Peace & Reconciliation

E-mail:  b-vlegaloutfit@gmx.co.uk

"This paper examines African conflicts and the roles of the African Union (AU) in conflict resolution, focusing on the recent Zimbabwe and Kenya conflicts. Two conflict and conflict resolution theories: Hobessian realism and Burton’s human needs theory were considered. This paper finds that ethnicity, elections in Africa, colonial manipulation of Africa’s boundary, and long-standing land struggle contribute to Africa’s conflicts; employing a comparative perspective however, it contends that the primary cause of the Zimbabwe and Kenya conflicts is the failure of the governments of Mugabe and Kibaki to address the basic needs of the people. This paper concludes that unlike other conflict resolution theories/ mechanisms, the AU should stress the improvement of the governance institution in order to persuade the governments in Africa to respond to the basic needs of the populations. This is the major stipulation of needs theory, which is compelling for understanding the causes of conflict and conflict resolution in Africa.

Keywords: Conflict; conflict resolution; good governance; African Union; Hobessian realism; Burton’s human needs theory."

The intent of this chapter is to re-imagine and apply the term " civil disobedience " to the cyber domain. The full extent of how it can apply will be analyzed in a framework of the evolutionary rights of protest. Traditional civil disobedience is a " performance " via visual and physical mediums, while cyber disobedience is essentially a digital performance with difficulty in attributing true ownership of the act. This is an interesting antithesis to the physical protestor, who uses strategic visibility, threat of arrest, and popular backlash against state behavior as vital aspects of the disobedience. These variables are noticeably absent in cyber disobedience.

This special issue of the Journal of Strategic Security is a timely response to something of a modern mystery. It is timely because it is difficult to read or watch television these days without coming across some reference to drone warfare or
the complex questions revolving around unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV). It is a bit of a mystery, however, because despite this pervasiveness of drones in the news there are relatively few scholarly efforts to rigorously and comprehensively
cover the issues that flow from their use.

This is chapter one of my published PhD Thesis - "Proclaiming the Peacemaker: The Malaysian Church as an Agent for Reconciliation in a Multicultural Society", Oxford: Regnum books, 2012.

From the Introduction:
The Malaysian church exists as a minority community in a multicultural context, where racial tensions are present and religious liberties are restricted. Given these sorts of challenges what shape should Christian mission take in Malaysia at this time? In particular, how are Malaysian churches to combine proclamation of the gospel with a ministry of peacemaking? These questions are explored in this book with the prior understanding that both proclamation and peacemaking are included in the mission God gives his church, and that both may be combined in the exercising of a ministry of reconciliation.

The Caspian Project is a weekly digital magazine organized by the online analytical resource, Modern Diplomacy. Dr. Matthew Crosston is the Senior Editor of the project, which aims to acquaint people with this critically undervalued region of the world. The analyses go far beyond the standard issue of energy and encapsulates economics, politics, culture, religion, global affairs, conflict and peace.

The 10th edition of The Caspian Project is now out and it has several unique distinctions: it is the first edition with an editorial introduction and takes a more holistic and adversarial approach to investigating Iran's entrance into the global community given the recent nuclear accord. It is a great example of the diversity and discord that exists in global affairs, testifying to how there is no one single simple answer to such complex interactions within the international system.

Stella Ghervas (2017). "Balance of Power vs. Perpetual Peace: Paradigms of European Order from Utrecht to Vienna, 1713-1815", The International History Review, 39, 3 (2017): 404-425.

Abstract:
"Over the course of the eighteenth century, two major models of European international order emerged as alternatives to universal monarchy: one was based on the balance of power; the other centred on the idea of perpetual peace. This article traces each back to its origins in debates around the moment of the Peace of Utrecht in 1713. In particular, it examines the evolution of the doctrine of balance of power in early eighteenth-century English political thought and then as a legal principle incorporated into the Treaty of Utrecht, before proceeding to the counter-proposal in the form of the Abbé de Saint-Pierre's "Plan of Perpetual Peace" and the objections it raised. It then shows how Saint-Pierre's paradigm of a league of European states found (albeit in altered form) its way into the Treaty of the Holy Alliance (1815) proposed by Tsar Alexander I after the defeat of Napoleon. It concludes by highlighting the fundamental soundness of the idea of European league, as well as the flaws inherent in the early model of Saint-Pierre."

