Roman Religion

It is a common misconception that fides and bona fides are ethical principles with changeable content, shaped by the development of social and moral values. They belong instead, since time immemorial, to the tradition of the ius civile, and are deeply rooted in Roman social structure (and its needs) as interpreted by the priests and by the jurists. The standard of fides and bona fides is always objective: in the archaic period, the real status of the parties (fides as the 'credit' of the individual within the group); afterwards, an abstact stardard identified with the bonus vir. The two concepts developed therefore from early on an (outwardly) dualistic value: on the one side, the respect of the parties' agreement; on the other side, the respect of all the terms implied in the nature of the relationship.

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Apollo Cunomaglos leads to a multi-disciplinary discussion of Celtic religion: from wolves to cosmology, fertility, ancestry, afterlife, rites de passage and manty more.
The epithet Cunomaglos is known from an altar at the Britanno-Roman sanctuary of Nettleton Shrub in Wiltshire. He has traditionally been interpreted as a hunting deity, as «Apollo Hound Prince», in British scholarship. But since it is certain that the ancient Celtic word cuno was used to denote both wolf and dog in this period, it seems more probable that we are dealing here with Apollo «Lord of the Wolves» similar to the Greek Apollo Lykaios. It is important to jettison the negative image that wolves still have in scholarship in order to understand the meaning of Apollo Cunomaglos. An interdisciplinary analysis of pre-Roman and Romano-Celtic iconography —as well as evidence from other cultures in addition to medieval Welsh and Irish mythology— suggests that wolves must have played a significant role in people’s religious understandings, for example in relation to fertility, nourishment, cosmology, strength, ancestry, prophecy, afterlife beliefs, rites de passage, and many more. Altogether, there emerges a certain image of Apollo Cunomaglos as potentially a powerful, even omnipotent deity, perhaps related to Apollo Maponus, Belenos, Lugus, and Vaelicus.
[ES] Resumen: Apollo Cunomaglos es conocido gracias a un altar procedente del santuario britano-romano de Nettleton Shrub, en Wiltshire  Inglaterra). En la historiografía anglosajona, ha sido tradicionalmente nterpretado como una deidad cazadora, como «Apolo, el Príncipe  azador». Sin embargo, dado que la antigua palabra céltica cuno fue tilizada en esa época tanto para aludir al lobo como al perro, parece más probable que en este caso nos encontremos ante un Apolo «Señor de los Lobos» similar al Apollo Lykaios del mundo griego. Para poder comprender el significado de Apollo Cunomaglos es necesario superar la imagen negativa que se tiene de los lobos en el ámbito académico.
Con ese propósito, este artículo plantea un análisis interdisciplinar de la iconografía prerromana y romano-céltica, de las mitologías medievales galesase irlandesas, y de evidencias de otras culturas relacionadas con el lobo, que muestra la gran importancia de ese animal en las concepciones religiosas de esas poblaciones, como, por ejemplo, en las relacionadas con la fertilidad, la nutrición, la cosmología, la fortaleza, los ancestros, la profecía, las creencias escatológicas, y los ritos de paso, entre otras. De todo ello emerge una potencial imagen de Apollo Cunomaglos como una deidad poderosa, casi omnipotente, que quizás estuvo relacionada con otros dioses como Apollo Maponus, Belenos, Lugus y Vaelicus

