Socio-legal studies

This article considers local-level disputing in Papua New Guinea by bringing two theories into play: spatial justice, borrowed from the ‘geographical’ turn in legal theory, and relational justice, from the anthropology of law. Disputes negotiated by means of the country’s village courts system are sometimes characterised by metropolitans as institutions that dispense peace instead of justice. I argue, through a comparison of contemporary and historical examples from local disputing processes, that village courts do exercise a form of justice, but it is not a justice of closure or peace. Rather, it is the justice of opening the space of relations between disputing parties, as a technique of recognising the ongoing potential of such relations.

The essay deals with the judicial activity of a criminal court of the Regno Lombardo-Veneto in the firs half of nineteenth century. It is particularly analysed the legal reasoning of the judges in front of crimes which were submitted to their jurisdiction. Their discussions were about the codex foresight, but also of clues and evidences.

Unlike the bulk of penological scholarship dealing with managerialist reforms, this article calls for greater theoretical and research attention to the often pernicious impact of managerialism on criminal justice professionals. Much in an ideal-typical fashion, light is shed on: the reasons why contemporary penal bureaucracies endeavor systematically to strip criminal justice work of its inherently affective nature; the structural forces that ensure control over officials; the processes by which those forces come into effect; and the human consequences of submission to totalitarian bureaucratic milieus. It is suggested that the heavy preoccupation of present-day penality with the predictability and calculability of outcomes entails the atomization of professionals and the dehumanization of their work. This is achieved through a kaleidoscope of direct and indirect mechanisms that naturalize and/or legitimate acquiescence.

This paper explains why so much soft law is widely adopted and followed despite lacking legal and coercive force. It argues that legal standards are susceptible to network effects. Network effects occur when the value of a standard to a user increases as the number of other agents using the same standard grows, which in turn draws more users to the standard. This can trigger a spontaneous coalescence around a standard in a " snowball effect " fashion. The paper argues that many areas of soft law exhibit strong network effects, rendering such soft law uniquely calibrated to induce voluntary adoption and even compliance. The model helps explain why certain soft law gains traction, and has important implications for international governance. Finally, the paper argues that policy-makers can strategically harness this dynamic to stimulate legal harmonization, but cautions that policy-makers must also remain mindful of the negative consequences that network effects can generate.

Some of Law and Economics’ basic claims have come to be criticized as a result of empirical findings that question their viability. Particularly, the premise that agents consistently act rationally and with their self-interest in mind seems problematic. What the consequences of the criticism mean for Law and Economics’ tenability depends largely on the questions whether (1) some elements are unassailable to the alternative’s objections and (2) the alternative is a systematic whole. It is argued that Law and Economics may be salvaged, if it is minimized and its ambitions are tempered. This means focusing on the stable, a priori, elements inherent to it.

The major aim of this article is to examine how migrations affect private governance, taking as a case study the Prud'homie de pêche, a private order that has governed the fishery of Marseille for the past six centuries. Scholarship generally argues that social norms guarantee the efficiency of private orders and their ability to resist the arrival of newcomers. My data suggests that the Prud'homie has failed to accommodate social changes prompted by migratory flows, not despite but because of its social norms. This paper suggests that social norms are not only powerful tools of governance for private orders, but also forces of inertia that can prevent these orders from accommodating social changes.

The period when corporate social responsibility (CSR) only referred to corporate philanthropic donations has passed. Present day CSR is intimately intertwined with sustainable development, and its growth in the last several decades has been evident in Canada. The recent appearance of “hybrid” corporate legal structures on the international stage marks a growing trend toward enabling the dual pursuit of economic and social mandates for businesses. It suggests that the next significant stage in the CSR movement will be in the reformation and creation of corporate legal models that not only enable, but require, CSR concepts to be embodied within corporate governance practices.

While the US shareholder primacy model is often presumed to be the model that is dominant in modern Canadian corporations, this presumption is flawed. This article identifies some of the fundamental legal features that set Canada apart from US shareholder primacy, and attempts to demarcate a path for Canada to attain transformational corporate governance through its laws. The term “transformational” is borrowed from the business sector to help identify a tangible goal for corporate governance reform in Canada. Highlights include having a sustainable purpose, long term vision, and multi-stakeholder collaboration. Canada is poised to become a leader in corporate governance reform on two fronts: through the reformation of its existing laws regulating mainstream corporate governance practices, and in the creation of hybrid laws that can meet growing demands to legally house and govern social purpose businesses and enterprises.

