Political Discourse

This essay seeks to explore the expressions of power and persuasion in Tony Blair’s victory speech in 1997. Firstly, a theoretical framework about power and persuasion in political discourse is demonstrated. Secondly, the context of sociopolitical context of the speech is analyzed and the theoretical underpinnings of Political Discourse Analysis (PDA) are presented in the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Thirdly, utilizing some linguistic tools based on the Halliday's and Matthiessen's (2004) functional grammatical theory, the speech is analyzed investigating the linguistic features that attribute power and persuasion.

This paper aims to highlight ethnic stereotyping in the English-language mass media political discourse, which is an actual issue since the scope of media texts in English prevails in the global information space, which cannot but affect the viewpoint of an "average" English speaking reader. According to the cognitive linguistic approach, the stereotype is considered to be an element of the cultural and linguistic world view and an integral part of reality categorization mechanism. Ethnic stereotypes are very important in the process of intercultural communication since they can increase its effectiveness and eliminate interethnic problems or they can act vice versa. So auto-and hetero-stereotypes play a significant role in intercultural communication. This fact underlines the relevance of ethnic stereotype studies. The notions of "auto-stereotype" and "hetero-stereotype" are considered in the article, using the examples of English-language political media text headlines. Special attention is given to the headlines of English-language media texts about Russia. Basic features of the stereotype "modern Russia", formed by the English-language media, are defined by the analyzed political media text material.

W artykule przedstawiony został zarys funkcjonowania frazeologizmów i neofrazeologizmów w ukraińskim dyskursie politycznym, które używane są w celu zwiększenia znaczenia własnych tez, postulatów, wniosków i niestety zbyt często-dla przekonania przeciwnika politycznego w sposób nieodpowiedni. Przytoczone zostały współczesne neofrazeologizmy, powstałe na potrzeby bardziej przekonującego przekazu politycznego.

ABSTRACT. The article outlines usage of phraseological and neo phraseological expressions in the Ukrainian political discourse, which are generated in order to reinforce politicians' arguments, postulates and proposals, however, too often misused when trying to convince their political opponents. In the article, contemporary neo phraseological expressions, created in favour of more persuasive political message, are cited.

Вивченню фразеологізмів присвячено чимало праць. Їхній колорит зазвичай найяскравіше виявляється у художньому, рідше-у розмовному мовленні, яке вони збагачують і увиразнюють. Тому й дослідники частіше сягають до аналізу згаданих мовних одиниць у художніх творах. Проте, виявляється, що той матеріал, який став джерелом нашого дослідження, містить не менше цікавих прикладів, звичайно, іншого характеру-він має не естетичне спрямування, а часто зовсім протилежне-від пропагандного аж до агресивного. А це, нагадаємо, реалізується у межах офіційно-ділового стилю, сягаючи до засобів якого варто пам'ятати, що йому властива найбільша

This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds important elements to the research findings, particularly in terms of showing on the one hand how power relations within ‘Europarties’ results in the construction of common European identities in different European Union (EU) states, and on the other hand how professionalization of political communication reinforces discursive dissimilarities between parties of the same ideological family in different EU states.

Liberal democratic contexts have been the focus of much of the existing research on the relationship between incidental exposure to news on social media and political participation gaps. There is also a limited understanding of the factors that influence the mobilizing or reinforcing role of incidental news exposure in this process. This study examines the role of incidental news exposure on social media in political interest-driven participatory gaps in Singapore. It also examines how education, social network size, and heterogeneous political discussions further modify the effect of incidental news on the participatory gaps between high and low political interest groups. Findings from primary survey data support the reinforcement thesis, suggesting that politically disinterested individuals are negatively affected by frequent incidental news exposure, but those with high political interest benefit. Moderated moderation analyses indicate that these participatory gaps only exist at higher education levels and within more extensive social networks. Further, politically disinterested citizens are at risk for further disengagement if they encounter news accidentally in bigger social networks or engage in heterogeneous political discussion. The study contributes to the growing scholarship on the effects of incidental news exposure on political participation by highlighting the role of education and social network characteristics in amplifying the incidental news-based participation gaps.

This study aims to explore the rhetorical and persuasive strategies employed by a political leader to propagate his ideology using language. It intends to critically analyze the victory speech of Pakistani Premier Imran Khan (IK)—the Chairman of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)—which he delivered at the Prime Minister House, Islamabad, after being elected as the 22nd Premier of Pakistan in 2018. The researchers attempt to unveil and analyze critically the strategies that worked behind this speech to persuade the audience. Different linguistic tools used for projecting and achieving political power have been identified and scrutinized. The qualitative analysis of the speech is based on theory of Aristotle’s Rhetoric; Ethos, Pathos, Logos and other persuasive strategies like use of personal pronoun, predication strategy, and positive self-presentation and negative others-presentation employed by IK, and further to study how language carries the power of transforming the perception and p...