To link to this article: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07075332.2016.1214613

Ivoire --Réflexion autour de l'inclusion du « peuple de Gbagbo » Graffiti, Paris XVIIIème arrondissement, 2012 i Remerciements : Je remercie dans un premier temps Monsieur Thomas Ribémont, Maître de conférences en Sciences politiques à l'Université Paris 13 et intervenant à l'IRIS, pour avoir dirigé mon travail de recherche, ainsi que pour son soutien et ses conseils tout au long de l'année. J'aimerais également adresser mes remerciements à Guy Labertit, ancien Délégué Afrique du Parti socialiste français, ainsi qu'à toutes les personnes qui m'ont permis de mener des entretiens avec elles, car ce travail n'aurait pas eu le même aboutissement sans leur collaboration. Je les remercie pour la confiance qu'ils m'ont accordée et pour les précieuses informations qu'ils m'ont communiquées au cours de cette année. Enfin, un grand merci à mes amis et à mes parents qui me soutiennent en toutes circonstances et dans tout ce qui je suis amenée à entreprendre.

"Khadi: Gandhi's Mega Symbol of Subversion" investigates the power of a symbol to qualitatively transform society by studying Mahatma Gandhi's use of clothing as a metaphor for unity, empowerment and liberation from imperial subjugation.

The book brings together historical evidence of Gandhi's search for a semiotics of attire in his quest for personal integrity and socio-political change. From a multidisciplinary perspective, it closely examines the 'subversion' underlying his sartorial communication.

The symbolic potential for change which khadi has, is therefore seen, not merely as 'revolution' or 'sedition', but as a sustained, well-organised strategy for achieving full independence or purna swaraj.

The author also discusses the complex challenges in Gandhi's highly polarized environment, such as the conflict between the British Empire and the Indian National Congress, Hindu-Muslim tensions, the urban-rural divide, and the question of untouchability.

Photographs, illustrations and an extensive appendix considerably add to the historical value of the study, making it useful for students and scholars in various fields of South Asian research." - Sage Publications

'Khadi: Mega Symbol...' is also translated into Hindi and Marathi by Sage-Bhasha, India.

Present American policy proclaims the compatibility of drone usage with the traditional Rules of Engagement and the Laws of War. Largely absent in this is an examination of how enemy combatants are being defined on both sides of drone activity: not just the targets and operators but also the relevance of drone technology proliferation. This work engages the void to reveal inconsistent and contradictory ethical standards in American drone policy, based largely on an assumed continued technical preeminence that is by no means guaranteed. The argument is not a humanitarian lament against hegemony: it is a realist argument addressing how ethical inconsistencies in defining American technological warfare compromise the 'leadership high ground' for the United States in a manner that carries fairly significant national security blowback potential.

This paper is about how the conceptualization of 'culture' in intelligence studies has taken on too powerful a role, one that has become too restrictive in its impact on thinking about other intelligence communities, especially non-Western ones. This restriction brings about unintentional cognitive closure that damages intelligence analysis. The argument leans heavily in many ways on the fine work of Desch and Johnston in the discipline of Security Studies, who cogently brought to light over fifteen years ago how ultra-popular cultural theories were best utilized as supplements to traditional realist approaches, but were not in fact capable of supplanting or replacing realist explanations entirely. The discipline of Intelligence Studies today needs a similar 'intellectual intervention' as it has almost unknowingly advanced in the post-Cold War era on the coattails of Security Studies but has largely failed to apply the same corrective measures. This effort may be best accomplished by going back to Snyder in the 1970s who warned that culture should be used as the explanation of last resort for Security Studies.