THE CULT OF DIONYSOS IN ASIA MINOR
IN THE ROMAN IMPERIAL AGE

Making his presence, which can be traced long before the Archaic Age, deeply felt mainly in Hellas, Asia Minor and then in Rome throughout the ancient world, Dionysos, depending on the place and time, appears before us sometimes as a god of grape-wine, sometimes as a god of theatre and acting arts and sometimes as a religious power shaped according to the local needs, however, he has generally been a god of nature representing the fertility and abundance. According to the inscriptions, Dionysos was mentioned with many epithetons in Asia Minor of the Roman Imperial Age, and that he was a god of nature bringing abundance-fertility and his many other features can be observed by these epithetons. Depending on the long stated customs, the cult of Dionysos in Asia Minor survived throughout the Roman Imperial Age (especially in the II-III. Century A.D. with festivals, cult associations and structuring, artists (musicians, players, dancers) that served his cult. According to the written records, festivals such as Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris organized in the name of Dionysos were celebrated. Dance, music and play competitions were made in these festivals maintained by the rich citizens or directors and not commonly known cult rituals were performed. Besides the associations of synodos artists called by different names in different times in the large cities of the west, cult associations broad in scope such as thiasos, speira or cult member groups with large audience in various names were active both in worshipping and these festivals. In order to achieve this, undoubtedly, both artist associations and cult associations had to have a well organized governing structure. Names were given to the cult members according to the task taken. These members also had to pay a membership fee in order to be a member or to continue to be one. Actually, these fees were as important as the epimeletes in the mainta-nance of these associations. In addition, they were supported both mate-rially and spiritually by the Roman emperors or provincial governors. Although the paganic religious activities in the lands of Asia Minor under the control of Rome were left to the free will of the cities, they would not be strong without the respect shown for the cults of the emperors, emperor and the Roman goddess (Dea Roma). The worshipping of Dionysos could only develop with the close relations with the emperors and the Roman Empire. Correspondingly, supporting a paganic cult significant for the people, the Roman Empire gained the sympathy of the people and also kept them loyal to Rome. The deification of the Roman emperors began with General Marcus Antonius, who was wellcomed as “New Dionysos” on his arrival to Ephesos, and continued in the Roman Imperial Age. During this period the associations in Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias and Sardeis characterised Emperor Hadrianus, Commodus and Caracalla by this epitheton. Thus, they deified them by considering them equal with Dionysos. Dionysos also had common worship with imperial or Dea Roma cult besides the common paganic worship of Zeus and Dēmētēr. Like all other paganic religions, the cult of Dionysos broke down with the strengthening Christianity with which it had opposite doctrines and finally with the acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the state. However, many features of the Dionysos cult continued to exist in Asia Minor both in Christian features and local cultures and traditions. Today it still continues this effect.