There has been much fanfare surrounding the possible implementation of a hybrid similar to the US “benefit corporation” in Canada in order to address growing for-profit sector needs to pursue social value in addition to profit-making. However, some of the fundamental legal characteristics within the benefit corporation actually parallel existing common laws in Canada regarding mainstream corporate governance practices. Canada does not need to adopt American solutions to American problems. During these formative years of Canada’s corporate legal development, it is critical that the nation’s progressive legal stance is properly understood and taken into account when establishing hybrid laws so as not to confuse and/or jeopardize that stance. An ongoing stream of thoughtful and intelligent commentary is needed to address and advance Canadian corporate legal needs for social progress, as well as the establishment of innovative new hybrid laws that can bridge the gap between for-profit and non-profit sectors.

Randall Trapp, et al. v. Commissioner DuBois, et al. was filed in 1995 on behalf of a group of inmates who were part of a Native American Spiritual Awareness Council in a Massachusetts prison. The Council maintained a weekly Circle and other practices associated with American Indian spirituality. At the time of filing, the Circle had already been in existence at the prison for more than five years.

The case proceeded to trial in 1999. In 2002, the Massachusetts Appeals Court ordered the Defendants to settle the controversy by negotiations with the Plaintiffs. In 2003, the first Purification Lodges were held inside three Massachusetts prisons, where named Plaintiffs were incarcerated (several having been transferred from the original prison). By 2003, Native Circles were meeting regularly in many prisons in the state.

http://people.umass.edu/derrico/trapp/

This article addresses the implications of a new resistance to hate crime legislation that has yet to be addressed in the mainstream legal debate in Canada or the United States. It comes mainly from groups in the US that represent lgbtq communities who are poor and/or of color. These communities are particularly vulnerable to victimization by hate crime yet the groups have repeatedly opposed the inclusion of sexual orientation and gender identity/expression in hate crime legislation. This article addresses the underlying rationale of the new resistance and its implications for the mainstream debate. It begins by undertaking a comparative analysis of hate crime legislation in Canada and the US. It then considers the mainstream legal debate in both countries as well as some statistical data on hate crime. The third section turns to the new resistance as well as emerging data on the connection between victimization and the criminal legal system itself. It then draws on the legal theory of Walter Benjamin to reveal limits in the way that the mainstream legal debate conceptualizes criminalization. The final section of the article considers the implications of Benjamin’s concept of law for both the mainstream debate and the new resistance.

This paper aims to describe the asymmetric interactions between lawyers and lay people in courtrooms, The hearings are an interesting environment where we can observe these interactions between experts and lay people. The research is based on the 20 hearings of the "Juges de Proximité" in courtrooms in southern France counting over sixty hours of observation in five different courts. The "Juges de Proximité" were created in 20030 They are non-professional judges who have the law graduation, They treat small civil claims and the misdemeanors. The main goal is to provide a thick description of these interactions for analyze with the ethnomethodological
point of view. As a result, I could describe a reflexive activity between lawyers and lay people. In one hand, the lawyers explain the law in ordinary language while the lay people make a struggle to understand the legal assessments for practical purposes. This activity is possible due to the capacity of creating cognitive tools using contextual accounts. Finally, the court hearings work allows observing how the law is accomplished with the cognitive tools which are developed by the interactions of lawyers and lay people.

Dalam perspektif sejarah, hukum pada dasarnya untuk pengaturan kehidupan dalam konflikkonflik antar masyarakat dengan komponenkomponen kehidupan. Dalam hal ini, dengan menggunakan kebijakan-kebijakan lokal, masyarakat mampu menata sistem hukumnya dengan tata aturan yang sinergis dengan sosiokulturnya. Kemampuan masyarakat saat itu dalam menata sistem hukum dapat dipahami, karena kebijakan yang digunakan benar-benar diekstrasi dari sosiokultur masyarakat itu sendiri.