The word 'madrasa' do generate a lot of curiosity and negative propaganda among scholars of international community. In most of the instances it is considered to be an institution of preaching hatred and violence. Moreover, the madrasas existing in Pakistan are considered to be factories producing religious extremists. But, strangely enough, the basic reason behind the emergence of madrasa-to seek knowledge as enshrined in the principals of Islam are not known. Therefore, fundamental objective or purpose of the study is to understand the changing pattern of madrasa and the role of government in Pakistan to 'modernise' it. The paper is also trying to understand the socio-political context of Pakistan under which the madrasas are operating. The study has been based on the research experience of the writer who has extensively studied the Madrasa Literature of Pakistan while writing her Doctoral thesis. The few core findings of the paper are the fact that over a considerable period of time, madrasas have evolved from an all encompassing educational institution to a centre of religious knowledge; the society of Pakistan to some extent has been segmented into western educated 'modern and fortunate' people versus madrasa educated 'traditional and less-fortunate' mass. Moreover, post 9/11, Pakistani Government did try to 'reform' the madrasa system but could not achieve much success due to shallow approach and non-compliance of various madrasa establishments.

While the contemporary world has been heralded as being “post-racial”, we can look all-around to see evidence that this assertion is not only flawed but false. Religion is generally blamed as the key culprit for the escalating conflicts igniting the world over which threatens peace. Yet, rarely is secularism and the void created in its midst carefully analyzed in this context. The historical roots of this problem are more remote than postmodernism and modernism. However, secularism has fractured the way that human identity has been understood throughout time which eclipses the integral relationship between human diversity and religious pluralism.

Violent conflicts are rampant and they do not just occur like that. Most times, there are indications that there may be violence, yet there is always no meaningful measure(s) put in place by the government and other stakeholders in peace matters, to prevent such violence. The government is oftentimes reluctant and this lack of political will has been widely criticised. They only seem to become serious and intervene when the crisis breaks out with attendant devastating loss of lives and property. When they intervene, it is done through the police or army, who usually have their own share of killings of even innocent citizens. This leaves one to wonder if these conflicts cannot be prevented before they arise, and even when they arise and are resolved, if they cannot be prevented from re-emerging again. Conflict prevention is rapidly becoming a prominent focus of international peace, security and governance agenda. Stakeholders in peace processes are advocating preventive policies and constructive ways of handling conflicts. States, international organisations, NGOs, and the academia, have at different times advocated the prevention of violent conflicts. This article therefore explores conflict prevention as an emerging norm in conflict management globally. It also showcases conflict prevention as a viable option to crisis management. In particular it explores the concept of conflict prevention, its functionality and also examines the elements of conflict prevention tool-box that need to be applied before effective prevention can take place.

If you spend some time listening to reputable news shows all across the West you will start to notice several recurring ‘interpretations’ that explain all things Russian and Vladimir Putin. Rather than being enlightening about this complex country and perhaps even more complex leader, a series of increasingly incredulous ‘pop-psychology-analyses’ emerge instead. What follows are just five of the most commonly touted, with subsequent breakdowns for those who wish to read more accurate alternative considerations:

Combining reflections on my personal experiences regarding tourism with an analytical review of key concepts, this essay addresses the question whether and how tourism contributes to building a global ‘culture of peace’. Setting the scene, I first situate myself vis-à-vis tourism and the peace-through-tourism idea. The next section of the paper provides an in-depth analysis of the terms culture, peace, and tourism. After having defined these concepts, I illustrate how my own research project contributes in innovative ways to the current debate. I conclude with a plea for more collaboration and open dialogue between policy makers, industry representatives, and scholars in order to facilitate ‘peace through tourism’ as well as ‘peace within tourism’.

This is chapter two of my published PhD thesis "Proclaiming the Peacemaker: The Malaysian Church as an Agent for Reconciliation in a Multicultural Society", Oxford: Regnum Books, 2012

From the Introduction:

The Malaysian church exists as a minority community in a multicultural context, where racial tensions are present and religious liberties are restricted. Given these sorts of challenges what shape should Christian mission take in Malaysia at this time? In particular, how are Malaysian churches to combine proclamation of the gospel with a ministry of peacemaking? These questions are explored in this book with the prior understanding that both proclamation and peacemaking are included in the mission God gives his church, and that both may be combined in the exercising of a ministry of reconciliation.