Arkaik Çağ’dan çok daha eskilere götürebildiğimiz varlığını, coğrafi olarak başta Hellas, Küçükasya ve sonraları Roma olmak üzere tüm Antik Çağ coğrafyasında etkin bir şekilde hissettiren Dionysos, yer ve zaman farkına bağlı olarak, bazı yerlerde üzüm-şarap tanrısı, bazılarında tiyatro ve sahne sanatlarının tanrısı, bazılarında ise yerel ihtiyaçlar doğrultusunda şekillendirilmiş dinsel bir güç olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Ama genel olarak bereket ve bolluğu temsil eden bir doğa tanrısı kimliğine sahip olmuştur. Yazıtlardan anlaşıldığına göre Roma İmparatorluk Çağı Küçükasyası’ nda birçok epitheton ile anılan Dionysos’un, bolluk-bereket getiren bir doğa tanrısı olduğu ve diğer başka özellikleri gene bu epitheton’larından anlaşılmaktadır. Küçükasya’daki Dionysos kültü Roma İmparatorluk Çağı boyunca (bilhassa M.S. II-III. yüzyılarda), öncesinden gelen bir geleneğe bağlı olarak şenlikleri, kült dernekleri ve yapılanması, kültüne hizmet eden sanatçıları (müzisyenler, oyuncular, dansçılar) ile varlığını sürdürmüştür. Yazılı belgelerden bu dönemde büyük ve zengin kentlerde hâlâ Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris gibi Dionysos adına tertiplenen şenliklerin kutlandığını; masrafları, epimeletes olarak bildiğimiz kentin zengin vatandaşları ya da yöneticileri tarafından karşılanan bu şenliklerde külte ilişkin dans, müzik ve oyun yarışmaların yapıldığını ve herkesçe bilinmeyen kült ritüellerinin uygulandığını öğrenmekteyiz. Bilhassa batı kesimlerdeki büyük kentlerdeki, farklı dönemlerde farklı isimlerle anılan synodos sanatçı derneklerinin yanında thiasos, speira gibi daha geniş kapsamlı kült dernekleri ya da en yaygını mystai olan çeşitli adlar altında toplanan geniş kitleli kült üye grupları hem tapınımda, hem de bu şenliklerde aktif olmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki bunu gerçekleştirebilmek adına gerek sanatçı dernekleri gerekse kült dernekleri, iyi organize olmuş bir idari yapılanmaya sahip olmak durumundaydı. Bu derneklerde üstlendikleri görevlere göre adlandırılan kült üyelerinin, üye olabilmeleri veya üyeliklerini sürdü-rebilmeleri için ödemek zorunda oldukları aidatlar da vardı. Esasen bu derneklerin finansmanının karşılanmasında bu aidatlar, en az epimeletes’ ler kadar önemliydi. Ayrıca Roma imparatorlarının ya da eyalet yöneticilerinin hem manevi hem de maddi desteğini alıyorlardı. Zira bu dönemde Roma egemenliği altında bulunan Küçükasya topraklarındaki pagan dinsel yaşam her ne kadar kentlerin özgür iradesine bırakılmışsa da, imparatorlara, imparator ve Roma Tanrıçası (Dea Roma) kültüne gösterilen saygı olmaksızın güçlü kalamazdı. Küçükasya Dionysos tapınımı da, tamamıyla imparatorlar ve Roma İmparatorluğu ile kurulan güçlü bağlar sayesinde gelişebilmiştir. Bununla paralel olarak da Roma İmparatorluğu, halk için önemli olan pagan bir kültü destekleyerek, hem halkın sempatisini kazanmakta, hem de böylece onların Roma’ya olan bağlılığını sürdürmek amacını gütmekteydi. General Marcus Antonius’un Ephesos’a gelişinde “Yeni Dionysos” olarak karşılanmasıyla başlayan Romalı devlet adamlarını tanrılaştırma geleneği, Roma İmparatorluk Çağı’nda da sürmüş; bu dönemde özellikle Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias ve Sardeis’teki dernekler, İmparator Hadrianus, Commodus ve Caracalla’yı bu sıfatla nitelendirmişler, böylece onları Dionysos ile bir tutarak tanrılaştırmışlardır. İmparatorluk veya Dea Roma kültü ile ortak tapınımı da görülen Dionysos’un Zeus ve Dēmētēr gibi pagan tanrı-tanrıçalarla da ortak tapınımı söz konusudur. Diğer pagan dinler gibi Dionysos kültünün yıkımı da, öğretilerinin birbirine tamamen ters düştüğü Hıristiyanlık dininin güçlenmesiyle ve nihayetinde M.S. 391’de imparatorluğun resmî dini olmasıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Ancak Dionysos kültünün birçok unsuru, Küçükasya topraklarında, gerek Hıristiyanlık unsurlarında gerekse halk kültür ve geleneklerinde yaşamaya devam etmiştir. Bugün de bu etkisini göstermeye devam etmektedir."

SEG 60-1998. Religion. Dionysos: his cult in Asia Minor, Imperial period:
On the basis of archaeological, numismatic, and (mainly) epigraphic attestations, B.Öztürk,Roma imparatorluk çağı Küçükasaysı’nda Dionysos kültü (Istanbul 2010), studies the cult ofΔιόνυσος in Roman Asia Minor. After general remarks about the god, he presents a geographically arranged catalogue of the relevant inscriptions with brief comments (ph. of some texts). On 196-209, Ö. provides a register with explanations of the most important terms found in the inscriptions, and on 210/211 a list of epithets.

The paper discusses the cult of the Hirpi Sorani, comparing it with other wolf cults of central Italy (Roman Lupercalia, Etruscan reliefs possibly depicting the cult of Calu), analyzing the common elements of these cults, and suggesting that the cults have a common origin.

