Military Dictatorship

This study analyzes the herstories of three Chilean women militants who later evolved into political collaborators of Agosto Pinochet's military regime (1973-1990). In addition to looking at the ways in which cultural productions on their stories of survival have added to the misconceptions of their political transformations, this article also seeks to understand the underlying motives for their collaboration as a reparative force that dispels false accusations directed against them.

Hitler, bir süre sonra kendisini doğuran II Wilhelm'i zehirletip Führer oldu. Meclisi yaktı, başkan oldu. Orduyu korkuttu. Kontrol bitti ve yıkımı kimse engelleyemedi. Allah, Malikül Mülk'tür. Gasp ettiğiniz mülk sizin değil, Allah'ın mülkü. Öğrendiğiniz ilim Allah'ın, Alimdir, Allemdir. İddianız nedir? Nietzsche öldü, Tanrı ölmedi. Hitler ve Stalin, 65 milyon insanın ölümüne yol açtı. Almanya 2 defa yıkıldı. Nietzsche: Despotluğun sonu ölümdür. Ölümlerin vebalidir. Erdoğan ile yol açılan skandal global ölçekli. Nietzsche, Mistik ve Sufi geleneğe hakimdi, transcendence ile insanların süper insan olabildiğini biliyordu. O halde Hitler neye lazımdı? Her birey ayrı bir dünyadır ve bir Tiran’ın kölesi olmayı ebedi ruhlar kabul edemez. İsyan çıkacaktır.
Nietzsche'nin çözüm önerilerinden biri şuydu. Yüksek İnsan. Bu maddi değildi, maneviydi. İdeolojileri çöpe atmış, özgür insan kazanacaktır, insanlık ölmedi, mertlik ölmedi. Hizmet camiası bunu ispatlıyor. Erenler sabırlarıyla isyan etmeyerek zalimlere en büyük dersi veriyor. Yaptıkları zulümler, ölümler ve yıkımlarla Stalin ve Hitler, Nietzsche'yi haklı çıkardı. Bu firavunlar insanların inançlarını yok etti. Erdoğan kadar insanları münafıklığa ve dinsizliğe sevk eden ikinci bir Süfyan tarihte olmadığı için Büyük Süfyan diyorum. Ahirzamandaki Deccal.
Nietzsche, Kral II Wilhelm'in Hitler'i doğuracağını gördü. Bizde Erdoğan Hitlerini Çevik Bir doğurdu ama görmek istemiyor AKPli domuzlar! Çıkarlarına göre yontuyorlar herşeyi. İslam davaları yok, Allahları yok, imanları gösteriş budalalığından ibaret. İç savaşı kim kazanır diye soruyorlar. Nietzsche'ye göre siz toplum olarak TSK içinde toptan kaybetmişsiniz bunca domuzluklara susarak. Dilsiz şeytan oldunuz. Tüm maskaralıklar sergilenirken,  Askeri Vesayet, ÖKK yapısını Türkiye geneline yaydı ve sayısı 40 bine çıktı. TSK'nın dindarlarını 15 Temmuz tiyatrosuyla domuzca kesti. Ordu da olan budur. Profesyonel ordu için zaten orduda personel sayısını azaltacaklardı, piyongo dindar insanlara vurdu ve Peygamber Ocağı kesildi, doğrandı. Öte yandan Özel Harp Komutanlığı aşırı büyütüldü ve darbenin merkezi oldu. ÖKK Başkanı Zekai Aksakallı bu nedenle mahkemeden kaçırılıyor ve soru sorulmasına izin verilmiyor.
Erdoğan eğer yaptığı hırsızlıklar ve tekfirci teröründe tek olsaydı, çoktan Askeri Vesayet onu yakalardı. Ancak polisleri hapse attılar! IŞİD’i yazan gazeteciler hapiste, 180 medya organı kapatıldı. 9 bin akademisyen işinde edildi. Hakimler ve savcılardan teröre karşı olanlar safdışı bırakıldı, meslekten ihraç edildi. Bunca domuzlukları cemaatcı yaftası ile örtüyorlar. Açığa alınan 140 general çıkıpta F.. ci değiliz açıkca demiyor, diyenleri de dinleyen yok. Toplum öylesine hipnoz ve uyuşmuş halde ki Melih Gökçek ve Kadir Topbaş'ın neden MİT baronlarına hemen 1 milyar dolar verdiğini sormuyor, sorgulamıyor. Yazacak gazeteci ve akademisyen kalmadı, yazsa bile okuyucuya sesleri ulaşmıyor. Sis perdesi kaldırılmıyor. Sosyolog olarak Nietzsche uzmanlık alanlarımdandır. Neden sevdiğimi anladım. Tüm teorileri bana uyuyor. Askeri Vesayet sizleri kandırdı ve bunları yazmak ilmimin borcudur. Yazmazsam uyuyamam.
