Islam and Politics

Some numbers on religiosity in the U.S.  We are far more religious than our narrative of secularity would suggest.  Religion and politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Saba Mahmood, and Pierre Bourdieu's Doxa and Habitus.  Mahmood suggests:  what about a conservative, religious-orthodox feminism?  Teaching about women's empowerment / agency and the women's veiling movement in MENA.

For source links in blog pieces, go to blog link:

https://www.e-ir.info/2016/12/09/inhabiting-orthodoxy-discussing-islam-and-feminism-continued/

The theme of politics and religion, its relationship and consequences, is perhaps one of the most popular topics in both public and scholarly discourse today. The factors that led to this state of affairs are not the subject o f my research, although they serve as a necessary context. Based on an analysis of official documents, interviews with leaders of the Ukrainian Ummah and their public statements and publications in the media, this article traces the evolving forms o f political activism among Muslims in Ukraine.

Although Syria, since the 1960s, has been dominated by a decidedly secular-nationalist regime, the 2011 uprising has demonstrated that the role of Islam in the country’s social and religious scene cannot be underestimated.
The uprising, which turned into a revolution and a civil war, created a deep schism among Sunni Muslim ulema who played an influential role in encouraging/discouraging protests. 
This book explores the views of M.S.R. al-Būtī, one of the most outstanding Muslim Sunni scholars of contemporary Syria (d. 2013). Al-Būtī opposed initial protests and considered the revolution as religiously illegitimate and politically motivated by foreign powers. His stance has  engendered much controversy not only in Syria but also in the Arab as well as the Muslim worlds.
Numerous scholars and authors have interpreted al-Būtī’s stance as full support of the regime and have cited his earlier position against the Muslim Brotherhood Movement in Syria in the 1980s. Others, however, have argued  that al-Būtī was an independent scholar who was following his ijtihad, be it for the benefit of the regime or against it.
Given that most of the writings on al-Būtī’s view on the revolution lacks a clear and comprehensive analysis, the book offers the first sustained treatment of this religio-political issue by exploring its multiple dimensions and various ramifications.

In Koran, there is no prescribed or commanded detailled political regime, no model for the electoral system for the civil magistrate, no exhaustive rules to do with the relations between state-society-individual. It is also not possible to find these exhaustive principles in the deeds of the Prophet. It is to such an extent that the Prophet even didn’t determine the political leader of the umma after himself. Considering the Koran and the life of Mohammad, it could be discerned that Islam has left the political relationships of the believers to be settled by the reason, science and social necessities. For all that, there are some particular, very fundamental and moral principles in the Koran and in the life of Mohammad. This article aims to analyse these basic principles.
(Kur’an’da, inananlara tavsiye edilen veya emredilen ağyârını mâni etrâfını câmi bir siyasî rejim, siyasî yöneticinin seçilmesine dâir teferruatlı bir usul, devlet-toplum-birey ilişkilerinin mahiyetini ilgilendiren detaylı kurallar yoktur. Bu gibi ayrıntılandırılmış sofistike kuralları Peygamber’in eylemlerinde bulmak da mümkün değildir. Öyle ki Hz. Muhammed, kendisinden sonra gelecek siyasi lideri dahi belirlememiştir. Kur’an ve Peygamber’in hayatına bakıldığında, İslam, müminlere, siyasî ilişkilerini akıl, ilim ve toplumsal zorunluluklar çerçevesininde belirlemek üzere geniş serbestiyet verdiği/bıraktığı görülmektedir. Bununla birlikte Kur’an ve Peygamber’in hayatında, muayyen temel ve ahlakî ilkelerin bulunduğu görülmektedir. Bu makalede bu temel ilkeler tahlil edilmiştir)

يتناول هذا الكتاب موضوعًا مهمًّا لم توفِّه الأكاديمية الغربية حقَّه من الدَّرْس والنظر، وهو موضوع "شرح الحديث النبوي"، ويسلك في مقاربته منهجًا مغايرًا للمعهود في الدراسات العربية الحديثة التي طرقت هذا الموضوع؛ إذ يروم تحقيق الصِّلة بين شروح الحديث والسياق السياسي والاجتماعي والفكري الذي عاش في كَنَفِهِ أصحابُ هذه الشروح وكان تأثُّرهم به أمرًا حتميًّا لا سبيل إلى الفكاك منه. 
وترتكز المقاربة التي يقدِّمها على دراسة ما وُضِعَ على "صحيح البخاري" من شروح في ثلاثة أقاليم مختلفة، وخلال ثلاثة أطوار تاريخية متباينة، مع استعراض ما أولته جماعاتُ الإسلام السياسي لشروح الحديث من اهتمامٍ في الزمن الحاضر، وتعقَّب في خلال ذلك أوجهَ الاستمرار ونواحيَ التغيير التي طرأت على هذه الشروح، بعد أن انتقل تقليدُ الشرح من عصر المخطوطات إلى عصر الطباعة ثم عصر الفيديو، ومن العصور التي كان شُرَّاحُ الحديث خلالها موصولةً أسبابُهم بالنُّخبة الحاكمة إلى العصور التي نأوا فيها بجانبهم عن السُّلطة السياسية، ومن العصور التي انتظمت بعض المرجعيات النصيَّة والمؤسسيَّة التي لا سبيل إلى منازعتها في الواقع إلى العصور التي بدا فيها من الممكن تحدِّي هذه المرجعيات نفسها.

