggests that the practice of diplomacy has been characterized by both change and continuity, two precepts further sustained by three inter-connected factors which will be analysed below: advancements in science and technology, a shift in international order and the consequential widening of the diplomatic agenda.

" The building of the Suez Canal in Egypt offers many lessons about business-government relations, international lobbying, public relations and business communications, scandals and public diplomacy.

GERMAN/DEUTSCH - Die Geschichte des Suezkanals ist ein Lehrstück über das Verhältnis von Unternehmen und Staaten, internationale Lobbyarbeit, PR-Kampagnen, Skandale und Public Diplomacy.
Schlagwörter: Ägypten, Börse, Corvée, Diplomatie, Dreyfus-Affäre, Eisenbahn, Finanzmärkte, Frankreich, Großbritannien, Imperialismus, Interessenvertretung, Lobby, Osmanisches Reich, Panamakanal, Skandal, Sklaverei, Staatsschulden, Suezkanal, Zwangsarbeit
Organisationen: Anonyme Studiengesellschaft für den Orient
Unternehmen: Compagnie Universelle du Canal Maritime de Suez, GDF Suez
Personen: Kaiserin Eugenie, Frédéric Bartholdi, Ferdinand de Lesseps, Napoleon Bonaparte, Napoleon III., Abdel Nasser, Lord Palmerston (Henry John Temple), Muhammad Said, Giuseppe Verdi, Königin Victoria
Publikationen: Der Isthmus von Suez, La Lune, Standard (London)"

The 2019 Comprehensive Annual Report on Public Diplomacy and International Broadcasting, published each year by the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy (ACPD) per its congressional mandate, assesses the major Public Diplomacy (PD) and global media activities conducted by the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Agency for Global Media (USAGM). Based on data collected from the State Department’s Public Diplomacy bureaus and offices, the Public Affairs Sections at U.S. embassies worldwide, and the USAGM, the report serves as a unique reference document, highlighting public diplomacy strategies and resources used to advance U.S. foreign policy objectives. The report also serves as a platform for innovation, assuring that USG public diplomacy initiatives remain effective in an increasingly competitive global information environment.
https://www.state.gov/2019-comprehensive-annual-report-on-public-diplomacy-and-international-broadcasting/

This study looked at relationship management in digital public diplomacy. Using qualitative methodology, focus groups and interviews were conducted with young females in the United Arab Emirates to explore antecedents to digital engagement with foreign governments. Results suggested a new antecedent for online relationship management in public diplomacy, and several implications for international public relations.

"After 1870, Berlin grew into a huge metropolis and soon longed for a world exposition just like the ones London, Paris, Brussels, Philadelphia and Chicago had hosted. Civic leaders and business lobbyists besieged the Imperial government, but neither the Kaiser nor Bismarck and his ministers got enchanted with the idea. Left to their own devices, Berliners arranged for a supposedly "local" commercial fair, dubbed the 1986 Great Industrial Exposition. Huge in any dimension and attempting to attract international visitors, it defied the national government's resistance to a world fair. It was an exercise in modern and professionalized great project and world event communications.

GERMAN/DEUTSCH - Eine Weltausstellung in Berlin! Die Idee faszinierte die junge Reichshauptstadt. Doch Kaiser und Regierung sagten nein.
Schlagwörter: Berliner Gewerbeausstellung, Elektropolis, Expo, Fundraising, Frankreich, Großbritannien, Handel, Industrie, Interessenvertretung, Kolonialismus, Lobby, Made in Germany, Metropole, Plakat, Pressearbeit, Protektionismus, Schutzzollpolitik, Spenden, Verbände, Weltausstellung, Zeitungen
Organisationen: Auswärtiges Amt, Centralverband Deutscher Industrieller (CDI), Handelskammer, Hansabund, Verein Berliner Kaufleute und Industrieller (VBKI)
Unternehmen: AEG, Dresdner Bank, Siemens
Personen: Leo von Caprivi, Alexander Geppert, Ludwig Max Goldberger, Ludwig Sütterlin, Wilhelm II.
Publikationen: Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Officielle Ausstellungs-Nachrichten, Reichsanzeiger
"