This article deals with identity political discourse in situations of cultural movements, precisely in situations of migration. It addresses the question of migration through the interpretation of past and in the making events. In this context, it focuses on the perception of Other, and on its representation. As such, it observes spatiotypies in their discursive specificities. Spatiotypies are attributions of power and discourse. They state, mentally and politically, the social life of individuals. The corpus is composed of French newspaper articles, from the middle of 2015 to the end of 2016. This period saw the dismantling of the "Camps de Calais" and the distribution of migrants to other locations on the French territory.

This report addresses the relationship between public opinion, political discourse and policy responses in the context of the so-called refugee crisis. In doing so, it speaks to the literature concerned with the saliency, polarisation and politicisation of migration, but shifting the focus from the politicisation of immigration to the politicisation of responsibility. Rather than about how migration is covered, perceived and responded (in terms of political discourse and policies), the questions at stake regard the meaning of responsibility, namely who is responsible, for what and to whom, both at the national and European levels. To answer such questions the report draws upon CEASEVAL WP5’s analyses and country reports, trying to identify patterns of politicisation across eight country-cases. Ten keyfindings emerge from the analysis: The discussion on responsibility vis-à-vis refugees in Europe has become an issue of politicisation across countries (i), and it has generally turned ...

There is a general perception that synchronous, online
chat about politics is fragmented, incoherent, and rife with ad hominem
attacks because of its channel characteristics. This study aims to better
understand the relative impact of channel of communication versus topic
of communication by comparing chat about four different topics. Discourse
analysis and coding for topic drift were applied to two hours of chat devoted
to the topics of politics, auto racing, entertainment, and cancer support.
Findings demonstrate that topic may have an effect on the coherence of chat,
with discussion in the politics chat room surprisingly being more coherent
than in the other rooms. This research suggests that users can sustain
relatively coherent interaction on political talk, suggesting chat technology
may not be an inherently problematic medium for political discours

Populism is sometimes conceived as a 'thin-centered ideology' by political scientists (Mudde, 2007). However, in discourse analysis we conceive of populism as a set of discourse strategies used by both left-wing or right-wing politicians (Charaudeau, 2009). The objectives of this scientific poster are: i) to point out the main discourse features that allow us to identify a populist discourse; ii) to analyze, compare and contrast Iglesias' and Abascal's populist discourse  features; and iii) to show how populism can be used on the left and on the right side of the political spectrum.

Die Bewohner der Andenregionen praktizieren seit vielen Jahrhunderten eine elaborierte Agrarwirtschaft, mit der sie sich unter schwierigen Bedingungen lange Zeit selbst versorgen konnten. Das knapp 200 Jahre alte Peru hat die Hegemonie zwischen ruralen campesinos und der urbanen lesekundigen Population sehr deutlich gemacht durch Strukturen der Kontrolle und des Instrumentalisierens von Arbeitskraft für das Wachstum des Staates im globalen und nationalen Markt. Die internationale Tourismusbranche hat während der letzten Dekaden zusätzlich die Praktiken der unterdrückten Individuen für sich instrumentalisiert, und verkauft ein idealisiertes Bild-als Paradoxon zu der Betrachtung und Behandlung der städtischen Bevölkerung gegenüber jener Praktiken: als Aberglaube ohne jeglichen Anspruch auf Wahrheit und Wissen. Als "das Andere" wird dieses nicht anerkannte Wissen in zeitliche Epochen eingeordnet, die es zu bewahren gilt-aus verschiedenen Gründen und mit unterschiedlichen Endergebnissen. Doch der Schmelztiegel Südamerika mit seiner rezenten Geschichte der Eroberungen, Überlagerungen, Oppression und Synkretismen macht ein isoliertes Leben auf kultureller und geographischer Ebene unmöglich. Die gebürtige Peruanerin De La Cadena erzählt auf 272 Seiten die Geschichten der zwei Generationen der Turpo-Familie aus Pacchanta, Cuzco: Mariano und Nazario Turpo. Mariano ist politisch seit den 1960er-Jahren aktiv gewesen und hat in langen Kämpfen das Territorium seiner Ayllus gegen das sogenannte Hacienda System verteidigt-mit großen Erfolgen für eine weittragende Agrarreform. [...]

