New Right

It is generally acknowleged that the 1980s was a turning point in the history of modern Turkey. Marked by the rise of the New Right, it was also the period when popular cultural forms like football and arabesk were transformed. Although there has been an increasing sociological interest in the issue of social transformation in Turkey in the 1980s, most studies have been conducted from a perspective focusing on its economic and political aspects. Contrary to this large literature on Turkey, this book aims to analyse this important transformation period from an angle focusing on the issue of the relationship between politics (i.e. the New Right) and popular culture (i.e. football and arabesk music). With its theoretical framework based on the works of Gramsci and Foucault along with many other scholars, this book should help to shed some light on some of important theoretical and practical issues that concerns those who are working on the issue of politics of popular culture. It should also be specially useful to those who are interested in socio-historical analysis of sport/football and music/arabesk in Turkey.

Paul Joseph Watson (PJW) is a British YouTube personality associated with Info Wars, conspiracy theories, and the Global New Right. He is one of the core New Right YouTubers whose influence cannot go unnoticeable. This article focuses on Paul Joseph Watson's contribution to the Global New Right as he makes YouTube videos on hot politically incorrect topics.

The last decade saw the rapid emergence of the Dutch New Right, leading to a significant break in Dutch political culture. The nature of this break remains contested. Some argue it should be seen as a conservative restoration, an attempt to turn back time; others stress the progressive nature of the revolt, depicted as an attempt to bolster Dutch progressive values with respect to conservative Muslim immigrants. In this article, an alternative interpretation is offered: I argue that the Dutch New Right has developed a new, mutated form of conservatism in the Netherlands. It has done so firstly by borrowing and adapting ideas from American neoconservatism and secondly by absorbing in its programme some of the most important progressive attainments emanating from the Dutch sixties and seventies. Despite these progressive incorporations, the programme of the New Right is nonetheless conservative in character and effect. To qualify the content of this new conservative politics, I propose to use the term postprogressive, suggesting some lines of continuity and affinity with the progressive project, while at the same time, a wide-ranging rupture is implied. This postprogressive conservatism can be reduced to two elements: 1) a paradoxical incorporation of a select set of progressive values – mainly women’s rights, gay rights, secularism and individualism – which are subsequently culturalised and historicised; 2) a concerted conservative attack on the progressive consensus on a range of other terrains, such as environmental policy, internationalism, cultural policy, the economy, labour relations and the work ethic, development aid, terrorism, crime, immigration and social policy.

Mit Blick auf die Online-Kulturkriege der Neuen Rechten und sogenannte Alt-Right Nerdkulturen (meme wars, LOLitics, Manosphere, Pranksters) zeigt sich eine Verschmelzung von reaktionärer Politik, transgressiver Ästhetik und Populärkultur(en). In den Netzkulturen der Neuen Rechten werden konservative Transgression, Fake und Ambivalenz sowie Tabubrüche und Anti-Konformismus als neuer Mainstream angepriesen-anders gesagt, reaktionäre Ideologie wird als non-konforme Identitätspolitik transgressiv und sogar "humorvoll" verbreitet. Nun hat transgressive Ästhetik in autoritären (und auch völkischen) Subkulturen eine lange Tradition, während die Neuen Rechten versuchen, reaktionäre Konzepte heute erneut anschlussfähig zu machen. In diesem Hinblick analysiert der Beitrag die Ästhetik der Neuen Rechten und zeichnet ihr visuelles Amalgam und ihre kulturellen Anleihen (aus Antike, Romantik, Avantgarde, Popkultur u. a.) nach. Anschließend stellt sich die Frage nach kritischen Kunst-und Kulturpraktiken im 21. Jahrhundert, die mittels subversiver Affirmation-jenseits von neo-konservativen nihilistischen Tendenzen, simplem Relativismus oder Post-Ironie-das identitäre Image unterwandern können.

Panel: DIFFERENTIELLE WAHRHEITEN. TRANSGRESSIVE ÄSTHETIKEN JENSEITS DER IDENTITÄTSLOGIK
mit Jörg Sternagel (Chair), Sofia Bempeza, Christoph Brunner, Ines Kleesattel

watch on-line: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZJgt-QTTZ40

Editada entre 1994 y 1999, Disenso fue una publicación peculiar de la prensa cultural argentina: si bien escribieron allí figuras del "nacionalismo de derechas", adoptó un enfoque ecléctico y pluralista. Asimismo, constituyó un sólido enlace con la "Nueva Derecha" europea. Este artículo se aproxima a dicha trayectoria reconstruyendo las redes trasnacionales que integró y su recepción de las novedades intelectuales arribadas del Viejo Continente.

This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in
arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. This forces us to adjust our understanding of locality, nationalism and our methodological apparatus.