I membri del collegio di Nemesiaci oggetti di richiamo imperiale in un
provvedimento del 412 nel Codice Teodosiano sono figure di controversa interpretazione nella storia degli studi. Per comprendere le attività da essi svolte e come queste potessero configurarsi come un servizio pubblico, si analizzano gli aspetti del culto di Nemesi in età imperiale e in particolar modo il collegamento della dea con gli spettacoli anfiteatrali. Si esaminano poi le poche testimonianze epigrafiche e letterarie relative ai Nemesiaci e il loro frequente collegamento con Diana e la caccia. Infine, si propone di leggere il provvedimento sui Nemesiaci nel quadro della politica imperiale di controllo dei giochi pubblici tra IV e V secolo d.C.

Tradizione e innovazione nella religione romana di epoca augustea a cura di Igor Baglioni Secondo volume La vita religiosa a Roma all'epoca di Augusto © Roma 201, Edizioni Quasar di Severino Tognon s.r.l. via Ajaccio 41-43, 00198 Roma tel. 0685358444, fax 0685833591

The references to the cult of Vesta included in numerous excerpts of Seneca the Elder’s collection of Controversiae offer a proof of the technical competence of declaimers in recalling the conditions prescribed by pontifical law for being admitted and kept in this priesthood, of which we are informed by the antiquarian tradition. Furthermore, these passages, which also show the importance recognized from an ethical viewpoint to values such as castitas and pudicitia in the time of Augustus and Tiberius, can be interpreted in light of some special episodes and dispositions stated by the historiographical tradition which reveal their interest in promoting and consolidating the cult of the Goddess Vesta protector of Rome’s Empire. Beyond the scholastic practice, the same interest is equally shared in the literary sphere by Seneca the Elder, as we can understand from the quotations within his work of excerpts from Controversiae dealing with Vestals

Although there is limited evidence for pre-Constantinian Christianity in Roman Britain, it is clear that in the fourth century AD the early church became increasingly widespread, partly owing to the influence of the Roman state. The
archaeological evidence for this includes personal items bearing potential Christian imagery, possible liturgical fonts or
basins, church structures and putative Christian burial traditions. The wider relationship between Christianity and
contemporary pagan religious traditions are explored, and this chapter reviews this surviving material evidence and draws
out evidence for regional variation in the adoption of Christianity. More generally, some of the wider practical and
methodological issues involved in understanding the archaeology of Roman Christianity in Britain are examined,
considering how easy it is to unproblematically identify evidence for Christian practice within late Roman Britain.

Abstract - Roma Triumphans by Biondo Flavio represents the first treatise offering a systematic investigation of the religious, civic and political institutions of ancient Rome, evaluating data from a historical-comparative viewpoint. Observations on the religious structures of ancient Rome show Biondo’s original aptitude for noticing some specific aspects of Roman Paganism, civic meaning of some of its rituals and values, their evolution and influence on Christian ceremonies. reflecting nonetheless a critical position on Paganism and his profoundly Christian perspective influenced by Eusebius of Caesarea and Augustin. Key words: Biondo Flavio, Pagan Rome, religious institutions, critical position on Paganism, Eusebius of Caesarea
Key words: Biondo Flavio, Pagan Rome, religious institutions, critical position on Paganism, Eusebius of Caesarea - Augustin. ---

Sintesi - La Roma Triumphans di Biondo Flavio costituisce il primo trattato che offre una ricognizione sistematica delle istituzioni religiose, civili e politiche dell’antica Roma, valutando i dati dal punto di vista storico-comparativo. Le osservazioni sulle strutture religiose dell’antica Roma mostrano l’inclinazione originale di Biondo nel rilevare alcuni aspetti specifici del Paganesimo romano pur riflettendo una posizione critica nei riguardi del Paganesimo e la sua prospettiva strettamente cristiana, influenzata da Eusebio di Cesarea e Agostino.
Biondo Flavio, Roma pagana, istituzioni religiose, posizione critica nei riguardi del paganesimo, Eusebio di Cesarea - Agostino

A detailed analysis of CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212, an inscription detailing the status and life of an association (collegium) of worshipers of Diana and Antinous in Lanuvium. A new edition of the text with English translation is also provided.