Nietzsche neden Tanrı öldü yazdı mezarına biliyor musunuz? Bu askeri despotların domuzluklarını gördü, sivil kuklayla oynanan oyunları da! Aynı senaryo devrede. Sonunda Nietzsche gibi davranmaya karar verdim. Çaldıklarını geri vermeyecekler, zira kullanan Askeri Vesayet hiç bu kadar güçlenmemişti. AKPli çakallar askeri darbeyi durdurduk diye kendilerini aldatıyor veya böyle avunmak işlerine geliyor. Uzun süre bunu topluma duyurup duyurmamak için kendimle savaştım. Erdoğan ve Karargah, 15 Temmuz'u neden beraber organize etti sandınız? Haramilikte terörde ortak olmasalar ülkemizde bunlar hapiste olurlardı. King Kong haline getirilen Erdoğan ile sizden gizlenen gerçek, yobazca dini istismar edilerek sizden çalınanların askeriyede kullanıldığını saklıyorlar. Bu vatanperverlik mi, değil mi? Bazılarına göre vatanseverlik. Bazılarına göre masum insanlara yapılan zulümle kanla iktidar hayvanlık.
Nietzsche, Alman gazeteci ve düşünür olarak tüm ideolojileri çöpe atmayı topluma önerdi. Aksi halde dünya savaşlarında hepsi öleceklerdi. Öyle de oldu zaten. Nietzsche, Hitler'in doğuşuna giden faşizmin yanında aşırı fonlanan Askeri yapılanmaya Militar despotizm adını verdi. Canavar doğurmuştu! Nietzsche, daha Hitler ve Stalin ortada yok iken, Alman askeri yapılanmasının dünya savaşlarına yol açacağını ve yıkım yaşanacağını gördü. Öngörülerinin hepsi doğru çıktı. Almanlar toptan battılar. Amerikan kölesi oldular 1944 sonrası. Karargah ve Erdoğan anlaşmalı olarak Military Totaliter State yapısını Başkanlıkla kuruyorlar. Büyük tiyatro çevrildi, rüyadasınız Hitler efendiler. SS’leriniz ÖKK elemanları oldu. Akeşkiyalarla tolumu korkuyup sindirip tüm günahları ve veballeri kin ve nefreti onlara yönlendirdiniz. Cemaatı günah keçisi yapı şeytanlaştırdınız. Asılşeytanar sizlersiniz. Erdoğan, siyasi ve dini rakibimi yok ediyorum diye zaten 50 yıldır kin ve nefret duyduğu Hizmet’i bitirmeyi gönüllü üstlendi. Buna Nazi Fascism and the Modern Totalitarian State deniyor... Friedrich Nietzsche'nin Military Totalitarianism teorisi, 1. ve 2. Dünya savaşlarındaki ölümler ve yıkımlarla net anlaşılmıştı.
Rus tipi diktatörlük Askeri Vesayet projesi!
Kim Allah’a ve Peygamber’e itaat ederse; işte onlar Peygamberlerle, sıddıklarla, Şehidlerle, sâlihlerle beraberdirler. (Nisâ: 69)
ALTIN SÖZ: “Öyle hâdiseler olur ki, onları mücerret imanla aşmak mümkün olamayabilir. İşte o zaman kadere rıza kurtarıcı bir simit olur" Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi.
Adaletsizliğe şahit olup göz yuman insanlar birgün haysiyetini kaybetmeye mahkumdur. Cemaatin tek suçu bu milletin mafya, harami ve sapık seviciliğini unutarak tekrar ilim, bilim,sanat,sevgi ve hoşgürüyü hatırlatmasıdır. Bir fert bile hakkını helâl etmezse katiyen Cennet'e giremezler... "Öküz Tahta çıkarsa kral olmaz ama ülke ahıra döner." Hâkim olan yalnızca Allah'tır. Eğer bu millet aklını başına alıp bu oyunu bozmazsa, Türkiye'de rejim değişecek ve ülke geriye dönüşü olmayan bir kaosun içine atılacak. 15 temmuzla -Gerçek darbeciler KHK gibi kanunlarla ülkeyi esir aldı. Kendini milletine adamış vatan evlatlarına iftirayla kumpas kurup tutuklamak istediler ama bu kumpas çökecektir. Allah'ım(cc) Hizmetimize zarar vermek isteyenler kim ise onları Sana(cc) havale ediyoruz. Tanzanya'ya Türk okullarının kapatılması karşılığında 400 km demir yolu sözü vermiş. Hayatı rüşvet ve şantaj etrafında dönüyor. Gülen Hocaefendi gibi kâmil insanların hayatları, hep hürriyet mücadelesi ile geçmiştir.
Her geçen saniye sabrediyorum... Ama o günü de bekliyorum... Yaktığınız yerden de cayır cayır yanasınız diyede Rabbime duâ ediyorum...