Deterrence is an ancient concept and common to nearly all human interactions. At its core, deterrence involves the act of influencing one’s behavior by manipulating their cost-benefit analysis. Still, following the attacks of September 11th many policymakers and academics were quick to dismiss the strategic role that deterrence could play in counterterrorism policy. This lack of confidence has been continually echoed by policymakers and scholars alike. Chiefly, former President George W. Bush concluded that the traditional concepts of deterrence were meaningless against terrorist networks which had no nation to claim as their own and were willing to die for their cause.  As a result, policymakers, military officials, and U.S. allies have focused instead on militaristic preemptive strategies for counterterrorism operations.  The purpose of this research is to critically examine the role of deterrence theory and analyze whether it can be applied to counterterrorism operations as a means to increase international security and achieve national objectives with minimal military investment.

A discourse to peace educators and activists from Palestine and Israel on the techniques of 'Satyagraha', created and employed by Mahatma Gandhi in the struggle for Indian independence. While the techniques are identified and briefly explained, a diagrammatic presentation of the context within which he acted reveals the courage and discipline required in a Gandhi-inspired subversion of structural and cultural injustice.
Date of discourse: 10, March, 2007.
Date of publication on Academia.edu: 2012

The first of its kind as an evidence-based research carried during the Syrian conflict inside Syria, this study presents the results of a quantitative and qualitative mapping of 94 civil society groups and Local Councils in the non-government-controlled areas of Syria from the start of the country's popular uprising in March 2011 until February 2014. Carried out as part of the Badael Project for Sustainable Peace in Syria, this research has pursued three objectives: (1) to identify the characteristics of local CSGs in Syria, (2) to understand their identity and dynamics and (3) to analyse their challenges, opportunities and needs. Its findings not only provide a more nuanced picture than that often conveyed by the media, but also supports Syrian civil society groups in overcoming their difficulties and making better use of the opportunities available to them. At the same time, it could inspire the international community to review its support for Syrian civil society to make it more relevant to the realities and needs on the ground.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface
Executive Summary
1. Introduction: The Awakening of Syrian Civil Society
1.1 Syrian Civil Society in the Twentieth Century
1.2 The 'Damascus Spring'
1.3 Governmental Non-Governmental Organizations
1.4 A New Civil Society

2. Research Scope and Methodology
2.1 Research Scope
2.2 Research Techniques
2.3 Strengths and Limitations

3. Characteristics of Local Civil Society Groups
3.1 Civil Society on the Ground
3.1.1 Geographical spread
3.1.2 Emergence of civil society groups by region
3.2 Demographic Characteristics
3.2.1 Group size
3.2.2 Gender structure
3.2.3 Age structure
3.2.4 Educational attainment levels

4. Identities and Dynamics of Local Civil Society Groups
4.1 Choice of Name
4.2 Ideological Orientation
4.2.1 Interest in engaging in political activism
4.2.2 Economic vision
4.2.3 Religious orientation
4.2.4 Democratic and citizenship values
4.3 Dynamics
4.3.1 Funding resources
4.3.2 Roles and relationships on the ground
4.3.3 Relationships with other stakeholders

5. Local Civil Society Groups: Challenges, Opportunities and Needs
5.1 Challenges
5.2 Opportunities
5.3 Needs

6. Conclusion

7. Recommendations
7.1 Recommendations for Local Civil Society Groups
7.2 Recommendations for the International Community

Korea has a long history of linking conflict resolution with particular moral and societal values. In this chapter we explore the potentials and limits of this tradition by focusing on the concept of Han, which many Korean scholars claim as unique to their culture.  We explore in detail two important aspects of Han. First, the concept of Han explicitly acknowledges the emotional dimensions of conflict and its resolution. This focus on emotions contrasts sharply with Western approaches to mediation, which are part of a broader cultural tradition dominated by instrumental understandings of reason.  Second, the concept of Han, as understood and practiced in Korea, shifts the focus of conflict resolution from the individual to the collective. The main task is not to address and solve individual grievances or a clash between particu- lar individuals, as is the case in dominant Western approaches to mediation. The purpose, rather, is to find ways of harmonising the relationship between individuals and the society at large.