For the edition of the text, enter "Bendlin" in the publication field in http://oracle-vm.ku-eichstaett.de:8888/epigr/epigraphik_en.""

Peer-review. Articoli e note inviati per la pubblicazione alla rivista sono sottoposti -nella forma del doppio anonimato -a peer-review di due esperti, di cui uno almeno esterno al Comitato Scientifico o alla Direzione. Non sono sottoposti a peer-review rapporti di scavo e discussioni su volumi. Nel secondo fascicolo delle annate pari sarà pubblicato l'elenco dei revisori.

No presente artigo, propõe-se uma análise crítica do modelo interpretativo das relações entre política e religião na Antiguidade Clássica, conhecido como Polis-Religion ou de Religião da Polis. Especificamente, analisaremos o emprego desse modelo ao estudo do mundo Romano, de modo em que
seja possível observamos suas contribuições para a compreensão dos fenômenos religiosos em Roma, ao
passo que questionaremos também sua validade frente a diversas inconsistências.

La religión es un hecho y una necesidad que ha acompañado al ser humano a lo largo de su historia. Durante la Prehistoria, las fuerzas de la Naturaleza se convirtieron en objeto de adoración ante el temor a lo desconocido. Los egipcios, para los que los desplazamientos a través del desierto por los wadis y por el Nilo eran fundamentales para su economía, destinaron la protección de los viajeros y rutas a Min y Amon.  La mitología griega asigna la labor de mensajeros y protectores a Iris y Hermes. Este último se incorpora al panteón romano, por influencia etrusca, con el nombre de Mercurio, asimilando cultos y unificando creencias. Por otro lado, el mundo romano, dentro de sus dioses menores, asignó un puesto muy importante a Término y los Lares en lo que respecta a la protección de vías, hogares y encrucijadas.

The propaganda about Ceres has unique characteristics. It is an Italic goddess associated from the beginning with the plebeian cause, so since its origins, its propaganda was linked to this faction and highly politicized. For this reason, it is difficult to discern its role in political events described by ancient historiography, but it is easier to analyze her role in the late-Republican coin where her image was used by triumviri monetales as faction propaganda or personal publicity. Ceres remained the goddess of agriculture and the annnona, at the same time was the goddess of the plebs for excellence and thus played an important symbolic role in the political struggle of the last period of the Republic.

Perhaps more than any other ceramic container, lamps have the greatest potential to bear very rich iconographic depictions. The central surface and the band around the perimeter were useful panels on which to illustrate either individual or serialised themes. Sometimes, the very function of the object – to enlighten – complemented the symbolism of the decoration: for instance, on our example from Cartagena the protecting and ‘illuminating’ powers of Serapis and Isis are hinted at (Podvin, 2011). The divine couple is represented in the form of overlapping portraits (in profile).  Images of their son Harpocrates (thePtolemaic Horus) abound –for example, in this
volute lamp. Plutarch’s ‘weak-legged’ child (De Is. et Os. 19) is often depicted with a finger on or near his mouth, and this was an attribute used in Egypt to identify infants and which in Rome was associated with the silence that must accompany any religious ritual.

Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry (SHERM) is a biannual, not-for-profit, peer-reviewed academic journal that publishes the latest social scientific, historiographic, and ecclesiastic research on religious institutions and their practices. SHERM is dedicated to the critical and scholarly inquiry of historical and contemporary religious phenomena, both from within particular religious traditions and across cultural boundaries, so as to inform the broader socio-historical analysis of religion and its related fields of study.