doctrine of wilayat al-faqıh, or the mandate of the jurisprudent. In this article, I will focus on the following two questions: how consistent was he in espousing the doctrine, and what was his major addition to the doctrine? After reviewing his educational and scholarly background, I will first reconstruct constituent components of the doctrine and revisit his relevant writings and statements to determine how consistent his views were over his long academic and political career. −

„Was verrät eigentlich die Islamdebatte über die Selbstwahrnehmung, die Fantasien und die Begierden einer Gesellschaft, die sie so leidenschaftlich führt?“, fragt Ozan Zakariya Keskinkılıç und blickt hinter die Kulisse des Spektakels. Er verfolgt die Spuren deutscher Islamdebatten historisch zurück und dekonstruiert ‚die Gefahr der Islamisierung‘, die schon in den Verhandlungen der Deutschen Kolonialkongresse Anfang des 20.Jahrhunderts in Berlin heraufbeschworen wird. Keskinkılıç analysiert Argumentationsstrategien des antimuslimischen Rassismus an der Schnittstelle zum europäischen Orientalismus und entlarvt die Fremdkonstruktion ‚des Muslims‘ als Schattenidentität ‚des Deutschen‘.

It is a harsh reality that Islamic and Western civilizations have been active opponents and reviler throughout the Islamic history. Islamic civilization is proud of its revealed sources and guidance, while the Western civilization claims out as one of the richest and liberal human ideas in the existing world. It is also a known fact that every civilization has some distinct features and characteristics on which it differentiates from others. It is a status of Islamic and Western civilization. In some issues they agree but most of the time they disagree from each other. Sometimes this difference creates a situation of conflict and clash. This is not a beneficial for human being at all. Many Muslim and Western scholars have been tried to discuss these in their own way and style. One of the most relevant and prominent personality and active voice in this field is the Poet of the East and famous Muslim thinker and philosopher Allāma Muhammad Iqbal. It is an undeniable fact that he was not only a Muslim thinker and poet but he was also a warm critique of the Western civilization. He adopts comparison method for analysis to study and criticize the West. Sometimes he appreciates and says Muslims to get benefit from the Western civilization but mostly he actively criticizes the Western civilization. It is noticed that Iqbal want to get benefit from the Western technology and innovations but he strictly prohibits Muslims to enjoy the West social and moral values. According to Iqbal, the Western moral, political and social philosophy is poison for the East and especially for the Muslims. Therefore, it can be perceived that the Iqbal‟s strategy to study the West is dialogue and encounter. It is also suggested we can get benefit from Iqbal‟s critique to nurture and reshape our sociopolitical and socioeconomic national narrative. In this context, this study examines Iqbal‟s approaches to criticize the Western thought civilization in the light of his dynamic work with special reference to Islamic teachings. Analytical and historical approaches are adopted during this study with quantitative research methodology.
Keywords: Iqbal‟s Approaches, Western civilization, criticism, Iqbal‟s thought, analysis

Diskursus tentang partai politik Islam di Indonesia tak lekang ditelan zaman sejak negeri ini belum merdeka hingga sekarang. Bahkan perjuangan kemerdekaan tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perjuangan politik Islam, begitu juga setelah kemerdekaan. Sebagai negara dengan jumlah penduduk mayoritas Muslim di dunia, komunitas Islam menjadi kekuatan tersendiri di Indonesia untuk meraih kursi kekuasaan dan menjadi pemimpin politik.

Pada setiap pemilu, perolehan suara partai Islam selalu diperhitungkan oleh berbagai kalangan. Buku ini secara utuh mengulas tentang partai politik Islam dalam sejarah panggung politik Indonesia (sejak pra kemerdekaan hingga era Reformasi) yang ditinjau dari segi teori maupun prakteknya. Penulis mampu menghadirkan data akurat serta analisis yang tajam dan mendalam.

Cocok menjadi bacaan bagi dosen, mahasiswa, peneliti dan masyarakat umum yang konsen dengan kajian Islam dan politik  serta dapat menjadi bahan evaluasi bagi para politisi maupun anggota legislatif terutama yang berasal dari partai Islam.

Mohammad Hashim Kamali's “Foreword” to
Ahmet T. Kuru’s The Ulema-State Alliance: A Cause of Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment in the Muslim World 
published in Malay by Lestarih Hikmah (February 2022)
translated by Muthanna Saari with the title
“Perikatan Ulama-Negara : Punca Autoritarianisme & Kemunduran Dunia Muslim’

Shaykh Ṭanṭāwī Jawharī was an Egyptian exegete known for having produced a scientific interpretation of the Qurʾān. A pioneering scholar in terms of familiarising the people of his time with many previously neglected matters regarding Islam and science, his publications shocked the Cairo educational system and other Muslim places of learning in the early twentieth century.

This book examines the intersection between Ṭanṭāwī Jawharī and Egyptian history and culture, and demonstrates that his approach to science in the Qurʾān was intimately connected to his social concerns. Divided into three parts, part one contains three chapters which each introduce different aspects of Ṭanṭāwī Jawharī himself. The second part explores the main aspects of his tafsīr, discussing his approach to science and the Qurʾān, and how he presented Europeans in his tafsīr, and then addressing the impact of his tafsīr on wider Muslim and non-Muslim society. The third section draws attention to the themes from all 114 sūras of the Qurʾān that are discussed within his commentary. It then analyses the current status of his views and the post-Jawharism perspective on science and the Qurʾān, both today and in an imaginary future, in 2154.