This session will discuss the Oxfam research backgrounder on "The Rise of Populism and Its Implications for Development", with a specific focus on the challenges posed by the politics of 'post-truth' for evidence-informed influencing. The paper addresses three questions: 

1. What changes in political action and discourse characterize the resurgence of the right? What are the most significant trends and can they be measured? 

2. What explains these trends? Are they primarily a reaction to the impacts of globalization? What are the alternative explanations? What other factors are relevant? 

3. What are the political, economic, and social implications of these developments? What are their implications for organizations like Oxfam and its partners?

The session comprises an overview of data about the political trends, a review of the different explanations for them, and a discussion of their wider implications for development and influencing in particular.

Action-­sentences about states, such as 'North Korea conducted a nuclear test', are ubiquitous in discourse about international relations. Although there has been a great deal of debate in IR about whether states are agents or actors, the question of how to interpret action-­sentences about states has been treated as secondary or epiphenomenal. This article focuses on our practices of speaking and writing about the state rather than the ontology of the state. It uses Hobbes' theory of attributed action to develop a typology of action-‐sentences and to analyze action-sentences about states. These sentences are not shorthand for action-­sentences about individuals, as proponents of the metaphorical interpretation suggest. Nor do they describe the actions of singular agents, as proponents of the literal interpretation suggest. The central argument is that action-­sentences about states are 'attributive', much like sentences about principals who act vicariously through agents: they identify the 'owners' of actions—the entities that are responsible for them—rather than the agents that perform the actions. Our practice of ascribing actions to states is not merely figurative, but nor does it presuppose that states are corporate agents.

Аннотация: Президент РФ В.В. Путин в разных обстоятельствах указывает, что «у нас нет никакой и не может быть никакой другой объединяющей идеи, кроме патриотизма». Патриотизм является важной национальной идеей. Данная статья посвящена выявлению семантических единиц концепта «патриотизм» в толковых словарях русского языка и текстах речи главы государства. Материал был выбран нами из сборника президентских речей «Мысли о России», чтобы выяснить репрезентацию концепта «патриотизм» в политическом дискурсе русского языка.

Annotation: The president of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin pointed out that there is not and there won't be any other thoughts except patriotism, which makes the nation united. Patriotism is an essential national ideology. This article is devoted to the identification of semantic units of the concept of "patriotism" in the explanatory dictionaries of the Russian language and the texts of the speech of state heads. We selected the material from the collection of the president's speech "Thoughts on Russia" to find out the representation of the concept of "patriotism" in the political discourse of the Russian language.

Segundo encuentro del Seminario Permanente de Discurso Político. Julián Melo (CONICET-IDAES) va a exponer su trabajo "Avanzar con la marea. Nota sobre el pensamiento político de Juan Perón".
Los que quieran acceder a un texto de lectura optativa pueden hacerlo escribiendo a ceap@sociales.uba.ar

Twitter is emerging as a medium where users negotiate and maintain relationships and identities. How do political actors use Twitter? In a gender perspective, this study aims to shed light on their interactions on Twitter, which can be considered a window on how women and men represent and construct their gender and political identities within conversational flows.

Los discursos políticos de rompimiento tienen el mérito de haber cuestionado el dogma neoliberal que elevó un paradigma económico, de entre otros posibles, al rango de ciencia exacta, por encima de consideraciones políticas o sociales. A la par, es notorio que otras discusiones han logrado trascender a la agenda pública, poniendo en jaque al statu quo. No necesariamente hay coherencia ideológica entre los distintos cuestionamientos, pero es innegable que se han visibilizado actores antes ignorados y problemáticas naturalizadas hasta hace poco.

Uno de las discusiones que necesita mayor profundidad es la crítica a la academia, como se suele conocer a la comunidad científica. Si bien es cierto que la lógica neoliberal permeó en las concepciones y prácticas dentro de las universidades, siempre es prudente recordar que esto ocurrió a la par del resto de la sociedad. Es comprensible que el cuestionamiento sea mucho más duro y reiterado en las universidades, al tratarse de espacios en los que la discusión es algo cotidiano y la juventud –así como sus inherentes expectativas de cambio– es la población que les nutre. No obstante, cuando la crítica no es contextualizada, puede caer en excesos preocupantes.

The aim of this paper is to present the diversity and dynamics of interpersonal relationships represented in political discourse. In almost every political activity there is the opposition camp (‘them’), as well as that of the allies (‘us’), as a result of which relations of inclusion and exclusion are invariably present. The present study deals with ‘us’ and ‘them’ constructions from a pragma-cognitive perspective. The means by which these relations are structured depend on the speaker’s intentions in the discourse, which in turn determine the way the ‘us’ and ‘them’ are presented. What is more, relationships of inclusion and exclusion within a single discursive event are dynamic and prone to alternations, since motives behind and implications of particular fragments which constitute the discursive event as a whole, may vary. All this will be exemplified on the basis of selected fragments of a speech delivered by Nick Griffin (available at http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=b9e_1272829...