I MEAN IF YOU KNEW THAT BUILDING SIMPLE ORGANMIC DEVICES WOULD IMPOSE PEACE ON EARTH WOULD YOU DO IT??  WE ARE TALKING A EUPHORIC PEACE THAT GOES WORLDWIDE AND EXTENDS TO THE HEAVENS.  AND, AND PROVE THAT ALL HUMANS ARE GODS – DO YOU LIKE THAT FACT??

The Huguenots were a religious minority in France who fought during the second half of the sixteenth century for their Protestant (Calvinist) beliefs, and to whom concessions were granted by the crown with the Edict of Nantes in 1598. The Huguenots continued to enjoy their privileged status until the Edict was revoked in 1685. This collection of essays explores the character and identity of the Huguenot movement by examining their institutions, patterns of belief and worship, and interaction with French state and society.

Against the background of Cypriot civil society's growing role since the early 2000s, this report aims to track the progress or lack thereof and identify the limitations and prospects of pro-peace grassroots mobilization in Cyprus. As such, it focuses on three contemporary case studies of pro-peace civil society in Cyprus: The Home for Cooperation, Cyprus Dialogue Forum and United Cyprus Now. Each case study provides a different perspective of pro-peace civil society mobilization. The Home for Cooperation is looked at as one of the older and main initiatives given that it functions as a meeting space that hosts other pro-peace civil society organizations and initiatives as well. The Cyprus Dialogue Forum is examined as probably the biggest, most ambitious and most structured platform of multi-segment intercommunal dialogue thus far. The Unite Cyprus Now initiative is quite different to the previous two in that it emerged rather spontaneously at the grassroots level, with extensive use of social media, and it still remains largely decentralized.

​The report goes on to assesses the success, limitations and potential of those pro-peace initiatives and lists a number of pre-conditions that need to be pursued at the grassroots and official levels for a more impactful approach to peacebuilding and reconciliation. It is ultimately argued that, in addition to efforts that should be made by civil society towards a more inclusive and effective grassroots movement, Track I has great responsibility in providing the space to civil society thus allowing it to be empowered and be part of the solution both in terms of improving everyday inter-communal relations as well as supporting the official peace process.

The United States asks its military service members to do much more than fight the nation’s wars; it asks them to build trust with numerous stakeholders in complex and dynamic environment. The literature indicates that parties in conflict situations can employ confidence-building measures to move incrementally closer toward conflict resolution. This study applied a qualitative grounded theory methodology to investigate confidence-building from the experiences of service members recently deployed to Afghanistan or Iraq and created a theoretical model that future service members could apply in similar circumstances. The Operational Leadership Experiences Database contains interviews of service members (N = 2,515) with experience in Iraq and Afghanistan. The researcher conducted an analysis of these interviews to create a theoretical model (N = 67), triangulated this model with findings from relevant literature, and then further validated this theoretical model through interviews with subject matter experts (N = 10). The findings indicate that through understanding context and applying physical, communication, and relationship confidence-building measures over time, service members can build trust with key stakeholders. The potential implications of this research are that service members in Afghanistan can directly apply these lessons through 2014 and have a valid model to build relationships when deployed to other conflict environments in the future.

This introductory article to the Special Issue of Peace and Conflict Studies asks, "are we in the 'Age of Resistance' in a post-9/11 world?" It is argued the concept of "resistance" may be framed in a broad theoretical context to include multiple and contested meanings by social and political actors as well as by scholars and through intellectual debate. The article questions recent ideas prevalent in faux-political science studies which promote a clash of civilizations, essentialize histories, support anachronistic Orientalist-approaches, and bolster foreign policy initiatives by removing the human element. The contention is for researchers and theorists to concentrate on "invisible histories", which reveal the less understood elements of history, social organization, and the interconnectedness of conflict and violence across a broad range of cultures. Anthropology as a discipline demonstrates how invisible histories are revealed in multi-valent and nuanced ways of the past in the present and through the social interrelatedness of violent expressions and their analytical understanding. Beyond this, it is claimed that epistemological conceptions of nationalism may be examined on different levels through cultures, localities, and regions as contested and multiple expressions, which confront generalist and monolithic images. Partially this is explained through the notion of the "distributed" and "partible" person, as an extension of human activity, political agency, and political ideology to complementary and constituent parts of collective but detotalized wholes. To conceptualize this theory, the Basques will be utilized as exemplifying how such ideas are applicable. In all, this Special Issue of Peace and Conflict Studies will present some new approaches for comprehending our post-September 11 world, not only in our understanding of conflict but our role as conflict-resolution-specialists. Like swarms of quivering flies, which flit about the herdsman's shippen in springtime, when the milk drowns the pails, so many were the Achaians on that plain, facing the men of Troy and eager to tear them in pieces. Homer (circa 850 B.C.?), The Illiad What a beautiful fix we are in now; peace has been declared. Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821) [After the Treaty of Amiens, 1802]