Based on documents recently declassified by the Brazilian Truth Commission, this article investigates the economic and diplomatic relations between Brazil and Chile during the last years of Salvador Allende’s government and the first days of the Chilean military dictatorship. Despite the common sense notion that the United Stated was the one and only supporter of the Chilean September 11, the Brazilian influence was also instrumental to the overthrowing of Allende and to the confirmation of a military dictatorship in Chile. This article looks at two central figures of this process : the Brazilian Ministry of Planning, Roberto Campos, and the Brazilian Ambassador in Santiago, Antonio da Câmara Canto. One of the most influential Brazilian economists, Campos disagreed with the state-based policies that characterized the Brazilian military regime. Instead of nationalization and price control, Campos believed in the strength of the free market and private institutions, a perspective similar to the one implemented by the Chicago Boys in Chile. Câmara Canto’s anti-communist ideas were central to his fight against the Allende regime and support to the dictatorship. These two figures are part of a much larger influence that, 40 years after the Chilean coup, begins to be investigated.

La representación de la violencia de estado en un episodio de Buscavidas de Carlos Trillo y Alberto Breccia CRISTIÁN PALACIOS Resúmenes Español English En el siguiente trabajo nos proponemos analizar un episodio de la historieta Buscavidas de Carlos Trillo y Alberto Breccia como un caso particularmente significativo del modo en que la historieta argentina intentó posicionarse frente a la violencia y dar cuenta de ella. En efecto, es en esta obra singularmente compleja donde Breccia llevó más al extremo las implicaciones de la premisa ¿cómo representar el horror ? a partir de la cual había producido algunos de sus trabajos más radicalmente revolucionarios. En este artículo nos ocuparemos del último capítulo de aquella serie, que opera como una clave de lectura de todo lo que lo antecede, al manifestar de manera clara su posicionamiento no sólo frente a la historia, sino ante el propio lenguaje artístico al que la obra pertenece In this work we propose to analyse a chapter of the comic book series Buscavidas by Carlos Trillo and Alberto Breccia as a case especially significant of the way in which the argentine comic book search to define its position against the political violence, and to shed light on it. Is in this particularly complex work where Breccia push over the edge the consequences of the premise How to represent the horror? from which he has produced some of his most revolutionary works. In this work we analyse the last chapter of the series that can operate as a key of reading of the whole work. In this chapter Breccia take up stance not only against history but also against the artistic language itself in which the work is placed. It is an episode especially significant of the way in which the argentine comic book search to define its position against the political violence, and to shed light on it Entradas del índice

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This paper attempts to provide a more complete understanding of the so-called right to the truth, deriving from court-made doctrine in the human rights field, and associated with an alternative form of legal proceeding in Argentina that has no equivalent anywhere else in the world: the trial for the truth (juicio por la verdad), a procedure sui generis created in the aftermath of the military dictatorship in response to both the politics of forgetting that prevailed in the 1990s and the continuing obstruction of criminal proceedings down to 2003 due to amnesty laws. Protecting the right to the truth fulfils three functions by turns: first, it makes possible conciliation of amnesty with the right to judicial protection; second, it constitutes the condition for real access to justice; third, it validates the reality of the crime. Each of these functions is associated with one of the three elements, which, together, comprise the struggle against impunity: investigation, sanction, and reparation. Situated between truth commissions and classic criminal proceedings, symbolic reparation and retribution, the Argentinian trials for the truth offer a new way of conceiving both the criminal-law judge’s mission and the relations among law, truth, history, and memory in the context of the rich debates about (post-)transitional justice.
Sévane Garibian

El objetivo final de este trabajo es poner en tensión y aportar algunos matices a la noción de “experiencia concentracionaria” que ha formulado Pilar Calveiro hace ya más de dos décadas para caracterizar a la última dictadura, en su célebre trabajo Poder y desaparición. Los campos de concentración en Argentina. Para ello, se partirá del análisis y la ponderación de otros espacios de reclusión que se articularon con los “campos de concentración-exterminio” sobre los que ella basó su investigación y reflexión, y sin cuya existencia es imposible comprender la dinámica represiva de la última dictadura, especialmente, en aquellas regiones del país alejadas de los grandes centros urbanos. En este sentido, me detendré en el análisis de algunos “Centros de Detención Clandestina” (CDC) que funcionaron en la Patagonia Norte argentina y en la manera con la que articularon entre sí sus respectivos modos de actuar, así como con otros espacios como el Centro Clandestino de Detención (CCD) “La Escuelita” y la Unidad Nº 9 del Servicio Penitenciario Federal.

Si bien el reclamo de justicia siempre estuvo más o menos presente en las reivindicaciones de las organizaciones de derechos humanos, hace relativamente poco que se observa un cambio de estrategia y de movilización, convirtiendo al Poder Judicial en el foco de los
discursos militantes de las organizaciones. Este artículo plantea algunas cuestiones acerca del Poder Judicial, su historia, su estructura, su función en el sistema democrático y su incidencia en la efectivización de demandas en materia de cumplimientos de derechos vinculados al pasado reciente.
Ahora bien, ¿cómo se fue conformando esta dinámica institucional que permitió la permanencia del funcionamiento de sectores estatales casi intactos -como es el caso del Poder Judicial- durante el terrorismo de Estado, el Golpe, la transición y consolidación democráticos que ha perpetuado la impunidad durante más de 30 años?