The current world scenario results from the process of globalisation which has generated processes of intercultural communication. Against this background, this paper is mainly concerned with the most significant communicative products issued by globalisation, that is intercultural forms of communication and their related narratives. In this regard, the paper analyses the arrangement of the information on the official websites of some transnational institutions operating in the world, such as the United Nations, European Union, Unasur, African Union and League of Arab States. The analysis is focused on the communication strategies adopted in the websites; however, it is the aim of this paper to
observe whether such information is culturally influenced.

מחקר זה  מתמקד בטוקבקים התגובות שישראלים כותבים באתרי אינטרנט, ובמונח המתאר זירה תקשורתית זו. לאור ניתוח פרשני של תגובות כאלה בעשר השנים האחרונות המאמר מתחיל בתיאור הפוטנציאל הקרנבלי הקיים בטוקבקים. אלה יכולים לממש את הקרנבל הבכטיניאני, כשהם מדגישים את הנמוך, הגופני ובייחוד את הפתיחות, השוויוניות וחוסר הכבוד לעמדות כוח. ממדים קרנבליים אלה היו יכולים להפוך את זירת הטוקבק לזירה דמוקרטית מלאה, שלא כמרחב הציבורי הבורגני, אולם מהטוקבקים נעדרים שני אלמנטים חשובים: צחוק משחרר ופעולה חברתית חוץ-לשונית.
חלקו השני של המאמר מתאר את מילת המפתח "טוקבק" בתוך מארג מילות המפתח הישראליות. הטוקבק כמילת מפתח מתאר זירה תקשורתית שבה המשתתפים מציגים זהות פוליטית על ידי הכפשת הצד הפוליטי ההפוך להם, בדרך כלל ללא הבעת דעה או ביסוסה. הטוקבק הוא טקס כסאחיסטי של אנטי-פראיירים שכל עניינם לקטֵר. כך הטוקבק ומארג מילות המפתח הישראלי מאפשרים קיומה של תרבות דמוקרטית מוגבלת, המקיימת שיח פוליטי ער הנעדר פתיחות לשינוי דעה והנעה לפעולה חברתית – אלמנטים חשובים בדמוקרטיה.

In: Multidimensionality of vocabulary in the literary language (2018): 117–133.
The chapter analyzes the semantic, structural, and functional features of the Ukrainian socio-political vocabulary in given period. It describes external factors which influence the language of internet media, such as Revolution of Dignity, Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war, post-truth politics, and other phenomena of social and political life. The research demonstrates change in semantic contents of socio-political vocabulary and emergence of a new associative field "Military affair." It investigates numerous neologisms in the given thematic layer and brings to light most productive methods, for instance, prefixation, blending, semantic change and borrowing. The study highlights trends in socio-political vocabulary functioning in the internet media and examines use of lexicon from pop-culture phenomena (for example, "The Lord of the Rings" and "Game of Thrones") in the Ukrainian political discourse.

Parole-chiave: estrema destra, Germania, lessico politico, corpora 1. Introduzione Il lessico politico è stato oggetto di molti studi che hanno cercato di metterne in evidenza aspetti e caratteristiche, utilizzando approcci e metodologie diversificate. Nonostante le specificità evidenziate dalle varie indagini, possiamo affermare che una delle problematiche più ricorrenti è la sua distinzione, sia dal linguaggio quotidiano in quanto ogni parola può avere una connotazione politica, sia da quello specialistico. È indubbio inoltre, che il lessico politico venga influenzato sia dai vari aspetti della società di cui è espressione sia dal sistema di potere dominante (cfr. Shrouf 2006).

It is now more than 30 years since the publication of Edward W. Said’s seminal text Orientalism. With his discourse analysis of an astounding number of academic, bureaucratic and literary texts from the colonial period, Said was able to demonstrate that the western colonial project was premised on a matrix of interdependent discourses, institutions and practices, which he termed ‘orientalism’. The net output of such orientalism was an ideological fantasy, a fantasy that bore no relation to the reality and complexity of non-european society with its myriad cultures, religions, peoples, customs and histories. Instead, orientalism has served to homogenize, demonize and stereotype the non-european world according to fairly reductive and negative terms, so that the oriental was viewed as the ‘other’. Clearly the unquestioned tendency to view the people of the orient as eficient and inferior ‘others’ served the colonial agenda of continuing to dominate and control sections of the East.