This dissertation is a social, political, and cultural history of the organized Chilean legal profession in the first half of the twentieth century. It explores the causes for the creation of the Chilean Bar Association and its Legal Aid Service in the mid-1920s and follows their evolution until the mid-1960s.
The relative success of the Bar Association in imposing its model of lawyering in the first half of the twentieth century allows us to understand why the legalistic framework that Chilean lawyers had inherited from the nineteenth century did not change over the course of the twentieth despite the momentous social and political evolution that both profession and country experienced in this period.
The history of the Chilean Bar Association thus provides an institutional explanation for the continuity of ideas about the law in the face of accelerated social transformations. At the same time, by revealing the tensions and the resistance that this project faced, the history of the Bar also reveals the gears that would eventually lead to the legal profession’s historical change.

Un maldito derecho. Leyes, jueces y revolución en la Buenos Aires republicana, 1810-1830 aborda la emergencia de un problema nacido al calor de la revolución que llevó a la independencia: ¿qué es derecho?, ¿qué es lo justo?, ¿cómo organizar una justicia para una república?

Following the death of 17-year-old Leelah Alcorn, a transgender teen who committed suicide after forced “conversion therapy,” President Barack Obama called for a nationwide ban on psychotherapy aimed at changing sexual orientation or gender identity. The administration argued that because conversion therapy causes substantial psychological harm to minors, it is neither medically nor ethically appropriate. We fully agree with the President and believe that this is a step in the right direction. Of course, in addition to being unsafe as well as ethically unsound, current conversion therapy approaches aren’t actually effective at doing what they claim to do – changing sexual orientation. But we also worry that this may be a short-term legislative solution to what is really a conceptual problem. The question we ought to be asking is “what will happen if and when scientists do end up developing safe and effective technologies that can alter sexual orientation?”

Objective We examine whether affective, verbal, and restitutive displays of remorse are associated with perceived offender immorality, as well as whether displays of remorse exert indirect effects on preferences for criminal sentencing via perceived offender immorality. Method Data are from an online survey, which included a sentencing vignette with experimental manipulations for offender remorse and items measuring sentencing preferences, perceived offender and offense immorality, and controls (N = 352). OLS regression and bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals were used to estimate direct and indirect effects. Replication analyses were conducted with two student samples (N = 103 and N = 131). Results Displays of remorse were associated with perceived offender immorality. Displays of remorse also exerted indirect effects on preferences for sentencing severity and support for particular sentencing goals (including incapacitation, rehabilitation, and restoration). Conclusions Affective, verbal, and restitutive displays of remorse may be associated with sentencing preferences via perceived offender immorality.

Cet article analyse la façon dont les promoteurs de la discipline "anthropologie juridique", ont, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, fait du rejet de l'ethnocentrisme juridique la pierre angulaire de leur fondation disciplinaire. En substituant une nouvelle discipline ("l'anthropologie juridique") à l'ancienne "ethnologie juridique", ils ont déployé des efforts considérables afin d'analyser les droits extra-occidentaux sans recourir aux catégories occidentales (et en particulier romaines) du droit.

Эта книга – очередное издание известного труда историка советской и пост-советской правовой системы, профессора университета Торонто Питера Соломона. Впервые на русском языке эта работа была опубликована в 1998 году, на английском книга вышла в 1996. В середине 1990-х годов исследование Соломона внесло вклад в дискуссию о советском правосудии сталинского периода, участниками которой были Габор Риттершпорн, Йорам Горлицкий, Олег Хлевнюк, Харольд Берман, Юджин Каменка и другие. С тех пор дискуссия на Западе значительно продвинулась, однако далеко не все исследования, посвященные этой проблеме, известны в России. Между тем, в последние годы активно развиваются эмпирические социо-правовые исследования, которые нуждаются в теоретико-
методологической базе. При общем дефиците русскоязычной научной литературы по практике правоприменения, истории и социологии права хотелось бы, чтобы труд Питера Соломона не остался незамеченным.