Born in Surakarta, W.S. Rendra (7 November 1935–6 August 2009) was an Indonesian theatre director, actor, playwright and poet. A complex personality in a difficult period, Rendra represents one of the most important, and loved, figures in contemporary Indonesian theatre and literature. He remains barely known outside Indonesia. Crucial to consider is Rendra’s public criticism of Soekarno and Communism, and later of Suharto’s dictatorship. He was arrested several times during the early 1960s. In 1978 he was imprisoned for several months and then banned from performing until 1985. These events reflect both this delicate political period in Indonesia as well as Rendra’s involvement in the cultural and political scenes.
From the early 1960s, Rendra began adapting Western plays for the Indonesian context. He was experimenting with a mixture of theatrical traditions and intercultural techniques. His Yogyakarta-based drama club Lingkar Studi Drama Mahasiswa was a crossroad of experiences, a workshop involving other individuals who also became later prominent figures of the Indonesian culture, as Arifin C Noer and Putu Wijaya. Together with his social commitment, public speaking, and perform- ing, Rendra was already being noticed as rebellious by the authorities. The political tensions in the country and Rendra’s arrest on several occasions during the early 1960s influenced his decision to depart for the US in 1964. He joined an international humanities seminar for anti-communist youth at Harvard University, then studied social sciences and humanities at New York University “where he began to think of art related to ‘structural analysis’ and communal activism” (Winet 2010, p. 152). He attended the American Academy of Dramatic Arts (AADA), which represents the first and only formal training he ever received in theatre and performing.
The American period between 1964 and 1967, and in particular his experience at AADA, were crucial to Rendra’s human and artistic development. Little previous research has investigated this dimension of Rendra’s development. Moreover, at that time,American theatre was interconnected with European theatre, and the interest in cross-cultural and multi-ethnical ensembles was growing exponentially. Given his interest in the avant-garde in his early career, while in the US Rendra had the opportunity to touch those trends.
Considering the above, this essay explores certain dimensions of Rendra’s back- ground to highlight specific facets of his work, compare it to others better known, and thereby contribute to a better international appreciation of his work. I choose here to focus on the actor, training and the human processes that precede the creation of a character. In this attempt to understand certain features of Rendra’s work, I collect, consider and interpolate relevant information.
I begin by exploring important aspects regarding the AADA, and highlight key influences Rendra could have received. I do so through pertinent bibliographical sources and via direct email correspondence with the Academy and reputed US acting coach Harry Mastrogeorge. I contextualize some information directly collected through discussions and interviews with key people via email, phone calls, or in person. Particularly important are Rendra’s eldest son, Teddy and senior actors of the Bengkel Teater, especially I Gede Tapa Sudana. Interviewed at several stages during the research process, we discussed theatre, meditation and other aspects of Rendra’s work. The language used for interviews was English, along with some Indonesian phrases. Quotations most relevant to this investigation are provided with minimal “editing” to preserve each voice.
I suggest correspondences between the American and Indonesian debates around Stanislavsky. I confront some aspects of Rendra’s theatre with facets of Stanislavsky. I then discuss the possible presence of, or similarity with, some of Stanislavsky’s principles in Rendra’s works. I compare Rendra with other prominent personalities of twentieth-century theatre. Historical documents and press are reported where appropriate. Finally, I glimpse at the significance of Rendra’s work today in Indonesia.

Man möchte es nicht glauben, doch ist all das Schreckliche, was Mächtige dieser Welt im Zeitraum von nur 100 Jahren angerichtet haben, nichts als nackte Realität. Die Autoren der „Gesichter des Bösen“ gelangen zu einem traurigen Schluss: Die Bilanz des 20. Jahrhunderts, das auf vielen Gebieten enormen technischen Fortschritt gebracht hat, ist erschreckend. Die schlimmsten Verbrecher samt ihren Untaten gegen die Menschlichkeit sind in einer „Schandhalle des Bösen“ versammelt und beschrieben: 168 Männer, bekannte und unbekannte, unter ihnen Diktatoren, Regierungschefs, Massenmörder, Staatsverbrecher, Revoluzzer, Großgangster aus der Mafia. Kein genozidaler Vorgang ist übersehen oder aus irgendwelchen Vorurteilen oder Verschiedenheiten weginterpretiert. Zahlreiche Fotos und Texte aus dem Umfeld der Gegner von Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen dokumentieren den Widerstand gegen Beutegier, Ausrottungsorgien und Terrorismus.
Ist der Mensch fähig, aus der Geschichte zu lernen? Es gibt einen bedeutsamen Anfang, der, wenn auch eher einem Rinnsal als einem mächtigen Strom gleichend, einen Hoffnungsschimmer bereithält. „Es stimmt nicht mehr“, so Heribert Prantl in seinem Geleitwort, „dass Macht, finanzielle und politische Macht, vor Recht geht. Dieses Bewusstsein hilft einem, die bittere und notwendige Lektüre des Buches über die ‚Gesichter des Bösen‘ zu ertragen. Das Buch macht den Leser zu einem glühenden Anhänger der Weltstrafjustiz.“

This article takes a closer look at the internal evolution of the North Korean political system and how it has been subjugated to the personalist regime of the Kim family. The author argues that North Korea should no longer be perceived as a totalitarian regime since it is now a fully entrenched personal regime in the first place. The author investigates how this process of personalization took place in the institutional, ideological and mobilizational dimensions of the DPRK as well as the influence on its international relations (gatekeeping). Based on these insights the author provides some scenarios for endogenous transitions from this regime type and how hereditary succession and personalism affect its survival strategies..

This entry examines state violence in South America, and how civil society reacts to this phenomenon, especially in the recent decades since the military dictatorships. The systematic state violence during military dictatorships from the 1960s to 1990s devastated the social fabric, leading to approximately 40,000 deaths and disappearances and 100,000 tortured people (Loveman 2011), including political leaders who would later become presidents in their countries.

Tras casi medio siglo la proyección histórica de Marcos Pérez Jiménez ha sobrevivido en el imaginario venezolano con benévola nostalgia. De hecho, dentro de la cultura política criolla, en teoría sensiblemente democrática, el perezjimenato se reivindica continuamente, refrendando peligrosamente las bases ideológicas del Estado Cuartel. Para comprender este fenómeno hemos tratado documentación sobre un complejo sistema de proyección ideológica pensada por las mentes más brillantes de la dic-tadura militar. La cuestión de por qué el Estado Cuartel se interesa más que los actores políticos no militares en la cosa histórica, telúrica, filosófi-ca de la nación, queda planteada en este artículo. Abstract: After almost half a century the historical projection of Marcos Perez Jimenez in Venezuela survived with benevolent nostalgia. In fact, within the Venezuelan political culture, the Marcos Perez Jimenez government still is feeling with benevolence and nostalgia of better times, endorsing dangerously the ideology of the " Estado Cuartel ". To understand this phenomenon we sought information about a complex system of ideological projection carefully designed by the brightest minds of the military

Chapter published in Dolor, represión y censura política en la cultura del siglo XX edited by David Martín López. Este libro ha sido realizado en el marco del proyecto HAR2012-31321 El artista y dolor: el sufrimiento como límite de la representación artística contemporânea, financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, adscrito al Departamento de Historia del Arte de la Universidad de Granada.