One cannot overstate the significance and impact of orientalism. Indeed, in the years that followed, Said’s work was both contested and applied by a whole range of different disciplines including middle-east studies, media analyses, international relations and history. It has also spawned an entirely new sub-discipline known as postcolonial studies. What has long been missing in the field of research is a sustained engagement with Said’s work from the perspective of defence studies and military history.

Offering a framework for uncovering the hidden meanings of political epithets, this article explains the potency of the term carpetbagger by exploring the material artifact that underpinned it.  Although they coined the term in 1867, southern Democrats were mobilizing the negative associations that carpetbags had acquired during the antebellum period, particularly as symbols of excessive mobility.  The sinister or suspect figure of the “man with the carpetbag” was a familiar figure on both sides of the Atlantic by the 1850s, appearing in news reports, fiction, plays, paintings, and cartoons, but also in Republican as well as Democratic political discourse.

In this paper, we will be reviewing the Discourse analysis as a qualitative and quantitative multidisciplinary approach that allows studying a discourse in a precise way. We will see two of the main methods to analyze a speech, the synthetic method and the analytical method. Also, we will analyze a discourse done by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, according to these two methods.

A wide range of Arabic language variation in form, code choice and orthographic script was wielded by Lebanese political protestors in their graffiti and political placards in Beirut in 2015. That summer, civil protests spilled out into the streets to critique the government inaction over waste management and overall corruption. I will focus on four tactics that highlight a trend towards linguistic transgression and strategic recontextualization of Arabic discourse in these protests: reworking of state iconography; inscribing irreverent spoken dialect in written form; incorporation of hashtag (#) participant and interpretive frameworks ; and the recontextualization of traditional calligraphic forms in new contexts. This paper explores the intertextuality of protest signage and consider the ways in which the transgression of traditional linguistic boundaries might inform understandings of the social dynamics of contemporary politics in Lebanon.

Introduzione L'affermazione di partiti e movimenti « populisti » in Italia è piuttosto recente. Le prime riflessioni di studiosi e osservatori che iniziano a impiegare apertamente questo termine appaiono con l'affermazione della Lega Nord (d'ora in poi Lega), nel 1992 1. Si tratta di un movimento politico regio-nale radicato nella Lombardia e nel Veneto e diffuso in tutto il nord Italia, dagli obiettivi politici poco chiari (oscillanti fra federalismo e secessionismo 2), non ascrivibile immediatamente alla destra o alla sinistra dello schieramento politico e con obiettivi polemici molto evidenti (e anch'essi in linea con la retorica populista) : tutta la classe politica esistente, considerata come una massa indistinta a cui si oppone la propria novità, giocando sulla tematizzazione dell'inesperienza come virtù (come ha sin-tetizzato Eric Landowski nel testo di presentazione che ha dato origine a questo dossier). Come altri movimenti « populisti » la Lega si afferma nel momento di una crisi fiduciaria gene-ralizzata verso i partiti che avevano costituito il cosiddetto « arco costituzionale » (l'insieme dei partiti democratici presenti in parlamento dalla creazione della repubblica), dovuta allo svelamento da parte della magistratura italiana di un sistema di corruzione organizzato ed esteso ai massimi livelli della politica nazionale. Il ricorso alla novità non può bastare, almeno da solo, per spiegarne il consenso, anche perchè oltre ad essa, in Italia, sono stati nel tempo vari i partiti che hanno giocato, nel tempo e con sfumature diverse, sul tema del « nuovismo » : certamente Forza Italia (Berlusconi), ma anche il Pd di Veltroni, e più recentemente il Movimento 5 stelle (d'ora in poi M5S) di Grillo. I commentatori ed i politologi che si sono occupati della Lega Nord raramente hanno ravvisato queste continuità. Considerando i tradizionali criteri socio-politologici la Lega è stata avvicinata al movimento italiano conservatore dell'Uomo qualunque, affermatosi dal 1948 alla fine degli anni cin-quanta del '900. Sono state sottolineate le affinità nell'uso del dialetto e nel turpiloquio, nella deni-grazione degli avversari, ma scarsamente marcate le profonde differenze fra i due movimenti, a nostro parere rinvenibili considerando le strategie di costruzione di una presenza sensibile e di coinvolgimen-to estesico del proprio elettorato. 1 Cfr. Andrea Sarubbi, La Lega qualunque. Dal populismo di Giannini a quello di Bossi, Roma, Armando Editore, 2005. 2 Il nuovo partito proponeva, col termine « federalismo », la costituzione di una repubblica federale con tre entità distinte, di fatto autonome, su base territoriale : il nord, il centro e il sud Italia.