Considering the law as a social phenomenon intrinsic to political economy is key to engaging the work in this new volume of scholarly articles edited by Professor Poul Kjaer – The Law of Political Economy: Transformation in the Function of Law (Cambridge University Press, 2020).  The book is relevant on many levels to the events unfolding around us including unresolved issues between the private and the public realms (e.g., think banking and government in relation to the Global Financial Crisis of 2008).  Current manifestations (post-book publication) include the ruling of the German Constitutional Court in May, which at core, appears to challenge the legitimacy of EU law for German financial interests.  However distant such regulatory and legal matters may, at first appear, the idea that theories ‘are reflected in our social relationships’ anchors a more general observation made in this book’s introductory chapter concerning theoretical architectures as differentiating ‘between a holistic or a differentiation-based worldview, that is, between an understanding of society as a whole, which is larger than the sum of its parts, or an understanding of society as a mere collection of differentiated parts.’
In this NBn episode, Professor Poul Kjaer distinguishes such concepts among others, and sets the context for those with an interest in learning about ‘the law and political economy’ as a field of study including an explanation of the differences between the European and American approaches to this field.  Some other points of elaboration include more detailed thoughts on his introductory chapter, his previous books dealing with governance and governing, corporatism’s many guises, intermediary institutions as key locations for social integration and dis-integration, the concept of crisis and how law regulates the economy and politics, with Georg Simmel, in a sense, underlying it all with the question: ‘how is society possible?’
Professor Kjaer explains key concepts and thinkers in this field as he provides a lay of the land as surveyed from the ‘Copenhagen School’.  He also shares his impressions with the book editing process, and some of the more foundational concepts and sources. The book brings ‘together an exceptional group of scholars’ providing a ‘novel conceptual framework for studying the role of law and legal instruments in political economy contexts, with a focus on historical transformations and central challenges in both European and global contexts’.  This volume’s many contributions cover legal subfields ‘ranging from competition and consumer protection law to labour and environmental law, giving a comprehensive overview of the central challenges of the law of political economy.’ It should be added that the 15 chapters are compellingly written, and the book is available in hardcover and Kindle.

Poul F. Kjaer is a professor at the Copenhagen Business School (CBS) in Denmark with a research focus on European and global governance, the law and political economy.

Romanian constitution-making since 1989 has been of an uneven and recently evermore conflictive kind. In the 1990s, no significant changes to the 1991 Constitution were made, and the role of the Romanian Constitution could be said to be less visible in politics. Since the mid-2000s, in contrast, and after the 2003 amendment mostly triggered for reasons of EU accession, the Constitution has become a clear object of political salience and contention. Constitutional conflict is particularly outspoken since the presidential crisis of 2007, and has become outspoken again in the summer of 2012. This has triggered the 2013 attempt to revise the Constitution, not least in order to deal with the question of relations between the president, the parliament, and the government.
Recent turmoil is in a way surprising, since in the early 2000s, Romanian constitutional democracy seemed to get closer to the idea of a Rechtsstaat, the rule of law, and what in general could be called a form of ‘legal constitutionalism’ or ‘new constitutionalism’. Such a legal-constitutionalist order is supposed to enhance stability and legality. But in an apparently contradictory way, constitutional conflict has recently become more prominent, and one aspect seems to be – as has become particularly clear in the summer of 2012 – what I will call here a form of 'legal resentment'. The latter refers to a skeptical view of political forces regarding rigid, legalist constitutions and strong constitutional courts, as well as, in a related way, external interference into domestic constitutional politics.
Key problems in Romania remain a weakly diffused constitutional culture among both politicians and the wider public, a Constitutional Court that seems unable to play the role of guardian and constitutional educator, and the relative absence of a meaningful constitutional debate in the wider public sphere. The constitutional frame seems to fail in inducing in both political and civil society a civic and political orientation towards constitutional values and a robust public debate on the foundations of Romanian democracy. The 2013 turn to constitutional revision, might however include a turn into the right direction and constitute a 'constitutional moment'. This is not least because of the setting up of the inclusive Forum Constitutional, which involves civil society as well as legal experts in the constitutional revision process.
The paper starts with a discussion of constitution-making since 1989. Second, I will briefly analyze the role of the Romanian Constitutional Court in the democratization process, and, third, discuss the recent crisis that directly involved the Court. Fourth, I will look into the current revision process and 'constitutional moment', and fifth, I will discuss the potentially reinvigorating effects of civic engagement in constitutional change.

Whilst the condition of a damaged ethical life has received due scholarly attention to date, only rarely is resistance to it conceived as an actual possibility with the potential of real effects on a macro-social scale. This is not just a curious lacuna in the literature. To ignore or miss concrete possibilities or even instances of resistance is to reinforce the apparent naturalness and inevitability of structures of injustice. The aim of this edited collection is to help address this epistemological neglect, exploring the multiplicity of motives, presuppositions, sites, ways, and consequences of acts of resistance. As shown in the ensuing contributions, resistance can be recalcitrant or transformative in its aims, discursive or physical in its means, and local or generalised in its loci. If there is a single argument that can be distilled, it is that the emergence of progressive resistance entails the incessant rational critique of so-styled ‘common sense’ and prevalent ethical claims–a process which could be called ‘the banality of good’. Contributors (in alphabetical order): Andrea Mubi Brighenti, Leonidas K. Cheliotis, Lilie Chouliaraki, Spiros Gangas, Richard Kearney, Alison Liebling, John O’Neill, Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Justice Tankebe, Ezra Tessler, Sappho Xenakis.