Methodological nationalism, discourse, global nationalism, network effects, cellular systems

Het zou een quizvraag kunnen zijn: wat hebben Trump, alt-right, Alternative für Deutschland, het Front National, Thierry Baudet en de N-VA gemeen? Dat ze overal voor een ruk naar rechts zorgen? Uiteraard. Dat ze een antwoord op de neoliberale globalisering vonden dat aanslaat? Zeker. Dat ze ‘zeggen waar het op staat’? Eveneens. Maar volgens Ico Maly is er nog een belangrijke overeenkomst die velen over het hoofd zien: al die mensen, partijen en groeperingen delen de strijd tegen gelijkheid, vrijheid en universele mensenrechten. Tegen de waarden van de verlichting. Een complex spel van sociale, politieke, economische, ecologische en digitale evoluties versnelde hun opmars. De grensoverschrijdende internetcultuur zorgde voor een boom. Over populisme, ideologie, Pepethe-frog-versies van Trump en Baudet, Theo Francken als meme in keizerskostuum, Breitbart en Gramsci.

En nuestro ensayo anterior, "Raza, Identidad, Comunidad",[1] discutimos una serie de temas: lo más importante, los diversos niveles y relaciones de grupos étnicos y raciales, la cuestión de la comunicación cultural, la apertura y cierre, las relaciones entre raza y cultura, la necesidad de resistirse al mestizaje por el bien de la estabilidad etno-cultural, el error del individualismo y el valor del holismo social, y la importancia del sentido de comunidad para la identidad étnica y racial.

A revisionist examination of the "new eugenics," which had been described by historians as more scientific and liberal. This paper examines the efforts of Pioneer Fund scholars to re-assert the claim that there are racial differences in intelligence and that there was a dysgenic trend which needed to countered with social policies that included sterilization of the unfit.

In this article, a translated excerpt from a larger discussion about the "New Inquisition," Alain de Benoist discusses and critiques the abuses of the terms "fascism" and "racism", the contradictory meanings and ultimate meaninglessness of "anti-fascism", and the hidden intentions of political correctness in Europe today.

In this paper, I distinguish the Heideggerian Left from the Heideggerian Right, on the basis of their interpretations of the topography of Being that obtains after the Destruktion of metaphysics. I then discuss the contribution that the understudied Heideggerian Right topography can make to the complex of problems commonly referred to as the "theologico--political problem". I argue that both the theological and the political can be conceived of newly on the basis of right--Heideggerianism, beyond the usual left--Heideggerian theme of secular, radical democracy.

Özet: Cumhuriyet dönemine yön veren pek çok spor kurumunun ve politikasının temelleri I. Meşrutiyet dönemine kadar uzanır. Bu yıllardan itibaren spor yeni bir anlam kazanır. Osmanlıda savaş eğitiminin bir parçası olarak görülen ve bugünkü spor dallarının kökenlerini oluşturan faaliyetler, modernleşme süreci içinde herkesin sağlık ve bedensel disiplin adına yapması gereken spor faaliyetlerine dönüşür. Özellikle ulus-devletin kuruluşuyla beraber, spor vatandaşların katılımı için ulusal bir alan olarak yeniden düzenlenir. Yeni kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti devleti için artık sağlıklı, disiplinli ve vatansever vatandaşlar yetiştirme ve uluslararası arenada ulusal birliği ve varlığı sembolleştirme işlevleri gören etkin faaliyetlerin bir alanıdır. Kurucu seçkinlerin öncelikli beklentileri, spor yoluyla vücutça sağlam ve ahlaklı bir neslin yetiştirilmesidir. Burada kadınların temel rolü ise hem yeni ve bilime dayalı bedensel aktivitelere katılarak modernliğin göstergeleri olmak hem de ulusa sağlıklı evlatlar bahşeden anneler olmaktır. Bu çalışmada, sporun ulus-devletin toplumsal alanı haline gelişi ve Türkiye'de çağdaşlaşma/asrileşme adı altında yaşanan büyük dönüşümün etkisiyle sporda yaşanan anlam dönüşümü ele alınmıştır. Anahtar kelimeler: Türkiye, modernleşme, spor tarihi, Foucault, kadın sporcular. Constitution of Modern Sports in Turkey during the Transition from Empire to Republic and in the Early Republican Period Abstract: Having great influence over the Republican period, many sport institutions and sport politics were going back to the period of First Constitutional Monarchy. Since then, sport has begun to achieve to a new social meaning. Within the modernisation process, being the roots of many present sport branches, sport practices, which were considered as part of military education in the Ottoman period, were transformed into practices that had to be carried out by everyone in order to keep himself-herself in health and form. Especially in parallel to the establishment of the nation-state, sport was reorganized as a national field for all citizenships. For the newly constituted Turkish Republic, sport was turned to be an influential sphere of activity which would function for raising healthy, disciplined and patriotic citizens and for symbolising national unity in the international domains. Main expectations of founding elites were to bring up bodily strong and morally potent generation. Here, the main social role of women were to be symbols of modernity by participating into sport activities and to be good mothers who were capable of giving birth to healthy children of the nation. This paper aims to analyse the emergence of sport as a field of new modern nation state and its changing social meaning under the impact of great social transformation called modernisation in Turkey.