In partnership with the FaithX Project, SHERM is a full, no-fee, open access academic journal, which means it publishes and publicly makes available your research without charging subscription dues or publishing fees. Whereas other open access journals still require authors to pay for making their publications available, SHERM believes in making high-quality scholarship accessible to the public while promoting the wide dissemination and visibility of your published article. Our goal is to increase the opportunity for erudite academicians to publish their work, gain a larger readership outside the confines of conventional journals, and receive citations from future researchers.

Questo volume, curato da Patricia A. Johnston, Attilio Mastrocinque e Sophia Papaioannou, raccoglie 23 contributi presentati a un simposio internazionale tenutosi a Grumento Nova, in Italia, dal 3 al 5 giugno 2013 sul tema "Il ruolo degli animali nei miti e nelle religioni antiche". I contributi, curati da ricercatori di età, provenienza e competenze diverse, si concentrano sul mondo greco-romano, dalla Grecia preclassica alla Roma di età tardoantica, e propongono al lettore un percorso ricco e stimolante utilizzando approcci diversi e affrontando tematiche eterogenee attorno, però, a problematiche comuni. La veste grafica chiara ed elegante e il formato pratico rendono il libro godibile non solo come strumento di lavoro ma anche come compagno di viaggio e di lettura. A ciò contribuisce, naturalmente, la qualità del contenuto dei contributi raccolti nel testo, tutti in lingua inglese.

RESUMO: Examinamos aqui uma fonte epigráfica, o senatus-consulto promulgado na época da repressão às Bacanais, no contexto político-social; este documento nos informa sobre as medidas tomadas em 186 a.C. pelo senado romano contra manifestações religiosas consideradas perigosas à ordem pública. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Bacanais; Dioniso; senado romano; história das religiões.

Qui se propose d’accompagner l’histoire religieuse des peuples de l’Italie centro-méridionale au temps de la Deuxième Guerre Punique doit s’affranchir de préjugés encore trop répandus, tels celui qui minore les cultes italiques et les mesure à l’aune du culte romain ou celui qui prête à ces décennies troublées une religion en « crise ». Rassemblant et croisant des données jusque-là traitées séparément, cette étude présente une vaste fresque des pratiques rituelles romaines et italiques, à un moment où bouleversements politiques et militaires rendent plus que jamais nécessaire le rempart d’une religion immuable. L’exaspération rituelle n’interdit cependant pas quelques innovations contrôlées, fruits d’une hellénisation maîtrisée, telles la monumentalisation des sanctuaires ou la théâtralisation des pratiques. L’identité religieuse de ces communautés est à chercher surtout dans le jeu contrasté de l’acculturation et de la résistance, dans l’entrelacs subtil de la romanisation et de l’italicisation. D’un peuple à l’autre se fait ainsi entendre un thème reconnaissable, fait pourtant d’infinies variations rituelles.

As a methodological experiment, this article privileges a female voice belonging to an inferior class that survives in a well-known inscription (CIL 6.18817=ILS 8006) as its primary testimony regarding the manes, and it deploys parallels from Latin literature (Cicero, Propertius, Vergil, Ovid, Juvenal, and Apuleius) as subsidiary aids to the interpretation of what she had to say. Results suggest that we might use female-authored inscriptions as a means to assess the authenticity of male-authored representations of female experience, thus allowing us to recoup from both types of sources more evidence than we might have expected from either in isolation.

New Roman altar from Northeast Portugal (Zava, Mogadouro, Bragança) dedicated to Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Conservator.

Novo altar dedicado a Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Conservator no Nordeste de Portugal (Zava, Mogadouro, Bragança).