Providing new English translations of Ṭanṭāwī Jawharī’s work, the book delivers a comprehensive assessment of this unique figure, and emphasises the distinctive nature of his reading of the Qurʾān. The book will be a valuable resource for anyone studying modern Egypt, the Qurʾān, Islam and Science, and scientific interpretation and inimitability.

With an ethical-centered philosophy, Taha Abdurrahman remains one of the most significant and sophisticated Arab philosophers of today. This review article seeks to elaborate on two of his recent books, which builds on and compliments his vision of philosophical independence,, particularly his 'Entrustment Ethics' (Al-ʾtimāniya). Throughout two volumes, he aims to construct an ethical philosophy on the foundation of faith, as an alternative to Western ethics. In Volume I Abdurrahman establishes his ethical philosophy that is grounded in what he conceives as three Quranic Covenants: Testimony, establishing man's responsibility before God, Entrustment, establishing man's duties and responsibilities on earth, and Transmission, introducing an ideal form of conduct through the role model of God's Prophets and Messengers. The second volume projects Abdurrahman's theory on Western established ethical theories and Western ethical and political thought in a broader sense, wherein he both illustrates and critiques theories proposed by thinkers, including, inter alia,

Founded in 1952 by the Palestinian jurist Taqi al-Din al-Nabhani (1909-1977), Hizb ut-Tahrir’s (HT) raison d’être is the re-establishment of the Caliphate. HT currently has a presence in over forty countries, an estimated membership of a million people, and some millions of supporters across the world. My dissertation examines how HT’s formulation of the caliphate—particularly as it expresses itself in Britain—functions as a site of “Muslim modernity.” It is my contention, in other words, that HT’s ideas of the caliphate are inseparable from, and are thought through—consciously and unconsciously—modern western notions of being and thinking which permeate “the unconscious of knowledge” for people around the world, for the crucial reason that colonialism fundamentally reconfigured knowledge systems across the world, not least the Muslim world. I argue, in other words, that contemporary modes of being Muslim—whether religiously, politically, culturally, ethically—are necessarily inflected by modern western notions of being, as they form the backdrop to our global sense of being in the world. As such, HT’s modern Islamic political project—or any Islamic project, for that matter—is not so much an alien mode of thinking about politics—or ethics, or culture, or religion, or what have you—vis-à-vis western modes of being and thinking, but rather is part and parcel of modern western life writ large.

Gerakan masif yang memprotes dan menolak hasil Pemilu 2019 di Indonesia mengindikasikan adanya ketidakpercayaan politik (political distrust) terhadap kedua lembaga Pemilu, yaitu KPU dan Bawaslu, dan Pemerintah. Sebagian besar dari kelompok yang menyuarakan penolakan tersebut terhubung dalam identitas yang sama, yang menekankan kecintaan terhadap agamanya dan perasaan termarjinalisasi. Apa makna ketidakpercayaan tersebut dalam konteks gerakan Islam kontemporer dan negara demokrasi adalah fokus utama
artikel ini. Artikel ini berupaya untuk mendiskusikan populisme Islam dalam pemilu 2019 yang secara khusus akan mengeksplorasi bagaimana dan mengapa populisme Islam tumbuh di masa pasca Orde Baru—terutama di Pemilu 2019—, seperti apa karakternya, dan bagaimana dampaknya terhadap masa depan demokrasi di Indonesia.

Tulisan ini ingin menjawab pertanyaan di bawah ini.
Bagaimana Proses Masuknya Muslim Ke Amerika Serikat?, Politik Eksistensi Warga Muslim Di Amerika Serikat?, Bagaimana Kehidupan Muslim Pasca Serangan 11 September 2011?, Muslim Kekinian Di Amerika Serikat?

يعالج هذا البحث بالدراسة والتحليل وبرؤية تدبرية منهجية أحاديث الطاعة بغيةَ الوقوف على رؤية  متكاملة وواضحة لإشكالية الطاعة، من خلال تحليل مكوناتها الأساسية: "الطاعة"، و"الحاكم"، و"الجماعة." يربط البحث بين مبدأ الطاعة وبين السلطة السياسية التي أوجبها الفلاسفة وعلماء الإسلام ضرورةً ملحةً من أجل تنظيم أمر الجماعة وتسيير شؤونها، والحفاظ على استقرار البلاد. يضع البحث مبدأَ طاعة الحاكم في الفكر السياسي الإسلامي ضمن سياقها الشرعي والتاريخي، حيث  يؤكد أن الطاعة ليست مطلقة أو طاعة استكانة، عكس ما  تصوره كتب الآداب السلطانية، بل هي تابعة لحكم الشريعة، فهي في المآل طاعة لله ولرسول؛ ومن ثم ينبغي أن تدور طاعة الحاكم مع مراد الشارع، ومقاصد الشريعة لكي تصب في تحقيق مصالح العباد والأمة. واتبع البحثُ منهجَ الاستقراء وتحليل النصوص ليعالج إشكالية البحث، ويحلل مختلف الآراء والأطروحات ذات العلاقة بها، ويستجلب الخلاصات المنهجية التي تحقق أهداف الدراسة.
يخلص البحث إلى أن طاعة الحكام ذات ثلاثة مستويات: الطاعة المعيارية، وطاعة الحاجة، وطاعة الضرورة، والشريعة الإسلامية المبنية على جلب المصالح ودرء المفاسد أمرت ضمن أطر محددة ولظروف موضوعية وضرورات تاريخية بطاعة الحاكم الجائر من باب الواقعية السياسية، حذراً من الوقوع في أسوأ الشرين. لكن موقف « السمع والطاعة» هذا لم يكن السلوكَ الوحيد الذي تبناه علماء الإسلام، بل كان بإزائه موقف «المخالفة بناء على مقاصد الشريعة وضرورات الواقع ومصالح المجتمع» عند اقتضاء الشرع والعقل والواقع ذلك. ويقترح البحث أن يتعمق الباحثون في معالجة هذه القضيةِ لحساسيتها وتأثيرها الكبير على الوعي والمواقف السياسية والفكرية لكثير من الجماعات. وينبغي أن تكون المعالجة معرفيةً منهجية بالأساس لكي تضبطَ المفاهيم وترشد المواقف بهدي الشرع ومقاصده ومصالح العمران البشري في السياقات الاجتماعية المختلفة والمتعددة والمتغيرة.
الكلمات الأساسية: الطاعة، الحاكم، الجماعة، السلطة، السياسة.
Abstract