Amerika Birleşik Devletleri uzun zamandır yabancı ülkelerin halklarını kamu diplomasisi yoluyla etkilemeye çalışmaktadır. Bu çalışmada Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerini yürüten United States Information Agency’nin (USIA), misyonu, yapısı, faaliyetleri ve Soğuk Savaş sürecine etkisi incelenmiştir. İkinci Dünya Savaşı, eski diplomasinin uygulamalarının başarısızlığını ortaya koyarken ulusların ideolojik ve askeri bloklara bölünmüş b󰁩r dünya için yeni bir diplomasi yaratılmasını gerektirmişti. Çünkü II. Dünya Savaşı’nın dünyada açtığı yaralar ve dramatik deneyimler Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ile Sovyetler Birliği arasındaki iki kutuplu çatışmanın yerini askeri olmayan savaş araçlarına yönlendirmişti. Bu amaçla kurulan USIA, Amerikan ulusal çıkarlarını korumak ve Sovyetler Birliği’ne karşı “kalp ve zihin savaşını” kazanmak için açık/örtülü propaganda operasyonları, uluslararası yayıncılık, yurtdışındaki yerel medyayı etkileme, kişisel temasları ve kültürel alışverişleri teşvik etmek gibi birtakım faaliyetler yürütmüştür. Amerikan Hükümet organlarının yurtdışında sahip olduğu en geniş yerel görev ağına ve yetkisine sahip olan USIA, yürüttüğü faaliyetlerle hem komünizme hem de Sovyetlere karşı güçlü bir propaganda aracı olarak uzun yıllar Amerikan kamu diplomasisinin merkezinde yer almıştır.

The United States has long sought to influence the peoples of foreign countries through public diplomacy. In this study, the mission, structure, activities of the United States Information Agency (USIA), which carries out the public diplomacy activities of the United States, and its effect on the Cold War process were examined. While the Second World War revealed the failure of the practices of the old diplomacy, it required the creation of a new concept of diplomacy for a world divided into ideological and military blocs of nations. Because the wounds and traumatic experiences inflicted by the Second World War throughout the world, the bipolar conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union was replaced by non-military war instruments. Established for this purpose, USIA carried out a number of activities such as overt/ covert propaganda operations, international broadcasting, influencing local media abroad, promoting personal contacts and cultural exchanges in order to protect American national interests and win the "heart and mind war" against the Soviet Union. USIA, which has the widest local mission network and authority that the American government organs in abroad, has been at the center of American public diplomacy for many years as a powerful propaganda tool against both communism and the Soviets with these activities.

Within the international system, states focus on the realization of their national interests, evaluating their diplomacy, and regularly their cultural diplomacy. For instance, China exercises its cultural diplomacy, in order to promote its foreign policy's goals. The present paper initially attempts to define the complex notion of cultural diplomacy, which is a multifactor way of promoting intercultural dialogue and augmenting states' soft power. In particular, China's cultural diplomacy was the most suitable case study since the Chinese state, following the Beijing's Olympic Games, has been reintroduced in the international audience. Its reintroduction was achieved by practicing its cultural diplomacy successfully, mostly with Confucius Institutes' function, while being dominant in the international financial system. In the case of China's foreign policy towards Africa, Chinese cultural diplomacy was accompanied by financial diplomacy and led to a Sino-African rapprochement and to the creation of the Forum on China-Africa cooperation. It is vital though to consider if Chinese foreign policy towards the African continent is successful.

向来平静的新中双边关系近年来正在 经历一段少见的摩擦。虽然新加坡 并不是南海领域争议的一方，但是新中之间 所产生的张力，却主要来自南海纷争，特别 是两国对联合国海洋公约(UNCLOS)的诠 释和对中国在南海填盖人工岛礁的态度。新 中观点落差背后是双方对现有国际秩序、国 际法、海事管理，以及新加坡与美国战略合 作的认知差异。既使新加坡政府认为自己的 观点反映了该国在华府与北京之间“不选 边”的长期立场，但是海事和航海权益的问题仍然可能把新加坡卷入美中紧张关系。

This is a Mandarin version of the piece, "Diverging Paths? Singapore-China Relations and the East Asian Maritime Domain," first published with the National Bureau of Asian Research's Maritime Awareness Project. See: http://maritimeawarenessproject.org/2017/04/26/diverging-paths-singapore-china-relations-and-the-east-asian-maritime-domain/

When the post-war relationship began, Spain was an unlikely candidate for American influence. By the end of the 30s, the Franco dictatorship had adopted Fascist symbols and made common cause with the Axis nations. In 1948, Cold war concerns prompted a slow rapprochement in between Washington and Madrid, leading to the instauration of U.S. military bases in Spanish territory. Both countries had done a political conjuring trick and formalized a marriage of convenience. This volume examines the several US public diplomacy strategies to accomplish an almost impossible mission: to keep a warm relation with a friendly tyrant without drifting apart from Spanish opposition to the dictatorship, and eventually to pave the way for transition to democracy.