Many advocates of deliberative democracy see in the Internet a new opportunity for the development of public spaces, public spheres, and places where deliberation can take place. An important element of the notion of the public sphere in general and of deliberation specifically, is the quality of the debate. In the past decade, many studies have been conducted to evaluate online discussions in light of the ideal notion of the public sphere. However, a wide gap exists between theoretical approaches and the actual operationalization of such theories for empirical research. In an attempt to bridge this gap we develop a method for examining the extent to which Internet forums meet the normative requirements of rational-critical debate, reciprocity, and reflexivity. The methodological approach consists of a textual analysis of the contributions made to an online forum. The coding scheme presented in this article is based on a case study (UK Online) and guided by the theoretical notions of deliberative democracy.

Este trabajo aborda el tema del discurso sobre la universidad pública venezolana, específicamente durante el lapso comprendido entre 2010 y 2012, período en el que se debatió con vehemencia lo que debía (o no) ser esta institución. En ese momento el asunto cobró relevancia debido a la aprobación en diciembre de 2010, por parte de la Asamblea Nacional, de una Ley de Educación Universitaria (LEU) que sustituía a la de 1970, aún vigente entonces. No obstante haber sido sancionada por el Parlamento, dicha ley recibió el veto del presidente de la República, Hugo Chávez Frías. Para la consecución del estudio nos apoyaremos en herramientas aportadas por los Estudios Críticos del Discurso (ECD), a fin de analizar las opiniones de cuatro docentes adscritos al personal académico de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV). Concretamente, los objetivos consisten en (a) comparar el significado que tienen los vocablos “universidad”, “autonomía”, “calidad” y “equidad”, utilizados por los cuatro enunciadores; (b) interpretar distintas concepciones que sobre la universidad  coexisten en la Venezuela del siglo XXI y (c) determinar si algunas categorías propuestas para clasificar las universidades aplican o no para el caso venezolano. Entre las conclusiones destaca que, aunque forman parte de la misma comunidad discursiva, el significado que los cuatro profesores le dan a los términos “universidad”, “autonomía”, “calidad” y “equidad” varía según su percepción del mundo; en otras palabras, se vincula con su ideología. 
Palabras clave: discurso educativo, universidad, autonomía, equidad, calidad, Ley de Universidades.
Discourse regarding the Venezuelan university (2010-2012): in relation to the debates on the banned Universities Act (2010)

Abstract

This work analyzes the discourse regarding the Venezuelan public university system, specifically the discourse produced between 2010 and 2012 – a period characterized by heated debates about what the university should be (or what it should not be). During that period, the issue became relevant when the National Assembly, in December 2010, approved a University Education Act that replaced the 1970’s Act that was still in force at the time. Parliamentary approval notwithstanding, said act was vetoed by President Hugo Chávez Frías. To complete this task, we rely on the field of Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) to analyze the opinions of four professors from the Universidad Central de Venezuela (UCV). The specific objectives are: (a) compare the meaning of the terms “university,” “autonomy,” “quality” and “equity,” as used by the four different speakers, all UCV professors; (b) interpret the different understandings that coexist in twenty-first-century Venezuela regarding the university as an institution; and (c) determine the extent to which the proposed categories for the study and classification of universities apply to Venezuela, after reviewing some of these classifications. One of the main conclusions drawn is that, although the speakers are part of the same discourse community, their understanding of the terms “university,” “autonomy,” “quality” and “equity,” varies according to their worldview; and thus, the concept of “university” endorsed by each professor is related to their ideology.

Keywords: educational discourse, university, autonomy, equity, quality, Universities Act.

Parliamentary discourse in democratic states is both a form of implementation of freedom of speech and a way of increasing awareness of the quality and level of freedom of speech in democratic regimes. The Slovak Republic is a country with a distinct post-communist tradition of freedom of speech, where restrictions and censorship have stood opposed to demands by citizens for the real acknowledgment of this right. This case study analyses how the issue of freedom of speech has evolved in the parliamentary debates from 1992 to 2013. It utilizes content analysis to discover the contexts in which freedom of speech has appeared in parliamentary proceedings in the National Council of the Slovak Republic and what clues to lawmakers’ understanding of freedom of speech may be derived from these contexts. It is concluded that despite the consolidation of democracy and membership in various international organizations that incorporate protections for fundamental rights and rising awareness on freedom of speech itself in the country, freedom of speech was of marginal importance for Slovak MPs, which indicates the absence of a need for reflection on both domestic and international issues. A consequence of this neglect is the widening influence of courts in determining the scope and extent of freedom of speech in Slovakia.