This article attempts to examine methodologically the literature of obedience- traditions by way of analysing its three basic components: the ruler, obedience, and jamā‘ah (community). From a holistic point of view, the article sheds light on the essential need for political authority, as delineated by ancient and medieval philosophers as well as Muslim scholars of political-ethical philosophy.
Further, the article re-situates ‘obedience’ in its rightful legal and historical context within the rights/duties of both the ruler and the ruled. It argues that ‘obedience’ is conditional and contextual, rather than absolute and passive, as Speculum principum or advice books portray it. Hence, the obedience of the ruler shall rotate around obeying Allah, the Legislator and His Messenger, peace be upon him and fulfill the objective of Shari’ah.
The article follows induction method and textual analysis to explore the literature and views on the matter at hand in order to provide well informed conclusion. The article concludes that Shari‘a, on the basis of 'averting harm takes priority over bringing the benefit', has restrictedly ordered that the despotism of the ruler, viewed as a fait accompli, is ought to be endured, and obedience given till the time is ripe for change. Also, the practical attitude of ulama towards political authority is not only of ‘obedience and patience’ but also of ‘wise guidance’ resulting in fulfilling the objective of the Shari’ah and maintaining the stability of the society and the Ummah.
Key words: Obedience, ruler, community, authority, politics.

The task to reshape governments in the countries confronted with the Arab Spring prompts the question whether there are necessary conditions to realize a stable society that simultaneously seeks to eliminate the elements that have led to the uprisings. Acknowledging some constitutional rights seems indispensable in such a process. I argue that such a state of affairs is indeed the case, at least now that the ‘old’ justifications to differentiate between people do not suffice anymore. That is not to say that the countries involved will have identical laws in each respect, but merely that a common basis has to be realized, manifested in political and legal equality, so this given does not derogate from the fact that each country’s specific legislation needs to be shaped in the light of its own history. Such a basis has no ‘moral’ character, but is simply a necessary condition to prevent sedition.

The purpose of this essay is to display the significance of studies relating to the influence of Persian Shi'ism in Southeast Asia in general, and the Malay Archipelago in particular. With this purpose in mind, a comprehensive bibliography of works published in the ninteenth, twentieth, and early twenty-first centuries (1888-2014) is presented. An attempt is also made to present the influence of Persian Shi'a figures and elements on the historical and modern Malay Archipelago.

, PAS led the coalition to victory in Kedah, winning 16 seats, while Barisan National won only 14 state seats. This paper highlights cultural dimensions of the shift from BN to the opposition coalition in this state of the Malay heartland. The PAS manifesto and campaign speeches in Kedah emphasized Islamic ethics, a just, clean, and pure government which would strive to improve the conditions of all the people. These notions of a "just" and "unmixed" party struggling to "strengthen Islam" resonated with many Malays in Kedah. In contrast, UMNO was depicted as corrupt practitioners of bribes and money politics who prioritize the interests of the rich over the needy. They were criticized as materialist, elitist figures stuck in their ways like the Pharaoh, while PAS' commitment to upholding Islam was likened to the prophets. In addition, this paper discusses the way PAS approaches the issue of the "social contract" between Malays and other ethnic groups and the way their construct of Malay identity spoke to many Malay voters. I argue that PAS rhetoric must be viewed as more than political use of Islamic symbols, and that its effectiveness rests in the way it evokes more extensive cultural models. Finally, this paper considers the controversial post-election demolition of a pig slaughterhouse in a predominantly Malay kampong in Kota Setar, Kedah. Here I argue that this case embodies and reaffirms the cultural politics of the general election.

Ustaz Ashaari Muhammad (1937-2010) was a sufi leader best remembered for the controversies surrounding his eschatological teachings which led to the Malaysian government’s banning of his organization, Darul Arqam, in 1994. Loved by admirers but reviled by the state, Ashaari’s influence cut across ethnicity, nationality and religion. While the transnational dimensions of Ashaari’s activities were well-known, aspects of ethno-religious pluralism in his thought, as conveyed in a multitude of written works published independently, have mostly escaped the attention of analysts and casual observers alike. With contemporary Malaysian Islam being invariably understood via ethnically slanted lenses, it would not have occurred to most people that a Malay-Muslim religious personality would actually subscribe to pluralistic conceptions of society which are liable to be interpreted as undermining conceptions of Malay-Muslim hegemony dearly held by the ruling establishment of the day. This article seeks to bring to the fore features of Ashaari’s thought which exemplifies integration between Sufism and political realities as conditioned by nation state-defined categories.