The Public Diplomacy Staffing Initiative (PDSI) is one of the most important transformations in U.S. public diplomacy (PD) operations overseas since the merger of the U.S. Information Agency into the Department of State in 1999. In addition to launching a major revision of the position descriptions for locally employed public diplomacy staff at U.S. diplomatic missions abroad, the PDSI includes a significant restructuring of embassy public diplomacy sections.  Yet outside of the relatively narrow scope of public diplomacy bureaus and offices within the Department of State, little is known about the PDSI’s strategic intent, let alone its impacts. In a recently published report, "Putting Audience and Policy First: A Public Diplomacy Paradigm Shift," the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy (ACPD) fills this knowledge gap with an assessment of the PDSI’s transformative potential.

The conference announcement for the International Conference on Intercultural Communication and Diplomacy 2003 quoted Raymond Cohen as saying: "By definition, negotiation is an exercise in language and communication, an attempt to create shared understanding where previously there have been contested understandings. When negotiation takes place across languages and cultures the scope for misunderstanding increases." Taking that as our starting point, I would add that conflict resolution (my locus of practice) is essentially the art and science of relationship building and agreement building. This is true whether one focuses on individuals, groups, or nations striving for peace. Both relationship building and agreement building require, in Cohen's words, an attempt to create shared understanding. Similarly, others have talked of the need for conflict parties to develop "co-created narratives" 2 or a "third culture" 3 .

Drawing on the constructivist tradition in international relations, we examine the influence of national identity-or how a nation views itself in relation to other nations-on the tweeting practices of its diplomatic missions. Our analysis focuses on the use of Twitter by U.S. missions in Britain, India, and China over a four-month period brimming with diplomatic activity: June-September 2018. We find that not only do the three U.S. missions use Twitter in vastly different ways, but that their tweeting practices reflect and reproduce the specific identities the United States professes vis-à-vis these nations: a friend to Britain, an ally to India, and a rival to China. We argue that (1) Twitter is an emergent "technosocial" arena that enables nations to perform their identities online and (2) different national identities-friend, ally, and rival-derive their meanings in and through such practices. In addition, we distinguish a variety of tweeting practices and their symbolic significance in terms of national identity performance.

This case study, an examination of official public responses to the September 2012 attacks on U.S. diplomatic installations in Benghazi, introduces students to the use of information as a tool of statecraft.  The study also illustrates contemporary challenges to the effective practice of public diplomacy.  In particular, it considers the impact of globalization and rapid innovation in information technologies on the U.S. government’s ability to manage its interests abroad through overt communication strategies.

Resurfacing three decades after Du Bois and Gibbs Hunt held their Pan-African Congresses, Artistic Ambassadors offers a sixth chapter that draws attention to the legacies of New Negro artistic ambassadorship, bringing particular focus to the complexities of practicing hip-to-macy during the Cold War era. Taking as an exemplum the CIA’s covert funding of Richard Wright’s 1955 travel to Indonesia, chapter six reads a previously unaccessed archive of English-, Indonesian-, and Dutch-language documents on Wright’s foray into a Cold War cultural diplomacy that the US deliberately infused with racial valences. Now, the US began a long-term reliance on hip-to-macy, reconscripting the informal international riffs that the New Negro diplomats innovated in response to the strictures of official internationalism. Borrowing from Norman Mailer’s famous commentary in “The White Negro” (1957), the chapter describes this Cold War diplomatic form as a hipster diplomacy that the US hoped would be internationally powerful enough to eclipse its dismal record in domestic race relations. The chapter uses Wright’s participation in US cultural diplomacy as a springboard for reflecting on the type of interpretive crosshatching that can productively emerge at the nexus of American studies’ suspicion regarding (neo)colonialism and black diaspora studies’ work to recover the circuits of black transnationalism.

Globalization via the digital age is upon us, demanding a new ethics and an intercultural awareness while the dialectics of globalism and cyberspace mandate a committed reflection on what the synthesis between the digital realm and global citizenship entails. In many ways, the borders that previously separated us as citizens physically and culturally have begun to dissipate, replaced by a call for an intercultural accountability and a form of global citizenship that, on one hand, surpasses borders, patriotism, and nationalism alike, but while on the other, demands an understanding and respect for the cultural idiosyncrasies among us, acknowledging the unique existential paradox of universal citizenship that posits each of us as both stranger and citizen on a commonly shared globe.

What is cosmopolitan in the digital age? Is a global digital citizen the same as merely a digital citizen? While talk of digital citizenship has increased in recent years, usually centered on a capitalist drive, encouraging a full electronic participation in society and a responsibility to digital commerce, many questions remain unanswered.  Is the netizen the citizen of a democratic state, and of digital democracy? As a citizen of the world interacting online, how will one’s “rights” and “duties” be determined? And are these “rights” universal, and in such a case, what does “universal” mean? What are the legal parameters of netizenship, and what will they be as globalization further takes hold? Is democracy critical to citizenship, or is it not? What are the political landscapes of global citizenship in the digital age? And last of all, is the concept of digital citizenship even tangible? Is it real?