Ficheiro Epigráfico. Coimbra. 144, n.º 589

Près d’un siècle après sa création, le régime patiemment instauré par Auguste connut sa première crise majeure : une révolte qui avait éclaté en Gaule et en Espagne au début de l’année 68 ap. J.-C. poussa Néron au suicide le 9 juin, plongeant l’Empire romain dans une guerre civile au terme de laquelle le pouvoir impérial revint finalement, après la mort violente de trois autres Princes, au gouverneur de Judée, Vespasien, qui fut proclamé empereur en décembre 69 ap. J.-C. Tout acte politique ou militaire, dans l’Antiquité, était placé sous le patronage de divinités auxquelles étaient reconnues des sphères de compétences propres à garantir le succès des différents aspects de l’entreprise. Les émissions monétaires que les prétendants et occupants du trône impérial en 68-69 ap. J.-C.  frappèrent pour payer leurs troupes donnent ainsi à voir les dieux tutélaires de leur action.  Nous avons par ailleurs conservé une partie importante des protocoles des sacrifices effectués en 69 ap. J.-C. par les Frères Arvales, qui nous font connaître les divinités officiellement honorées sous Galba, Othon et Vitellius. Cette communication propose un examen de la composition et des spécificités « théologiques » du (ou des) panthéon(s) mis en œuvre par ces trois éphémères empereurs pour surmonter la crise politique et restaurer le « bon » régime impérial.

O cristianismo surgiu no interior do mundo social romano, que abrangia uma vasta extensão territorial, na qual a diversidade de povos estimulava constantes interações culturais. Este movimento religioso, que surge inicialmente como uma seita judaica na província romana da Síria-Palestina, atinge rapidamente diversos centros urbanos do Mediterrâneo (MENDES; OTERO, 2005). Paulo de Tarso teve papel de destaque nessa expansão, alcançando em suas ações missionárias os grandes centros urbanos, utilizando-se das estradas romanas e criando comunidades nesses lugares (NASCIMENTO, 2017). Paulo de Tarso foi um dos principais pensadores e propugnadores do cristianismo, tornando-o uma religião independente, e foi um dos maiores formuladores de doutrinas da nova religião. Seus ensinamentos, transmitidos principalmente através de cartas, serviam de orientação às comunidades cristãs formadas majoritariamente por gentios (não judeus). Os discursos epistolares eram adaptados ao contexto local de cada comunidade. Contudo, essas comunidades pertenciam a um mundo de grande diversidade religiosa, com formas institucionais, rituais, teológicas, devocionais e artísticas às vezes milenares, em contato intenso entre si (SILVER, 2010). Tanto o autor quanto seus destinatários viviam e conviviam em um mundo em que crenças, imagens e ações eram compartilhadas e "faziam sentido" para eles.

Nadie discute la extraordinaria importancia que la documentación epigráfica romana relacionada con el hecho funerario tiene para nuestro conocimiento de la sociedad, la ideología y -por supuesto-la espiritualidad del mundo romano. Avalada su importancia cultural por la pervivencia del «uso epigráfico funerario» -incluso en lengua latina-hasta nuestros días (Kajanto, I., «Survival of Latin Epigraphy», en Acta Colloquii Epigraphici Latini. Helsingiae 3-6. sept. 1991 habiti, Helsinki, 1995, pp. 14-15) su valor documental está, como anotábamos, exento de toda duda. Prácticamente un 90% del material epigráfico recuperado a lo largo del Imperio Romano es de naturaleza funeraria (Eck, W., «Römische Grabinschriften. Aussageabsicht und Aussagefähigkeit im funerären Kontext», en Hesberg, H. Von y Zanker, P., Römische Gräberstraßen. Selbstdarstellung -Status -Standard, Munich, 1987, p. 61) y sobre su valor como documento epigráfico se han detenido recientemente tanto manuales (Donati, Á., Epigrafia romana. La communicazione nell'antichità, Bolonia, 2002, pp. 51-62) como estudios monográficos que -explorando la evidente dimensión pública de estos documentos, por otra parte uno de los asuntos mejor tratados en el trabajo que aquí comentaremos-han tratado de profundizar en el uso de los mismos como vehículo para la auto-representación familiar de las elites locales y de los individuos a ellas vinculadas (notablemente Feraudi-Gruénais, F., Inschriften und "Selbsdarstellung`in Stadtrömischen Grabbauten, Roma, 2003, aunque también algunos otros títulos que se citan entre las reseñas de este número de Espacio, Tiempo y Forma) aplicando al estudio de los