This paper overviews European Identitarian and/or New Rightist philosophy regarding the issues of ethnicity, culture, race, and identities and politics related to these. Topics discussed in the paper include the following: the conception and sociology of collective identities, ethno-cultural identity, inter-cultural interaction, the role of racial type in identity, the problems of mixing and miscegenation, the idea of differentialism as opposed to racism, the value of community in identity, types of ethnic separatism (the class and caste System, nationalism, Traditionalist imperial federalism, Identitarian separatism or federalism), the idea of organic democracy, and the Theory of a Multipolar World. References are made especially to the writings of Alain de Benoist, Alexander Dugin, Pierre Krebs, Tomislav Sunic, Guillaume Faye, and Julius Evola.

An extended review and discussion of Ernst Jünger’s short novel ‘Besuch auf Godenholm’ published in German in 1952 and published for the first time in English in February of 2015 as ‘Visit to Godenholm’ by Edda Publishing. The novel and my review will be of interest to all those concerned with the history of psychedelic cultures, not least because it contains a very early and expansive literary account of the LSD experience. Although the psychedelic sequence in the novel is not attributed to the effects of a drug, the account is based on one of the early LSD sessions that the prominent German author Jünger shared with Albert Hofmann, as attested in Hofmann’s ‘LSD my Problem Child’. The potential for the use of LSD as an aid in psychotherapy was considered as early as 1950 and Jünger’s novel significantly concerns the healing of psychological trauma, but in the setting of an esoteric initiation under the guidance of a formidable magus named Schwarzenberg. The events in the novel set in the immediate aftermath of World War Two are framed in terms of Nordic mythology. Jünger, who died aged 102 in February 1998, had experimented with psychoactive drugs throughout his adult life. Published in Psychedelic Press UK Journal, 2015, Volume III,

Although the legacy and work of John Michell is frequently associated with a culturally liberal neo-tribalism, certain aspects of Michell’s thought can be, and have been, interpreted as an esoteric extension of more explicitly right-wing political positions, ones which are currently convergent with the political subcultures surrounding the European New Right both in Europe and also among newly emerging right-wing groups in the US. This essay examines the ways in which the work of John Michell is resonant with many of the philosophies of the European New Right, and how in his final years and after his death new markets for his work are emerging in the various subcultures associated with right-wing Paganism.

This essay begins by reviewing definitions and categories of modern Paganism (also variously termed contemporary or neo-Paganism) that the author first proposed in the 2005 book Modern Paganism in World Culture and then proceeds to discuss parallels with certain political trends in Europe and America today. Particular attention will be paid to how the rising tide of pro-nativist, anti-immigrant, and anti-Muslim sentiment in contemporary European and American politics mirrors certain views and values espoused by the more ethnically oriented forms of Paganism, even though this seeming convergence of interests between Pagans and rightists at the political level is undercut at the religious level by the right wing's firm adherence to Christianity and rejection of religious diversity. The essay proceeds to examine how competing nineteenth century visions of ethnic-centered nationalism and universal humanism are replicated today in the more ethnic and traditional types of Paganism versus those that are more eclectic and universalistic in their outlook. Pagan responses to the events of August 1-12, 2017 in Charlottesville, Virginia form the final topic.

Review article on the books:
Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia’s New Nationalism. By Charles Clover. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2016.
The Gumilev Mystique: Biopolitics, Eurasianism, and the Construction of Community in Modern Russia. By Mark Bassin. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2016.
Eurasianism and the European Far Right: Reshaping the Europe-Russia Relationship. Edited by Marlene Laruelle. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015.
Russia and the Western Far Right: Tango Noir. By Anton Shekhovtsov. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2017.

Applying Roger Griffin’s methodological approach to generic fascism, the article analyses individual – socio-political, cultural and esoteric – themes within Dugin’s doctrine, treating them as elements of a larger integral concept of rebirth that constitutes the core of Neo-Eurasianism. The article highlights the highly syncretic nature of this ideological core, a direct result of the ‘mazeway resynthesis’ that has conditioned Dugin’s worldview. It argues that this process has been necessitated by his self-appointed task of envisioning a new stage of history beyond Russia’s present decadent and ‘liminoid’ situation, one that he sees only coming about as the result of a ‘geopolitical revolution’. The variant of Eurasionism that results has the function of a political religion containing a powerful palingenetic thrust towards a new Russia and new West. In conclusion, it is suggested that the new order aspired to by Dugin could only be realised by establishing a totalitarian regime.