Th is article analyses the use of Playmobil fi gures in Albertina Carri's autofi ctional fi lm, Los rubios [Th e Blondes] (2003). Deploying what the author calls a 'playful memory' of the traumatic past in Argentina, Los rubios is a pioneering example of a new trend of post-dictatorship cultural remembrance that takes a desacralized, non-solemn and de-monumental approach to the past. Young writers and fi lmmakers, many of them children of disappeared parents like Carri, employ dark humour and make explicit references to children's games and toys in their representations of the 1976-1983 military regime. Th e use of toys in the reenactment of traumatic episodes of history, however, is not new, for it echoes similar artistic re-appropriations of a vicarious past by second-and third-generation artists of the Shoah. Drawing on this transnational corpus, the article argues that toy art and playful memories not only redirect our gaze away from the experiences of the adult survivors and towards those of their descendants, off ering a new (child-like) perspective on twentieth-century liminal experiences. Th ey also connect state violence to the violence inherent in everyday objects of childhood. Moreover, the nature of anthropomorphic toys such as Playmobil -deformations of their worldly counterparts (Young), a sort of 'dead among us' located between the animate and inanimate world (Stewart) -is particularly suitable for depicting both the neither-dead-nor-alive fi gure of the disappeared and the distortions of memory. Finally, against those who consider playful memories acts of dispassion and an insult to victims, this article suggests that in their rejection of realism and mere reproductions of the past, playful memories revitalize the intergenerational transmission of history by off ering images of 'sacred' events (meaning events that resist representation) at the same time as -in Ernst van Alphen's words -hinting at the ontological impossibility of completely and comprehensively mastering trauma.

Se doctoró el año 2014 en historia contemporánea en el Cluster de Excelencia, "Religión y Política", de la Universidad de Münster, Alemania. Hasta 2016 trabajó en la Red de Investigación para América Latina, etnicidad, ciudadanía, pertenencia, una asociación de las universidades alemanas de Colonia, Bielefeld, Bonn, Hannover y Münster. Actualmente gestiona un proyecto de elaboración multidisciplinaria acerca de la diversidad sociocultural en la Universidad Técnica de Hannover y tiene a su cargo otra cátedra universitaria. ANTROPOLOGÍA ARTE BIBLIOTECA CHILENA BIBLIOTECA JESUITA DE CHILE CIENCIA POLÍTICA DERECHO ECONOMÍA Y NEGOCIOS EDUCACIÓN ÉTICA FILOSOFÍA HISTORIA LIBROS DEL ENTREVERO LITERATURA MÚSICA NARRATIVA PSICOLOGÍA SOCIOLOGÍA: PERSONAS, ORGANIZACIONES, SOCIEDAD TEOLOGÍA DE LOS TIEMPOS TRABAJO SOCIAL

This book examines Argentine foreign policy under the military dictatorship from 1976–1983, also known as the National Reorganization Process. It brings together case studies on the most distinctive decisions and key issues in the regime’s foreign relations, including the international response to human rights violations, the dispute with Chile over the Beagle Channel, covert operations in Central America, the Argentine nuclear program, and the Falklands War. Lisińska examines the influence of ideological factors on foreign policy decisions, highlighting the relationship between the nationalism shaping the military’s policy goals and its pragmatic approach to achieving them.

We modern kings are not like those of old; we are the first citizens of our Fatherland and, rather than sit immobile on a Throne, we guide nations along the path of progress 1 At the beginning of the twentieth century the political importance of the Spanish monarchy, like that of others in Europe, revealed itself in two complementary aspects of public life. One was the role of the Crown as a constitutional institution, endowed with key functions in the relations between the different powers of the state and the progress of government. The other was the capacity of the king and his family to embody collective identities and projects for the future, above all nationalistic ones, and it was upon this capacity that a large part of their legitimacy began to rest in the first stages of mass politics. The king not only intervened on a daily basis in political affairs, he also aspired to be the incarnation of the nation, and justified his behaviour by reference to the national interest. These two facets complemented each other, and one cannot understand one without the other. Diverse forces contributed to defining these two sources of power, but the opinions of the monarch himself were nearly always decisive. The long effective reign of Alfonso XIII from 1902 to 1931, highly influenced by developments in other European monarchies, can be divided into two phases separated by the First World War, which despite the country's official neutrality had a huge effect on Spanish society. In each a major nationalist and monarchist project, with accompanying public discourse, was put forward which shaped the king's political activities. Before the war the young monarch was filled with the need to regenerate Spain, to make it a cohesive, developed state that could occupy a significant place in Western Europe, a goal that implied respecting the constitutional framework and encouraging policies considered as liberal, even while the monarchy itself was 'nationalised' in the eyes of the people. The Great War

To cite:
Poljarevic, Emin (2009), "Egypt, Revolution of 1952," International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest (Immanuel Ness et al eds.), Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. 1076–1079.