Gerakan ekspansi Islam telah menjamah wilayah Tunisia sejak masa khalifah Umar Ibn Khattab dan bertahan empat belas abad kemudian hingga kini. Fakta inilah yang melatarbelakangi kuatnya pengaruh Islam dan Arab dalam struktur social dan cultural masyarakat Tunisia. Beberapa referensi menyebutkan bahwa warga Muslim membentuk 97-98% komposisi penduduk. Departemen Luar Negeri AS (US Department of State) bahkan melaporkan jumlah warga Muslim mencapai lebih dari 99% dengan mayoritas Sunni, dan 1% sisanya terdiri dari Syi'ah, Baha'I, Yahudi dan Kristen. 1 Demografi religious non-Muslim di Tunisia juga cukup beragam. Komunitas Kristen, umumnya warga asing dan warga keturunan Eropa atau Arab, berpopulasi sekitar 25.000 dan tersebar di seluruh negeri. 22.000 diantaranya adalah pemeluk Roman catholics, dimana sekitar 500 anggotanya berpartisipasi aktif dalam kegiatan keagamaan. Kelompok ini mempunyai 12 gereja, sembilan sekolah, beberapa perpustakaan, dan dua klinik. Sekitar 2.000 orang memeluk Kristen Protestan, termasuk beberapa ratus warga pribumi yang telah berkonversi. Gereja Ortodoks Rusia memiliki jemaat sekitar 100 anggota dan memiliki beberapa gereja di Tunisia dan Bizerte.

For the past year and a half, al-Shabaab has continued to take advantage of the ongoing political and security turmoil between Somalia’s federal government, regional state administrations, and other powerful social groups, including the country’s clans and sub-clans and minority groups. Militarily, the jihadi-insurgent group retains significant capabilities to launch a range of attacks targeting both military and “soft” targets, including major suicide-vehicle bombings inside the most secure areas of the country such as central Mogadishu. In 2017, the group also overran a number of African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and Somali government military bases and forcefully reasserted itself in the northern Puntland region. Meanwhile, the Islamic State in Somalia, al-Shabaab’s main jihadi competitor, continues to lag behind it in terms of numbers, military capabilities, and media reach, though there are recent signs that the Islamic State-Somalia has been able to penetrate more deeply into the Afgooye area to the west of the capital and outside of its Puntland base.

Sayyid Qutb's aim is to revive what is regarded by many as the "Golden Age" of Islam, namely the first generation of pious Muslims, from Muhammad to the last Caliph Ali. To this end, he persisted that the method used by the Prophet is exactly followed. He dreams of a utopia, if not nostalgic world, one where "nationalism here is belief, homeland here is Dar al-Islam, the ruler here is God, and the constitution here is the Quran".

An important advocate of moderate Islam, Muḥammad Saʿīd al-ʿAshmāwi (1932-2013) is certainly one of the most influential figures in the Egyptian debate over the relationship between Islam and politics, and one of the most strenuous opponents of extremist currents.
Primary studies about him are still lacking, and this work aims at providing a new exposition of his ideas. We analyze al-ʿAshmawi’s polemics against Islamic extremism and his view on the relationship between Islam and politics as contained in Al-Islām al-siyāsī, one of his most famous works, availing ourselves of another important work he wrote, Jawhar al-Islām (1984), where much of his ideas on Islam are condensed.
A comparison to the thought of a key theoretician of Islamic extremism, Sayyid Quṭb, has also been provided, with an  analysis of the latter’s Maʿālim fī al-ṭarīq, in order to highlight the profound differences that characterize the two authors, but also the strict relatedness of their argumentations.
All the research was conducted on the original texts.

تهدف هذه المقالة إلى عرض فكر المؤلف المصري محمد سعيد العشماوي كما هو موجود في بعض مؤلفاته (الإسلام السياسي وجوهر الإسلام) بتركيز خاص على معارضته للتطرف الإسلامي ورأيه عن العلاقة بين الدين وبين السياسة.
قد تمَت مقارنة فكر العشماوي بفكر المتطرف المصري سيد قطب كما هو موجود في كتابه المهم معالم في الطريق، ومن نتائج المقارنة أن كِلا المؤلفين مهتمّان بنفس القضايا، ولكنه هناك اختلافات كثيرة فما يتعلق بآرائهما في تلك القضايا.

Religion and politics in Pakistan are very closely related. This fusion of
religion and politics took place before the creation of Pakistan as the
very idea of a separate state for Indian Muslims was shaped by
religion. After independence, the issue got further impetus and the
religious leaders, the ulema, very assertively demanded Islamizing
the system. The process actually started in 1949 with the passage of
Objectives Resolution which provided for the Islamic foundation of
future laws in Pakistan. The Objectives Resolutions was followed by
three constitutions passed by the regimes of different leaders ranging
from Islamic oriented to the secular leaders like Ayub and Bhutto but
none of them could dare separate religion from politics. Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto contested and won election in 1970 on secular agenda but he
could not implement his socialist program and soon had to retreat to
Islam as a saving force. This paper is an account of Bhutto’s
Islamization process. The study attempts to discuss how a secular
leader with a socialist program resorted to Islam? What were those
factors which barred Bhutto from implementing his agenda? The paper
is a qualitative study largely based on secondary data gleaned from
articles, books and theses.
Keywords
Islamization, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, law, Religion, Islam, politics.