The concept of soft power occupies a prominent place in International Relations, foreign policy, and security studies. Primarily developed by Joseph S. Nye, the concept is typically drawn upon to emphasize the more intangible dimensions of power in a field long dominated by overtly material (i.e. military) power. Recently, some scholars have reframed soft power — specifically the key notion of attraction — as a narrative and linguistic process. This literature, however, has downplayed some of the other deep-seated underpinnings of soft power, which this article argues lie in the dynamics of affect. Building upon the International Relations affect and aesthetics literatures, this article develops the concept of soft power as rooted in the political dynamics of emotion and introduces the concept of affective investment. The attraction of soft power stems not only from its cultural influence or narrative construction, but more fundamentally from audiences’ affective investments in the images of identity that it produces. The empirical import of these ideas is offered in an analysis of the construction of American attraction in the war on terror.

U radu se razmatra odnos između kognitivne lingvistike i kritičke analize diskursa, kao i mogućnosti kombinacije ova dva teorijska okvira u empirijskim istraživanjima. Rad počinje pregledom osnovnih teorijskih postulata dveju disciplina, sa posebnim osvrtom na ona polja proučavanja u kojima kognitivna lingvistika i kritička analiza diskursa interaguju. S obzirom da u literaturi već postoje konkretni primeri ovakvih interdisciplinarnih istraživanja, najznačajnije u radu Kristofera Harta (Hart 2010, 2011; Hart & Lukeš 2010), autor u daljem tekstu ukazuje i na dosadašnje pokušaje uparivanja kognitivne lingvistike i kritičke analize diskursa. Nakon toga, u radu će biti prikazan i sam način primene ovako integrisanog pristupa na primeru kritičke analize verbalnih manifestacija pojmovne metonimije u političkom novinskom diskursu. Analiza će biti praćena odgovarajućim ilustracijama. Rad se završava zaključnim razmatranjima i predlozima za dalja istraživanja i produbljivanje međusobnog odnosa između datih teorijskih okvira. [The paper deals with the relationship between cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis, as well as the possibilities of integrating these two theoretical frameworks in empirical research. The paper begins with an overview of the basic theoretical tenets of the two disciplines, with a particular emphasis on the interface between cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis. Bearing in mind that there already exist concrete examples of such interdisciplinary research in the literature, most significantly in the work of Christopher Hart (e.g. Hart, 2010, 2011; Hart & Lukeš, 2010), the author further points to the previous attempts at combining cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis. Next, the paper presents an application of this integrated approach in the example of the critical analysis of verbal manifestations of conceptual metonymy in political newspaper discourse. The analysis is complemented by appropriate examples taken from the two British daily newspapers, The Telegraph and The Guardian. The paper ends with concluding remarks and several suggestions for further research and deeper elaboration of the relationship between the discussed theoretical frameworks.]

Political discourse in its various forms and expressions is characterised by the use of phrasemes, including slogans, proverbs, quotations, etc. It also features the so-called «emologismi» (cf. Antonelli 2017: 6), that is to say words, phrases and formulae that function as «emoticons» aiming to impress voters by focusing attention on the emotional aspects of the discourse. Moreover, in the multimedia age, posts published on social media become an efficient and powerful medium used by political parties to present and support their ideas in an attempt to appeal to voters and hold their attention.
The corpus-based analysis focuses on idiomatic phrasemes, their semantic and pragmatic characteristics as well as on some functions they perform in such election campaign posts. Because of the immediacy and intelligibility of these phrases, they can give emphasis to the text or provide a concise explanation of a passage. In addition, they can also help to negatively connote a political opponent, contribute to the self-presentation of politicians, or – not least – to favour their contact with the voters. In particular the modification of idioms plays furthermore an important role (Elspaß 2007: 288) thanks to their metaphorical features as well as their expressive potential.
The analysis is carried out on a corpus consisting of the posts of some German political parties on the occasion of the federal elections on 24th September 2017.

Apa yang saya maksud dengan narasi dan praksis keseharian adalah wacana dan relasi kemanusiaan yang kita selami sehari-hari yang terkadang dianggap remeh, namun sebenarnya punya peran besar dalam membangun kelenturan sosial atau yang dalam bahasa narasi besar disebut toleransi dan pluralisme. Inilah yang saya kira dapat menjadi jalan kultural untuk menyongsong pluralisme Yogyakarta. Pluralisme yang tidak dibebani oleh narasi-narasi besar.