The Egyptian Revolution of 1952 was staged during the night of July 22 to the 23, 1952. This bloodless overthrow of the Egyptian govern- ment and King Farouk marked the end of direct British influence in state affairs and the begin- ning of a new era in Egyptian history. Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918 –70), the leader of the “Free Officers,” justified the army’s overthrow of civilian government by referring to the Urabi revolution that took place 70 years earlier. The revolution of 1919 was another episode in Egyptian history that greatly changed the course of history leading up to the 1952 revolution. Other significant historical elements include the con- tinuous opposition to British influence, the volatility of liberal politics, the growth of national mass movements, the deteriorated economic situ- ation, and the king’s continuous involvement in affairs of the government.

Dans cet article, nous avons l'intention de montrer que les années 1960 ont été
particulièrement significatives pour l'histoire des droits des peuples autochtones au Brésil.
D'abord à cause de la révélation des violences subies par les peuples autochtones pendant les
dernières années de fonctionnement du Service de Protection à lIndien (SPI) denoncées par le
Rapport d'Enquête du Ministère de l'Intérieur, connu sous le nom de Rapport Figueiredo et
présenté au public en 1967. Ensuite, nous verrons que la violence contre les peuples
autochtones acquiert de nouveaux formats à partir du Coup dÉtat de 1964. Ce processus d
accroissement de la violence a finalement abouti à une mobilisation intense de la part des
peuples autochtones qui sest traduit par une promotion de leurs revendications et demandes
jusquà la reconnaissance de leurs droits avec la promulgation de la Constitution de 1988. La
Commission Nationale pour la Vérité a présenté les résultats de leurs recherches en décembre
2014. Avec la publication de son rapport final, la Commission Nationale de la Vérité a
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montré que ces violations nont été ni sporadiques ni accidentelles mais systémiques. En
reconnaissant alors la responsabilité de l'Etat, la Commission a recommandé, finalement, que
l'Etat brésilien fasse des excuses aux peuples autochtones et sengage dans la régularisation et
le retrait des envahisseurs des terres indigènes comme une forme de réparation collective.

José Santos Herceg IDEA / USACH jose.santos@usach.cl resumen / AbstrAct El problema con el que se abre este texto es el de la exclusión de los testimonios de la biblioteca filosófica y el objetivo será sostener que dichos textos pueden ser incluidos. Para ello se intentará, primero, desestabilizar la distinción entre texto filosófico y no-filosófico. Luego, se buscará poner de manifiesto que los testimonios son un modo de expresión que es coherente con una determinada concepción de filosofía. En tercer lugar, se pretende abrir la posibilidad de un discurso filosófico no-proposición en los testimonios. Finalmente, se pondrá de manifiesto que lo que hay en los testimonios son imágenes y que ellas deben ser interpretadas en tanto que tales para poder acceder a su saber filosóficos. testimoniAl teXts in the PhilosoPhicAl librAry The problem with which this text is opens is the exclusion of the " testimonios " from the philosophycal Library and the objective will be to demostrate that such texts can be included. Frist of all, I will try to destabilize the distinction between philosophical and non-philosophical text. Then, I will show that the " testimonios " are a consistent mode of expression of a certain conception of philosophy. Thirdly, I intends to open the possibility of a philosophical discourse no-proposicion in the " testimonios ". Finally, I will show that what you can find in the " testimonios " are images and that they should be interpreted as such to gain access to their philosophical knowledge.

Sagledavši ga u potpunosti kroz ovaj seminarski rad morao bih reći da je potpuno zasnovan na principu darvinvog evolucionizma , uz elemente klasne podjele kojeg implementira na način da preostane samo „šaka“ ljudi koji će moći vladati svijetom. Izrazito je kompleksne prirode te ga odlikuje mistika koja je karakteristična po meni za većinu religija modernog svijeta kao i antičkog. Zasniva se na principima koji jednostavno nisu prihvatljivi u modernom vremenu.

Este artículo pretende arrojar luces sobre un área olvidada de la historia, centrándose en las siguientes preguntas: ¿cómo el régimen militar de derecha instalado en Brasil pudo in uir en el derrocamiento de Salvador Allende? ¿Cuál era la relación entre los dos países durante los años anteriores al golpe de Estado chileno? y ¿En qué medida el Brasil y los Estados Unidos actúan como socios en este evento? A modo de exploración y a través de la indagación en archivos, esta investigación utiliza a modo de ejemplo histórico documentos recientemente desclasi cados. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo abrir nuevas vertientes de estudio a una amplia gama de estudios sobre las relaciones entre los gobiernos militares en América del Sur.

Los lugares en los que se detuvo, torturó, interrogó, asesinó e hizo desaparecer personas durante la última dictadura chilena es el asunto de este libro. Ellos fueron y son una realidad tan enorme como ignorada. Hubo cientos, tal vez miles, repartidos por todo el país. Muchos ya han sido reconocidos, otros permanecen sin ser descubiertos. Este libro se propone ingresar a la realidad de los centros de detención y tortura a través la narración que hacen las víctimas han pasado por ellos. En la medida en que dan forma a un relato de la tragedia de la prisión política, los testimonios de estas personas levantan una representación de los lugares donde esto ocurrió. Dicha representación es la de lugares esencialmente ambiguos, contradictorios: lugares “ontológicamente paradojales” en tanto que vacilan entre el ser y el no ser. Son, se dirá, “lugares espectrales”, en el sentido de que comparten naturaleza con lo fantasmal.