In Indonesia, the issue of Islamic shari'a was emerging since long. Anthony Reid show that since begin age of 17th M, the Islamic law was applied in a strict manner. It was applied partially in Banten (West Java) and Aceh where, for example, the law of reducing hand that applied for the thief. It is showing us how the issue of Islamic shari'a was emerging in Nusantara Islamic history, since long. From past until now, the struggle for application of Islamic shari'a in Indonesia always emerge pro and contra, especially when this struggle was manage to have a legitimating from state formally.

The deliberative about Islamic shari'a, during the regime of new order is powerful in Indonesia, as if was closed. So the declining of Soeharto's regime can be said was open a new debate about the application of Islamic shariah. In the age of decentralisation local autonomy like now, the notion of the application of Islamic shari'a appear again. The effort to deep and emerge "seven words" that lost in Piagam Jakarta was begin to move by several group.

In the post-Soeharto period, this effort can be understood as a first step of debate of Islamic shari'a. After 9th the age of reformation, the struggle to formalize Islamic shari'a more and more lively. Since the local autonomy was applied until July 2006, recorded 56 policies of district regulation (peraturan daerah) in many forms, qanun (local regulation especially in Aceh), surat edaran, and the decisions of the district head. The product of district policies explicitly oriented to the Islamic doctrines up to suitable called with district regulation of Islamic shari'a.
In the context of pluralism where many groups ought to have many access to engage in the process of policy, Moslem communities, with district regulation of Islamic shari'a, try to have privileges with emerging many policies appropriate with their interest. In the other hand, many groups that no deal with the application of public policy that near/closed with Islamic shari'a. That is groups occasionally are non-Muslim minorities and from moderate Muslim.
This paper discuss about the formalization of Islamic shari'a in public policy area in Indonesia. The writer will use a pluralism of political perspective to discuss this paper. In pluralism of political approach in public policy, there several questions will guide a writer in this study. The important questions in pluralism of political approach are; who engaged in the process of decision-making; who's choice that accepted as a decision; and who can put up influence to the outcomes.
After we discuss wide range a concept of pluralism of politics and public policy, this paper will study a discourse and the aspiration of Islamic sharia; formalization from district level until central level and the minorities' response toward public policy that oriented to special religion. This paper, systematically, will begin from the perspective of pluralism of politics to examine many problems that discussed and will be finished with the conclusion.

Public opinion is strongly patriarchal in the MENA, leading to low women’s workforce participation and political and economic problems. Efforts to explain attitudes focus on Islam and modernization, but miss employment-based mechanisms drawn from American sociological studies. Interest- and exposure-based employment theories argue that employed women and their husbands develop feminist views through redefinition of interests and exposure to women’s capabilities. Using data from six Arab countries, I find support for employment-based theories, particularly among men. Husbands of employed wives exhibit greater egalitarianism than single men and husbands of nonworking wives. Female supporters of Shari’a are less accepting of inequality than religious men, suggesting gendered interpretations of Islam. The results complement research on women, Islam, and oil and underscore the importance of supporting women’s employment.

The Arab Spring, a series of anti-government protests, uprisings and armed rebellions, spreads across the Middle East throughout 2011. A rhythmic chant echoed across the Arab lands which showed that the people want to topple the regime. It has been widely seen as a watershed event which has irrevocably changed the region and the global political landscape. A main force behind it was the call for a formative political change, with freedom, democracy and justice, and the attack on corruption and nepotism. In the history of the Middle East, the opportunity to support democracy has never been as great as today. The momentum for democracy in the Middle East is at its peak. The people’s voice for freedom is at its loudest, while the regimes’ popularity is at an all-time low. Regardless of external support, the oppressed will continue to revolt— it is a fight to the end. Most of those regimes clinging to power are teetering at the edge of the precipice. Arab dictatorial regimes might spill more blood, but the darkest hour is just before the dawn.
Initially, the Arab Spring was an optimistic transformation of the Middle East into democratic region. Yet, until now, the progress is not as quite good as expected, not to mention failed. In many public debates, there is a tendency to focus solely on Islamism as the major obstacle toward democratization in the region.

This paper explores al-Būtī’s critical view on contemporary Islamists who, according to al-Būtī, have misapplied the Islamic law and sacrificed da‘wah in favour of political gains. Among their dogmatic beliefs is the ruthless and hasty call for the establishment of the Islamic state, the takfīr of rulers, arbitrary application of the question of tatarrus, etc. Having  presented and evaluated al-Būtī’s views pertaining  to Islamists’ position on the above issues, the paper further attempts to examine  whether they are applicable to contemporary movements or not. This was done through consulting the literature of the most eminent Islamist movements (Hizb al-Tahrīr, the Muslim Brotherhood, jihadists, the AKP, and Hizb al-Nahda). The paper followed textual analysis aspiring towards providing a more comprehensive approach to the study of al-Būtī’s views. Accordingly, seven important issues were selected and used to assess the position of movements according to al-Būtī’s approach. It concludes, that al-Būtī’s anti-Islamist discourse deserves to be taken as a yardstick against which a clear distinction is made between extreme and moderate Islamist movements. The paper also suggested several measures to further enhance research in this important area of study.   
Key words: Islamist, discourse, Takfīr, da‘wah, moderate, extreme, tatarrus

This book is the culmination of Wilkinson's impressive career of scholarship on Oman and Ibāḍī Islam. The author elaborates on his earlier work and produces the most thorough analysis to date of the historical evidence regarding Ibāḍism's origins and development, deconstructing the standard narrative of Ibāḍism's formation, and building upon (and occasionally disagreeing with) the works of He discusses the most important sources on early to medieval Ibāḍism, displaying an unparalleled knowledge of an extraordinary spectrum of Ibāḍī texts.