The present work makes a case for the relevance of Albert Einstein and Sigmund Freud’s exchange on war and peace for current efforts towards establishing a Culture of Peace as designated by the UN/UNESCO International Decade for a Culture of Peace (2001-2010). Two open letters exchanged between Einstein and Freud in 1932 served as the principle source for this investigation. In these letters — exchanged under the auspices of the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation of the League of Nations — Einstein and Freud describe their rationale regarding the causes of war and the possible paths which might lead to the establishment of a lasting peace between the Nations. This paper analyses the perspectives of Einstein and Freud in relation to war and peace in light of the theoretical framework given by Norberto Bobbio’s characterization of the contemporary modes of pacifism (“paths to peace”). In spite of the fact that seventy years have passed since Einstein and Freud discussed their views on war and peace and notwithstanding the fact that some of Freud´s thinking has been challenged since, the author concludes by suggesting that the exchange between Einstein and Freud is directly in line with, and contributes towards, current efforts to promote a Culture of Peace — particularly regarding their shared view that war is not intrinsic to human nature and therefore can be eliminated. In retrospect, the contribution that Einstein and Freud can make towards the goal of establishing a Culture of Peace stems as much from their exchange as it does from the fact that these two thinkers have become icon figures of the 20th century.
Key Words: Einstein. Freud. War. Peace. Culture of Peace. Peace Education.

There is increasing awareness and international support for rebuilding states that have gone through conflict. Third-party interventions in bringing peace to countries that have emerged from civil wars have been channeled through a fundamental concept known as liberal peacebuilding. Liberal peacebuilding, even though it faces much criticism, has been a prominent strategy for third-party intervention in postwar countries since the end of the Cold War. This paper deals with the liberal peacebuilding process in Sierra Leone, after its decade-long brutal civil war. The focus lies on Dr Roland Paris' institutionalization before liberalization (IBL) peacebuilding strategy, its strengths and shortcomings, and its contributions to sustaining peace in Sierra Leone since the end of the war in 2002. Arguing that the IBL strategy has helped to maintain peace in Sierra Leone after ten years of civil war, the paper analyzes how peacebuilding has been implemented in postwar Sierra Leone under the six different pillars of the IBL strategy.

Managing land tenure has proven to be one of the most persistently troublesome issues in
peace building processes. The disintegration of both customary and formal institutions
crucial to administering land-based resources that in turn may fuel conflict, presents
particular dilemmas for recovery. Understanding what happens to land tenure as a set of
social relations during and after armed conflict is central to the identification of tools for
managing tenure and natural resource issues in a peace process. This book examines the
experiences from seventeen diverse post-conflict countries in managing land tenure and
related land issues during the transition to peace. In this chapter we introduce some of the
fundamental aspects of post-conflict land and property rights, with the following chapters
elaborating in much greater detail specific challenges, approaches, and lessons.

This introductory course presents a survey of theoretical, conceptual and practical approaches to the study of peace and justice. This includes examining theories of violence, peace, war and rights, as well as more focused discussions of social movements, transformative justice, education and engagement. In pursuing these areas, students will have the opportunity to focus on issues both historical and contemporary and through both ‘traditional’ and ‘alternative’ lens. The course seeks to critically address a range of topics—from non-violence to theories of inter-state war—providing students with a variety of perspectives and understandings of an inter-disciplinary field. Students will be challenged to interpret issues of social inequality, oppression and structural violence at numerous levels; from the interpersonal, to the local, and outward to international conflict. We will begin this learned endeavor by co-creating our own equitable and peaceable educative environment. This will involve a collaboration between instructor and student to foster an environment that is horizontal, non-coercive and utilizing a critical pedagogy, modeled by the professor and used by students. An array of readings will make up the course including scholarly articles, philosophical texts, political texts, primary source documents from perpetrators and survivors of violence, and film. Early in the semester, enrolled students will have the option of adding a community-based learning (CBL) component involving their work with marginalized and underserved individuals or groups (or organizations working with and for such individuals or groups), structured to meet community-defined needs.