The chapter examines Russian political theorist Aleksandr Dugin's (b. 1962) attack on the perceived Western liberal order. The chapter introduces Dugin's role on the Russian right-wing political scene and his international networks, Russian neo-Eurasianism as his ideological footing, and his more recent "fourth political theory" as an attempt to formulate a new ideological alternative to the key twentieth-century ideologies, for him, liberalism, communism, and fascism. Dugin's "fourth" ideology draws inspiration from the German conservative revolutionary movement of the Weimar era. In particular, Martin Heidegger's philosophy of history, with its thesis of the end of modernity and another beginning of Western thought, and Carl Schmitt's pluralistic model of geopolitics are highlighted as key elements of Dugin's eclectic political thought, which is most appropriately characterized as a form of radical conservatism.

This article analyzes the history, production, circulation, and political uses of the alt-right's discourse about cultural Marxism in the context of the right-wing populist Trump presidency, the rise of fascist movements in the United States and worldwide, and the politics of intersectional hate.

This essay situates the struggle for academic freedom and university autonomy at Boğaziçi University within the broader framework of post-truth. Post-truth is defined as a disinvestment from long-established norms regulating what counts as true, without introducing new criteria in their place. As such, it is a state of constant disorientation. The main argument is that post-truth has a material power basis: it is neither an intellectual problem nor one that can be solved by recourse to liberal rights. By briefly showing how neoliberalism, the New Right, and biopolitical governmentality connect and reinforce each other, the essay then asks what academic freedom can signify given the new game of power. The Boğaziçi resistance, it argues, shows how defending academic freedom cannot solely be an academic matter.

This article illustrates a worrisome tendency in post-Soviet academia: the interpenetration between the social sciences and neo-fascist intellectualism. It details recent developments in the Sociology faculty of Moscow State University, which has appointed the obscurantist pseudo-scholar and propagator of extremely anti-Western ideas Aleksandr Dugin-a figure familiar to Russia watchers-as the director of the Faculty's Center for Conservative Studies and an acting Chair. Dugin has repeatedly acknowledged his closeness to the ideas of, among other fascist ideologies, Nazism, and uses the term "conservatism" as a cover for the spread of a revolutionary ultranationalist and neo-imperialist ideology. In recent years, he has built up a network of supporters in Moscow's higher echelons of power and established considerable foreign ties. If his behavior remains unchecked, Dugin could easily use the reputation of Moscow State University for further extension of his reach into Russian society.

This article is a commentary addressing common misconceptions about Alexander Dugin and his thought in the Right-wing sphere. The following points are argued: While it is likely that Dugin dismisses the concept race he still is very much concerned with ethnicity and advocates ethnic separatism; he distinguishes between the modern liberal "West" and true traditional European culture; he is not imperialist but advocates an anti-imperialist form of imperial state; he does not support a revival of Soviet policy but advocates an entirely new one; he is critical and therefore does not blindly support the current Russian state, even if he respects Putin; he rejects both Marxism and Fascism even though he uses ideas from both groups; he is not a reactionary traditionalist but a Revolutionary Conservative. The conclusion is that Dugin is a genuine Right-wing thinker whose contributions have value to the New Right, even if he has imperfections.

This study aims to analyze the impacts of new right ideology, which was
dominant in 1980s during the Motherland Party (ANAP) period, which has increased
its impact during the Justice and Development (AK) Party era and which includes
neo-liberal and neo-conservative values, on social policy. In the first part of the
study, social policy has been analyzed in classical liberalism, social liberalism and
neo-liberalism periods in the light of the fact that social policy has changed
semantically and functionally over time. In addition, the emergence conditions of
social policy within the liberal periods, its meaning, scope, function and
transformation have been analyzed and the impact and shaping power of ideologies -
specially new right- on social policy with example from countries around the world,
have been explained. In the second part, the social policy which has been reshaped in
the shadow of the new right has been evaluated within the Turkish experience and in
different fields (education, health, social security, housing) and finally the emergence
of a new type (right) of social policy has been described.

This essay discusses the issue of immigration and ethnic community, the concept of identity and its relation to culture, the concept of the right to difference and rights of the peoples, the origins of the immigration problem in the liberal system, the cause of xenophobia and racism as the unrestricted immigration policy, the relationship between egalitarian "anti-racism" and xenophobia or racism, and the possibility of taking a non-racist differentialist position (acknowledging differences and ethnic separation but rejecting both egalitarianism and xenophobia/racism).