Religion has been always at the crux of Egypt’s domestic and foreign policies. Egypt’s different political regimes since former president Gamal Abdel Nasser have employed religion in order to enhance their internal legitimacy, counterbalance religious actors (mainly Islamists), and expand their external influence in the Muslim world. In doing so, the executive branch, namely the presidency, has continuously attempted to control religious institutions and shape their message. However, these attempts have impacted the role, mission, and image of religious institutions domestically and internationally. This is particularly the case under Sisi’s regime, whose relentless attempts to control religious institutions, and particularly Al-Azhar, to serve his political agenda have undermined Egypt’s religious soft power.

This research studied on political elite in Muhammadiyah as moderate representatives in post-New Order in response of the dynamics Islam and politics. There are three issues as basic analyzes, i.e. the emergence of Islamic political parties, the desire of returning the Jakarta Charter as the state principle as well as phenomenon of terrorism which is always attached a term of "jihad" in Islamic tradition. Meanwhile, to conduct data and information, the research uses a qualitative approach as methodology as well as documentation and interviews as a technique of collecting data. The collected data then is analyzed and interpreted descriptively to get a proper conclusion. The result of the research shows that there are four variants in political elite in Muhammadiyah, i.e. transformative-idealistic, moderateidealistic, realistic-critical, and accommodative-pragmatic. The variations are deeply influenced by two factors, i.e. sociological elite background and organizational. Abstrak Penelitian ini mengkaji tentang politik elit Muhammadiyah sebagai representasi kaum modernis dalam merespon dinamika Islam dan politik pasca Orde Baru. Ada tiga isu yang dijadikan sebagai basis analisis, yaitu munculnya partai-partai Islam, keinginan untuk pengembalian Piagam Jakarta sebagai azas negara, dan munculnya fenomena terorisme yang selalu dilekatkan sebagai jihad. Dalam menggali data, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta teknik dokumentasi dan wawancara dalam mengumpulkan data. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa ada empat varian perilaku kaum modernis, yaitu sikap transformatif-idealistik, sikap moderat-idealistik, sikap realistikkritis, dan sikap akomodatif-pragmatis. Keempat varian tersebut sangat dipengaruhi oleh dua faktor utama, yaitu faktor latar belakang sosiologis masing-masing elite dan faktor pemahaman masingmasing elite terhadap organisasi Muhammadiyah. Kata kunci: Sikap politik, elite Muhammadiyah, Islam dan politik PENDAHULUAN Runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru ditandai dengan lengsernya Soeharto pada 21 Mei 1998 dari tahta kekuasaannya menjadi sejarah baru bagi perkembangan perpolitikan di Indonesia. Momentum tersebut telah menjadi tanda, bahwa rezim otoriter telah berakhir. Sejak Orde Baru tumbang, perubahan iklim politik di Indonesia berjalan secara cepat dibandingkan dengan era sebelumnya. Kemudian tahta kekuasaan diserahkan kepada BJ Habibie. Menurut Sahdan (2004: 87-92), ada beberapa hal yang menyebabkan terjadinya masa transisi ini. Pertama, terjadinya krisis basis material (ekonomi) yang dipicu oleh krisis ekonomi regional. Kedua, terjadinya krisis legitimasi kekuasaan Soeharto. Ketiga, kuatnya desakan dari civil society (para demonstran) yang berkehendak untuk menjatuhkan kekuasaan Soeharto. Keempat, keretakan di kalangan elite Soeharto, seperti adanya pengkhianatan beberapa elite, jatuhnya pamor militer, birokrat, Golkar, dan para teknokrat akibat dianggap sebagai penjilat kekuasaan, serta munculnya tokoh-tokoh oportunis yang berlaih mencaci maki Soeharto. Masa transisi ini pula yang menurut Amir (2003: 278), menyebabkan peta politik nasional diselimuti oleh eforia politik yang terbelah secara tajam menjadi kekuatan politik kaum reformis versus kekuatan politik status quo. Golkar dinobatkan oleh kaum reformis sebagai penjelmaan status quo. Hal ini kemudian berimplikasi luas terhadap perkembangan politik di Indonesia. Aura politik yang dirasakan bagaikan angin segar yang dapat dinikmati oleh siapapun tanpa ada tekanan dari rezim yang berkuasa. Fragmentasi politik di kalangan aktivis gerakan Islam kian beragam. Diskursus seputar Islam dan politik muncul kembali ke permukaan, ditandai dengan lahirnya beragam partai politik Islam, perdebatan tentang dasar negara, serta munculnya fenomena terorisme selalu dilekatkan dengan kosa kata "jihad" dalam tradisi Islam. Di kalangan para aktivis Islam pun belum menemukan titik temu tentang perdebatan itu. Jika kita menengok kembali sejarah, dinamika antara Islam dan politik telah dimulai sejak menjelang kemerdekaan Indonesia. Hal ini dapat terlihat ketika perdebatan tentang dasar negara dalam sidang BPUPKI yang diselenggarakan pada tanggal 29 Mei -1 Juni 1945. Perdebatan di antara para anggota sidang memunculkan dua gagasan utama tentang dasar negara sebagaimana dikemukakan oleh Anshari (1997: 27-28). Kelompok nasionalis Islam menginginkan agar Indonesia didirikan sebagai negara Islam. Sedangkan kelompok nasionalis sekuler menginginkan Indonesia sebagai negara persatuan nasional yang memisahkan antara urusan negara dan Islam, dengan kata lain: bukan negara Islam. Menurut Anshari (1997: 34), selain kelompok nasionalis Islam, seperti Kahar Muzakkir, Abikoesno Tjokrosoejoso, Agus Salim, Ahmad Soebarjo, dan Wachid Hasyim yang tergabung dalam "Panitia Sembilan" sebagai penggagas Piagam Jakarta, anggota sidang BPUPKI lainnya yang juga mendukung Piagam Jakarta adalah Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, saat itu menjabat ketua PP Muhammadiyah. Kemudian, lanjut Anshari (1997: 46), sehari setelah kemerdekaan, 18 Agustus 1945, anggota PPKI yang terdiri dari 21 orang mengadakan sidang untuk menetapkan UUD beserta mukadimah dan persoalan lain yang diusulkan oleh para anggota sebelum dan sesudah kemerdekaan. Dalam sidang itu, menurut Thaba (1996: 47), Mohammad Hatta menyampaikan beberapa usulan perubahan, di antaranya perubahan pada preambul Piagam Jakarta, yaitu anak kalimat: "Berdasarkan kepada Ketuhanan, dengan kewajiban menjelankan syariat Islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya" diubah menjadi "berdasarkan atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa". Pada awalnya, sebagian anggota sidang PPKI menolak gagasan Bung Hatta (sapaan akrab Mohammad Hatta), seperti Ki Bagus Hadikusumo. Namun, setelah Bung Hatta, Teuku Muhammad Hasan, Wachid Hasyim, dan Kasman Singodimejo meyakinkan Ki Bagus dengan berbagai alasan agar jangan sampai pecah dengan non-muslim demi kemerdekaan Indonesia, akhirnya Ki Bagus menyetujui perubahan tersebut. Akhirnya, syariat Islam sebagai ideologi negara mengalami kegagalan. Sepuluh tahun kemudian, setelah Pemilu 1955, menurut Maarif (Prisma No. Ekstra, 1984 Th. XIII: 74-75), perdebatan tentang Islam dan Pancasila kembali dibicarakan pada pelataran konstitusional. Pemilu pertama ini bertugas membentuk parlemen dan Majelis Konstitutante. Semula Majelis Konstituante diharapkan mampu membuat UUD yang permanen untuk menggantikan UUDS yang pernah dimiliki. Namun, usaha itu belum dapat terselesaikan sekalipun sudah mencapai 90% hingga sidang terakhirnya, 2 Juni 1959. Situasi yang setengah macet ini diatasi oleh Soekarno dengan mengeluarkan Dekrit Presiden pada tanggal 5 Juni 1959 dengan membubarkan Majelis Konstituante dan menetapkan kembali berlakunya UUD '45 sebagai dasar ideologi negara, dengan tetap mempertimbangkan Piagam Jakarta tertanggal 22 Juni 1945 yang menjiwai UUD '45 dan merupakan satu Ridho Al-Hamdi 167 Dinamika Islam Dan Politik Elit -Elit Muhammadiyah Periode 1998-2010 penelitian ini mengajukan rumusan masalah: Bagaimana sikap politik elite Muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dalam merespon relasi antara Islam dan politik? Apa saja faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhinya?