Popular explanations for the outbreak of a new civil war in South Sudan have centred on ethnic factors and leadership personalities. This article demonstrates that the conflict is rooted in deep cleavages within the ruling political party, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). When internal tensions came to a head in late 2013, a combination of neopatrimonial politics, a weak state structure and legacies of violence from the previous civil war allowed this to escalate into a full-scale armed conflict. This is an open access publication.

I begin with a brief background of the irs system before plunging intomy main discussion as to whether the system can be deemed genocide. I focusprimarily on Article 2e of the ungc, “forcibly transferring children of thegroup to another group.” Space prohibits me from engaging in any detailwith the other four elements of Article 2. Death in the schools is not a majorfocus of this chapter, although it is clear that large numbers of children diedas a result of their experiences in the irs system. I also do not engage with recent studies of nutrition experiments in several residential schools from 1942 to 1952. I conclude with a brief discussionof what are we to do now, in Canada, if we recognize that the irs system was genocidal. What sort of restitution and reconciliation needs to occur between Aboriginal and settler peoples, and how much will this change Canada as it is now politically constituted?

More than a decade removed from 9/11 many across the academic and intelligence communities profess the importance for greater collaboration and cooperation. This mutual diffusion of knowledge, methods, and research would ideally produce both a stronger Intelligence Studies discipline and new talented cadres for both communities. The emphasis is not just logical because of the continued relevance of traditional threats, but is also common sense when considering new challenges represented by emerging threat issues and an oncoming demographic crisis: the fast-approaching retirement of the baby boom generation means a new generation of scholars and practitioners is rising now. Developing that new talent, however, has not been nearly as collaborative, cooperative, or smooth as it could be. This analysis examines the problems preventing real engagement and sincere knowledge diffusion between the academic and intelligence communities. These problems go beyond platitudes about confidential materials and top secret clearances, but hint at underlying prejudices on both sides that only exacerbate attitudinal bias. If not overcome this problem threatens to undermine both the capabilities of future Intelligence Community practitioners and the quality of academic community scholars within Intelligence Studies.

Peace negotiations often seek to resolve protracted conflicts and provide a vision for inter-group or interstate relations at the local, national and regional level. This is done through reaching a peace accord or agreement. As agreements are reached on key issues, the foundations of peace are strengthened. Nevertheless, for peace to take root, negotiations are an important starting point. In many cases, the negotiation efforts fail and recourse to more violence follows. After careful examination, it turns out that sometimes the approaches and strategies applied to such peace negotiations add up to factors that cause either their failure or even the failure of the agreements that culminate from them. This article therefore examines negotiation as a tool for conflict prevention, management and resolution. It explores the nature, elements and processes of an effective peace negotiation which has its ultimate goal of establishing a sustainable peace agreement and consequently building durable peace.

Since the 1970s, Korean Christian theology has emerged in a number of different strands; including minjung theology, full gospel theology, p’ungryu theology, and feminist theology.  Reconciliation is an important theme in any Christian theology, and in the contemporary political context of South Korea it assumes an even greater significance.  Examination of the theology of leading theologians in each strand – Suh Nam Dong, Cho Yonggi, Ryu Tong-Shik, and Chung Hyun Kyung – reveals that each conceptualizes reconciliation in a different way as humanization, healing, harmony, and hanpuri, respectively.  A dialogue between these different models suggests an enhanced vision of reconciliation to offer in the process of reunification.

A day most thought impossible. A day many more will now fear is the end of the world as we know it. The instinctive reaction on the morning of November 9 th from Democrats in general is to be politically nauseous, confused, angry, and despondent. I have already heard the profound disappointment of many who cannot believe that a candidate who basically ran on so-called 'white man anger' and not much else won the most powerful office in the world. I can