Contents

List of Contributors
Acknowledgements

1. Roots, Rites, and Sites of Resistance: The Banality of Good: An Introduction
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

2. Values, Crisis, and Resistance: Prospects for Freedom Reconsidered
Spiros Gangas

3. Narcissism, Humanism, and the Revolutionary Character in Erich Fromm’s Work
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

4. Thinking after Terror: An Interreligious Challenge
Richard Kearney

5. Ecce Homo: The Political Theology of Good and Evil
John O’Neill

6. Resistance as Transformation
Andrea Mubi Brighenti

7. Acting on Vulnerable Others: Ethical Agency in Media Discourse
Lilie Chouliaraki

8. Sites of Resistance: Death Row Homepages and the Politics of Compassion
Ezra Tessler

9. Face to Face with Abidoral Queiroz: Death Squads and Democracy in Northeast Brazil
Nancy Scheper-Hughes

10. Resisting Submission? The Obstinacy of ‘Balkan’ Characteristics in Greece as Dissidence against ‘The West’
Sappho Xenakis

11. Legitimation and Resistance: Police Reform in the (Un)Making
Justice Tankebe

12. ‘Governmentality’ and Governing Corrections: Do Senior Managers Resist?
Alison Liebling

Local public services affect citizens’ life quality. For this reason, their privatization meets in Italy a strong opposition in public opinion and in the movements and associations which express active citizenship. The results of the referendums held on 12 and 13 June expressed a clear preference of the majority of citizens towards public management. The Constitutional Court has ruled, in a recent judgment, that that indication was not respected by the Government and Parliament.

Marriage practices in the Islamic Republic of Iran have evolved in the twenty-first century as unfulfilled expectations of emotional intimacy in marriages have caused an increase in divorce rates and the tendency to postpone marriage and engage in unsanctioned sexual relationships. Over the past decade, the emergence of white marriages, or cohabitation, has made some of these unsanctioned relationships more visible. In response, clerics and state actors publicly condemned the practice because it violates Islamic values, and potentially the law, given Iran's hybrid Islamic-civil legal system. Still, some Iranians prefer this conjugal arrangement to sanctioned marriages. While scholars who address the question of gender and sexual politics in post-revolutionary Iran have addressed temporary marriage, Iranian women's mobilization of the law, and the relationship between women, shari'a (Islamic law), and the state in negotiating rights, they have yet to examine white marriage. Through an analysis of narratives from legal experts and practitioners of white marriage in Iran, this article reveals the motives for electing this practice, and the ways in which it is made legally and socially navigable. This article finds that through their everyday practices, white marriage practitioners have sparked a public discussion on the politics of intimacy and have forced state actors, clerics, and law makers to revisit legal and Islamic debates about gender and rights. When situated within official state discourses and implementation of gender laws, this analysis brings to light the power and agency that Iranians have in controlling gender and sexuality norms and discourses.

In this essay, I describe the movement of an affidavit across different sites – from its first manifestation in a legal submission before an appellate court in India, to my own rewriting of the story in theatrical form, to its subsequent adaptation by a different set of theatre practitioners. Multiple acts of translation take place here, the genre of the affidavit changing to accommodate the shift in each site. The lawyers in the first instance translate life into law; I translate that legal form into a theatrical form; my theatrical form is once again translated into a different kind of theatrical form.  My description of these translations takes the form of a story, albeit a fragmented one. I start with a particular understanding of translation, one where I worry about what might be lost when law attempts to capture life. As the story proceeds, I find myself shifting towards thinking about what might be found and made possible in translation, about how these different genres of the affidavit might allow for different visions of law and life to flourish.