This paper examines the construction of Islamic authority in Kazakhstani online media. I build on the growing scholarship in Central Asian studies that questions the logocentric nature of Islamic authority, even for scripturalist Muslims. Taking the You-Tube channel of Abdughappar Smanov as a case study, I argue that some scripturalist preachers in Kazakhstan construct their Islamic authority by tapping into Soviet, Ka-zakh, and global currents of masculinity and sport.

Appréhender aujourd'hui la notion de féminisme islamique apparue il y a maintenant 20 ans, au début des années 1990, c'est se pencher sur un phénomène éminemment politique, particulièrement quand on écrit dans le contexte français, européen ou des pays dits du Nord. C'est envisager un phénomène toujours relativement peu connu malgré les travaux dont il a fait depuis lors l'objet. C'est surtout se poser une question renouvelée du féminisme islamique, ou plutôt des féminismes islamiques, à un moment où ce courant est en mouvement, en pleine transformation, diversification et transition.

This volume is a record of the 2017 Building Bridges seminar for theological dialogue between Muslim and Christian scholars. Chaired by Daniel Madigan, SJ, and hosted by Georgetown University, the seminar explored a range of questions connected with Christian and Muslim understandings of divine and human power, including the relationship between religion and political power. The volume includes a selection of relevant scriptural and post-scriptural texts discussed at the seminar, as well as contributions from Ahmet Alibašić, Jonathan Brown, Jonathan Chaplin, Stephen Cook, Mahan Mirza, Martin Nguyen, Joan O'Donovan, and Philip Sheldrake.
A PDF of the whole volume is provided by kind permission of Georgetown University Press. For more information on Building Bridges and other volumes in the series, see http://press.georgetown.edu/category/promotions/buildingbridges and https://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/projects/the-building-bridges-seminar.