Trabalho premiado pelo Comitê Brasileiro de História da Arte, na primeira edição do Prêmio CBHA de Teses em História da Arte, em 2022. A Opção Museológica de Mário Pedrosa: Solidariedade e Imaginação Social em Museus da América Latina. São Paulo, 2020. 276 f. Doutorado (Tese em Estética e História da Arte) – Programa de Pós-Graduação Interunidades em Estética e História da Arte da Universidade de São Paulo.

Esta pesquisa apresenta uma reflexão sobre o pensamento museal e os projetos institucionais concebidos por Mário Pedrosa (1900-1981) entre as décadas de 1960 e 1970, com foco em sua passagem pelo Chile e na produção posterior ao período de exílio. O ponto de partida desta tese indica que a opção museológica do autor se distingue pelo embate dialético entre a arte moderna e os saberes e práticas apartados dos cânones artísticos. Para evidenciar essa proposição, o trabalho articula-se em dois momentos: primeiro, na concepção do Museu da Solidariedade, durante o governo de Salvador Allende (1970-1973), e, segundo, nas ideias defendidas pelo crítico após regressar ao Brasil, em 1977. Leva-se em consideração a conjuntura política e cultural da Unidade Popular e, posteriormente, o debate latino-americanista presente nas instituições, em consonância com o ceticismo de Pedrosa em relação ao curso das vanguardas. O que se busca defender é que a vocação comunitária chilena retardou o desencanto acarretado pela crise da arte que o autor salientou nos últimos anos de vida, além de radicalizar um programa estético fomentado desde a década de 1940. Essa avaliação parte da noção de radar latino-americano, um fenômeno do exílio que contribuiu para a implementação de uma nova agenda mobilizada pela experiência popular autogestionária e pela inclusão de um repertório terceiro-mundista manifestado nas obras tardias do crítico. Por fim, procura-se examinar o projeto da exposição de arte indígena Alegria de Viver, Alegria de Criar e a idealização do Museu das Origens à luz do conceito “arte de retaguarda”, cunhado pelo crítico. Os procedimentos metodológicos desta pesquisa têm como base o levantamento e o estudo de centenas de fontes primárias investigadas em doze arquivos institucionais procedentes do Brasil, do Chile e da Espanha.
Palavras-Chave: Mário Pedrosa; Museu da Solidariedade; Arte Latino-Americana; Crítica de Arte; Museu das Origens.
* * *
Mário Pedrosa’s Museological Option: Solidarity and Social Imagination in Museum’s of Latin America. São Paulo, 2020. 276 f. Thesis (PhD in Esthetics and Art History) – Interunits Postgraduation program in Esthetics and Art History, Universidade de São Paulo
This research presents a reflection on the museological thinking and institutional projects of Mário Pedrosa (1900-1981) in the 1960s and 1970s, with a focus on his time in Chile and work in years post exile. The starting point of this thesis indicates that Mr. Pedrosa’s museological option distinguishes itself through the dialectic clash between Modern Art and the knowledge and practices aloof of artistic canons. To support this proposition, the present work hinges on two distinct moments: First, the conception of the Museum of Solidarity, during the presidency of Salvador Allende (1970-1973) and, finally, on the critic’s ideas after his return to Brazil, in 1977. It is taken in consideration the political and cultural environment of Popular Unity and, thereafter, the current Latin Americanist debate in accordance with Pedrosa’s skepticism regarding the directions of the vanguard. The thesis’ defense is that Chile’s community vocation checked his disenchantment brought about by the artistic crisis that Mr. Pedrosa underlined later in life, besides radicalizing an aesthetic program fostered since the 1940s. This assessment derives from the notion of Latin American radar, a phenomenon of exile that contributed to the implementation of a new agenda rallied by the self-managed popular experience and by the inclusion of a third-worldly repertoire manifested in Pedrosa’s late works. Finally, the present work aims to examine the project of the “Alegria de Viver, Alegria de Criar” (Joy of Living, Joy of Creating) native Brazilian art exhibit and the idealization of the Museu das Origens (Museum of the Origins) in light of the “Rear-garde art” concept, coined by the critic. The methodological procedure of this research is based upon the gathering and study of hundreds of primary sources investigated in twelve institutional archives from Brazil, Chile and Spain.
Key words: Mário Pedrosa; Museum of Solidarity; Latin American Art; Art Criticism; Museum of the Origins.

The date 27 March was once known as Fascist Resistance Day in Myanmar, which was once known as Burma. It was a day to commemorate the struggle against Japanese imperialism. Later, its name shortened to Resistance Day, or more precisely Tawlanye Ne (Revolution Day), it was coupled with Armed Forces Day, a title that later eclipsed the earlier one. By the 1990s only soldiers observed it, parading inside their camps or at the People’s Park in Yangon. Although the people were, without a hint of irony, barred from the park, they were still able to watch the televised parade, with garlanded men standing to attention for the same self-congratulatory speech about the military’s defence of national sovereignty that was repeated each year. With the coming of pay TV and mobile phones, Armed Forces Day ceremonies lost the audiences they once had. Nevertheless, the date has remained on the calendar as one officially and exclusively for military pomp and tinsel. With this background, 27 March 2021 was a doubly appropriate date for protestors to mobilise against a reinvigorated military dictatorship.