The South Caucasus region is quite diverse in its cultural, ethnic, civilization, religious and social structure. At the same time after the collapse of the Soviet Union, emerged numerous internal conflicts significantly hindered the democratization process in the region. The quarter-century post-Soviet experience shows that with some differences mainly pseudo-democratic or even autocratic regimes are established in South Caucasus countries. Many researches affirm that in plural societies of Azerbaijan and Georgia ethnocratic elements are also observed. In these countries the influence of dominant ethnic groups over other ethnicities not explicitly are encouraged by authorities. Local researchers of ten explain this situation by the transitional period. However, other numerous studies show that in these countries ethnic-based governments aspire to be strengthened. Therefore, these countries could not lead to a fully democratic transition, and in result, they will be able to build ethnic democracies or authoritarian regimes. In this case, the cultural, religious and linguistic identity of subordinate ethnicities will be in danger. To prevent such possible developments, the article explores the idea of cultural relativism as opposition to the ethnocentrism. The cultural relativism treats all ethnic segments of the same plural society as equal. And in this case, the most relevant model of democracy can be the consociational model which continues to be successfully use d for decades in many plural European states such as Netherlands, Belgium, etc. The article argues that in South Caucasus plural states the consociational discourse can be a real tool to build a democratic political culture. Based on the universal objectives and common interests, the consociational discourse tends to create guarantees of equality and security for all segments in South Caucasus plural states. Only on the base of civic culture devel opment, the consociational democracy model implementation can be efficient.

This Impact Report identifies and summarises the diverse impacts, resulting from the £500m of UK funding of Science and Technology in 2013, using numerous quantitative metrics and short case study extracts.  It shows how the varied impacts of a national science and technology organization and its many funded programmes can be annually identified, captured, tracked, and summarised in a public document.

The report was produced for, and by, the Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC) -  the UK Research Council responsible for funding: (1) all UK astronomy, particle and nuclear physics research, (2) related UK science and technology facilities (e.g. as Harwell and Daresbury), (3) the UK contribution to international science (e.g. CERN, international telescopes and space missions), (4) innovation and business spin-off programmes, and (5) UK public engagement activities.

The Report was co-researched and co-authored by the STFC Impact Team, including myself while Impact Evaluation Manager in 2013, with Dr. Claire Dougan-McCallie (lead author/Head of Impact) and Jenny Beard, with additional input from senior managers, and many data and case study contributions from other key managers across STFC.

Varied key impacts are identified and reported including:

• Research amongst the best (by citation impact) in astronomy, nuclear and particle physics.
• Supported research of 226 Principal Investigators in 70 universities, led to 1,100 peer-reviewed papers in 2012.
• Facilities (the Diamond Light Source, ISIS and CLF) were used in 2012/13 by over 4,200 unique users , in over 2,400 experiments, producing over 1,000 papers in peer-reviewed journals.

• Technology from CERN benefited the UK economy by over £100 billion every year.
• Funding the development of the UK’s space, internet and computer animation industries, returned over £500 billion to the UK economy per annum.
• Funded Innovation Campuses hosted over 230 enterprises and supported over 5,000 jobs.
• UK industry won £43 million in contracts from the international subscriptions funded, and had accumulated a total of £150 million since 2005.

• Funded research inspired future generations to study STEM subjects, attracting 90% of UK undergraduates to study physics, funded 782 PhD students  and 16,800 student training days.
• Between 2009 to 2012 public engagement programmes engaged people on 58 million occasions, with 2 million people engaged in face-to-face activities in 2013 alone.

"Carter's music poses struggles of opposition, for instance in timbre (Double Concerto), space (String Quartet No. 3) or pulse (String Quartet No. 5). His preference for the all-interval tetrachords, 4–Z15 [0, 1, 4, 6] and 4–Z29 [0, 1, 3, 7], is also well known. From these facets of Carter's music, I develop a narrative interpretation of his Petrarch sonnet–inspired solo flute piece, Scrivo in Vento (1991). Specifically, I forge narrative pathways by imagining the two tetrachords as active agents opposed in competition. Previous Scrivo analyses (Capuzzo 2002; Childs 2006) stress continuity by revealing Q-transforms and common-note voice leading between the tetrachords. While acknowledging such features, my analysis emphasises oppositional struggle by tracing the tetrachords as separate entities which cooperate and conflict as they manoeuvre to outdo each other.

The analysis advances three theses: (1) it guides listening to and reading Scrivo in a way which resonates with Carter's concern for the aesthetics of oppositional struggle, his choice of a sonnet as inspiration and his affinity for all-interval tetrachords; (2) it shows that music-analytical detail can be organised into dramatic narratives by (a) projecting dramatic roles onto categories asserted by a formal theory and (b) treating the formal theory's relations metaphorically as actions performed by each role as the musical work unfolds; and (3) it shows how detailed pc-set analysis can support a Heraclitean view of music: a flux of opposing forces seeking and resisting unity."