Efforts at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst illustrate how academic programs such as Legal Studies can form the basis for conflict resolution in the local community as well as on campus.
The study of conflict and its resolution lies at the core of many disciplines , but perhaps none touches as closely on this subject as legal studies, the liberal arts study of law in society. Legal studies examines the form and structure of authority in society and the conflicts that authority is expected to resolve. Legal studies also examines the role of officially sanctioned authority in exacerbating conflict. Humanistic, liberal arts legal studies differs considerably from its law school counterpart, the professional study of law. While law school builds its curriculum around the needs of a profession, a liberal arts curriculum operates within a broader context: the study of power and conflict within cultural and historical perspectives. As distinct from a pre-law curriculum, legal studies explores legal issues that arise in connection with the design of public policy and the content of public interest research. Legal studies is not limited to the study of adjudication and adversary processes. It takes these as the dominant themes for conflict management in our society and examines their development and relationship to the structure of society. Official systems of dispute resolution are compared with informal systems, such as the family.

Serve o pensamento jurídico como meio para recuperar a imaginação de alternativas institucionais, que minguou na cultura e na política contemporâneas? O movimento dos estudos jurídicos críticos foi a mais importante corrente de ideias progressistas no direito dos últimos 70 anos. Seu maior teórico foi o brasileiro Roberto Mangabeira Unger. Este livro foi escrito como manifesto do movimento e acrescido de novo texto que trata de como pensar, a partir de agora, o direito e as instituições. Valerá no Brasil por uma convocação. Tradução de Lucas Fucci Amato

Pierre Noreau et Samia Amor, « Médiation familiale : de l’expérience sociale à la pratique judiciarisée », dans : Marie-Christine Saint-Jacques, Daniel Turcotte, Sylvie Drapeau, Richard Cloutier, Familles en transformation. La vie après la séparation des parents : Bilan d’une réalité complexe et pistes d’action, Québec, Presses de l'Université Laval . 2004, p. 269-297.

This article examines the reaction by the Australian Federal Government to the protest movements of the 1960s–1970s and their attempts to use public order legislation to thwart radical discontent in Australia. It argues that the Public Order (Protection of Persons and Property) Act 1971 was aimed at the threat of “violent” protests, particularly the tactic of the “sit-in”, and that to this end, the legislation was an overreaction to the actual threat posed by the protest movements at the time. It also shows that after a long gestation period, the Act was ill-equipped to deal with the changing nature of demonstrations in the 1970s, such as the problems caused by the erection of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy. Thus, after an initial flurry of use in mid-1971, the law has been seldom used since.

Questo volume raccoglie i risultati di alcune ricerche condotte negli ultimi anni sui fenomeni migratori e sulla loro percezione a livello locale, sia da parte della popolazione residente e degli stessi migranti, sia da parte delle istituzioni, in particolar modo dalla magistratura.
Lo scopo è quello di offrire un contributo alla riflessione sul ruolo del diritto nel governo delle migrazioni internazionali, anche alla luce di alcune derive legate alla centralità che la questione “sicurezza”, nella sua rinnovata declinazione, ha assunto nell’agenda politica a diversi livelli: non solo nazionale e sovranazionale, ma anche locale. Uno dei principali fili rossi che attraversa le ricerche presentate è la considerazione degli effetti che queste derive producono sulla definizione della condizione giuridica e sociale del migrante.

The theme running through this analysis is the medium, rather than the content, is the most important aspect of communication and command.

The paper thinks of law through the lens of communication theory and cybernetics.

Law is perceived as a word describing different social instances with specific social rules, and organised into discrete production formats which shape the dynamics of argument and change in the field.

The paper is published as a book chapter in Backstage Practices of Transnational Law, edited by Lianne Boer and Sofia Stolk.

https://www.routledge.com/Backstage-Practices-of-Transnational-Law/Boer-Stolk/p/book/9780367086572

We are living in a time of changing consciousness about the meaning and function of authority. Law, which is often taken to be the backbone of authority structures in society, has come increasingly under scrutiny, both for its role in maintaining oppressive social conditions and for the exceeding narrowness of legalism as a world view.

This chapter makes a close reading of a short vignette in Eyrbyggja saga - the attempted forced marriage between the Swedish berserk Halli and Víga-Styrr's daughter Ásdis - exploring the ways that various norms and normative expectations are deliberately manipulated by the characters in question to further their own social goals in the narrative.

A presente obra é disponibilizada pela equipe Le Livros e seus diversos parceiros, com o objetivo de disponibilizar conteúdo para uso parcial em pesquisas e estudos acadêmicos, bem como o simples teste da qualidade da obra, com o fim exclusivo de compra futura.