Full programme of the international online conference "(Re)pensar Malvinas / (re)thinking Falklands — Visiones y versiones en las culturas argentina y británica / Visions and Versions in Argentinian and British Cultures" (1982–2022).
The event is hosted jointly by the School of Modern Languages (Cardiff University) and the Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani (Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Buenos Aires)
Free Registration (deadline: 5 April 2022, 13:00 BST): https://bit.ly/3LmVaYE
Twitter: @malvinas2022
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MalvinasFalklands2022

Online Symposium hosted on 19-20 May 2022 at University College Cork.

The event is generously supported by the Irish Research Council (IRC), The National University of Ireland (NUI), the ERC project ‘Translating Memories: The Eastern European Past in the Global Arena’ funded by the European Research Council under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme, and The Centre for Advanced Studies in Languages and Cultures of University College Cork (CASiLaC).

Título: Ler Pessoa
Autor: Jerónimo Pizarro
Revisão: Rita Almeida Simões
Cidade: Lisboa
Composição: Tinta‑da‑china (Pedro Serpa)
Capa: Tinta‑da‑china (Vera Tavares)
1.ª edição: Maio de 2018
ISBN 978‑989‑671‑438-3
depósito legal n.º 440392/18
páginas: 170
E‑mail:
info@tintadachina.pt
www.tintadachina.pt

Jerónimo Pizarro ilumina neste livro a galáxia Pessoa: da obra múltipla que constitui o Livro do Desassossego ao labor de Caeiro, o engenho de Campos e a coerência de Reis, passando pelo génio de tantos outros autores fictícios. Pessoa procurou ser «toda uma literatura», e Ler Pessoa é um tributo a esse universo.

«A pluralidade da obra de Pessoa é responsável, em grande medida, pela atracção que desde há décadas vem desencadeando, como se, por meio dela, assomássemos ao abismo do ser. Evocando Pirandello, diria que Pessoa pode ser visto como um, nenhum ou cem mil. Quem tem construído um Pessoa mais indiviso? Quem tem militado a favor de um mais vazio? E quem defende um poeta mais múltiplo? A meu ver, a multiplicidade de Pessoa reside menos na sua multiplicidade real, no facto de ter forjado cento e tal figuras, do que na sua multiplicidade póstuma. Pessoa escapa­-nos a todos. É mais nosso, porque continuamos a construí­-lo. É menos nosso, porque cada vez é de mais pessoas.» —Jerónimo Pizarro

En un momento histórico en el que se conmemoran poco más de 40 años del Golpe Militar y el régimen autoritario en Chile, período en el que se han llevado a cabo una serie de conmemoraciones y reflexiones, surge también la pregunta por los alcances de la dictadura en la intelectualidad chilena y sus consecuencias sobre las ciencias sociales en el país y específicamente la sociología.

A partir de lo anterior, la presente investigación busca aproximarse a los impactos del autoritarismo sobre el quehacer sociológico en Chile, indagando puntualmente en los aspectos biográficos y profesionales vivenciados por los sociólogos y estudiantes de sociología de la época.

La importancia de realizar este estudio y abordar estas temáticas radica, en primer lugar, en la tendencia de los estudios sociológicos chilenos por estudiar los impactos del autoritarismo sobre la sociedad chilena, más que reparar en los efectos sobre la propia sociología y, en segundo lugar, en la perspectiva novedosa y que podría significar el estudio de estos discursos desde la óptica de una generación joven y ajena al proceso.

"Na história do Brasil, e principalmente no início dos anos 1960, após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros, foram constituídas várias organizações anticomunistas. A partir da ascensão de João Goulart à presidência, diversas destas entidades foram criadas em Porto Alegre, com atuação no Rio Grande do Sul, em contextos
históricos que vão do pré-golpe à “redemocratização”. Tendo em vista o aprofundamento dos estudos sobre o anticomunismo nesta cidade, este artigo tem como objetivo montar um pequeno panorama das organizações anticomunistas de Porto Alegre que atuavam no Rio Grande do Sul. Para tanto, escolhemos três delas: o Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas e Sociais do Rio Grande do Sul (IPESUL), o curso “Educando para a Democracia”, e a Ação Democrática Renovadora (ADR)."

This article discusses Brazilian political history, from the military-political coup in 1964 through Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s second presidential term. Written in the form of an explanatory summary, three themes are joined in a narrative on the transition from a military dictatorship to a liberal democratic regime: the military, the political and the bureaucratic. We seek to establish causal inferences linking content, methods and the reasons for and meaning of political change beginning in 1974 with the quality of the democratic regime as it emerged during the 1990s. Our explanation is premised on the need to analyze two different but interconnected spaces of the political: transformation in the institutional systems of the State apparatus and the evolution of the broader political scenario. We conclude that neo-liberal economic reforms not only dispensed with true political reform able to increase representation and with reform of the State in ways that would favor participation. Neo-liberal reforms also continued to be premised on authoritarian arrangements of governing processes inherited from the previous political period.

Tiranos de Shakespeare explicam golpismo de Bolsonaro Projeto autoritário do presidente é tão evidente quanto a vilania de Ricardo 3º e Macbeth • Jair Bolsonaro durante cerimônia de promoção de sargentos da FAB em Brasília Adriano Machado-1º.abr.22/Reuters

La literatura producida en las cárceles de la dictadura cívico militar uruguaya (1973 - 1985). Incidencia de la lectura y las bibliotecas. Las condiciones de creación: la censura, el entorno represivo, las formas de la resistencia. Producción de los escritores surgidos en las cárceles. Reseña de obras.