Terrorism and media

The focus of this book is ultimately to present a clear and succinct view of what psychological research has revealed about terrorists and terrorism. The results are often disturbing, sometimes surprising and frequently disheartening. Perhaps most worrying of all, is the extent to which this current level and range of knowledge has repeatedly been ignored and overlooked by those tasked with the responsibility of controlling terrorism. This book aims to provide a clear, intelligent and well-informed account of what psychology has learned in the past thirty years about issues relating to terrorism. It also aims to demonstrate just how one branch of social science can provide a powerful tool for insight and guidance on one of the most challenging problems facing the modern world.

Türkiye, uzun yıllardan beridir çeşitli ideolojilerde ve yapılarda terör örgütleriyle çeşitli yoğunluklarda mücadele etmiş ve etmeye devam eden bir ülkedir. Kürdistan İşçi Partisinin de (PKK- Partîya Karkerên Kurdistanê) bu terör örgütlerinin başında geldiği bilinmektedir. Ayrıca ülkeye maddi ve manevi anlamda verdiği zararlar çok büyük boyutlara ulaşmıştır. Bir terör örgütü olarak PKK, eylemlerinde silahlı yöntemlerin yanı sıra bu eylemleri ge-niş kitlelere ulaştırma, meşruiyet iddiasını sağlamlaştırma ve ele-man temini amacıyla yoğun biçimde propaganda faaliyetleri de yürütmektedir. Özellikle XXI. yüzyıl bağlamında terör örgütleri-nin propagandayı bir mücadele yöntemi olarak benimseme eğili-minin gün geçtikçe artış göstermesiyle PKK da propaganda uygu-lamalarını sürekli genişletmiş ve çeşitlendirmiştir.
Çalışmanın sonucunda hem Türkiye‟nin
hem de PKK‟nın propaganda dili, söylemi ve uygulamalarının
2000‟li yıllarda değişim gösterdiği, propagandanın giderek iki taraf
için de önem kazandığı savlanmaktadır. Son olarak da çalışmada,
Türkiye‟nin terörle mücadelede benimsediği propaganda yöntemleri
ve uygulamalarıyla PKK‟nın propaganda uygulamaları karşılaştırılmakta,
tespit ve önerilere yer verilmektedir.

Daesh, lo “Stato Islamico” o Isis, è diventata, nell’ultimo anno, un attore di rilievo nelle dinamiche del Medio Oriente. Il movimento non ha avuto un impatto solo geopolitico, con la conquista di porzioni della Siria e dell’Iraq, ma ha mostrato di possedere dei tratti che, nella costellazione del fondamentalismo islamista, lo caratterizzano come un attore spesso atipico; allo stesso tempo, tuttavia, lo “Stato Islamico” è in grado di riassumere nelle proprie modalità ideologico-confessionali, operative, sociali e di esercizio della sovranità alcune caratteristiche già manifestate da altri gruppi estremisti.
L’elemento di spicco di Daesh è la coerenza tra i suoi obiettivi e l’ampio ventaglio di attività, sul piano militare, comunicativo-propagandistico, sociale, politico e religioso, che concorrono a generare e supportare la sua strategia di base.
Il contributo proposto intende fornire elementi per comprendere come questo approccio strategico di ampio respiro si sia formato e in quali modi Daesh si distacchi dal movimento più importante che lo aveva preceduto, vale a dire al Qaeda nelle sue versioni pre e post l’11 settembre 2001 (al Qaeda prime/core e al Qaeda “in franchising”).
La riflessione si centra più esplicitamente sulle dimensioni politico-ideologiche, operativo-militari e simbolico-comunicative dell’azione e delle prassi dello “Stato Islamico”. Infatti, in una prima sezione dell’articolo Roberto Gritti analizza la dimensione socio-politica e ideologico-religiosa dello “Stato Islamico” sui territori conquistati e, in particolar modo, la sua politica nei confronti delle altre sotto-confessioni islamiche. L’identità ideologica e religiosa dell’Isis è esplorata attraverso l’analisi delle correnti salafita e wahabita dell’Islam e, quindi, di come lo “Stato Islamico” si inserisce nella galassia jihadista. Nella seconda sezione Giuseppe Anzera analizza la dimensione geopolitica e strategica dello “Stato Islamico” come forza paramilitare e attore politico all’interno del calderone siriano e della complessa situazione irachena considerando il ruolo svolto dai paesi circostanti e dalle grandi potenze coinvolte nell’area. Nella terza sezione Marco Bruno approfondisce il tema della comunicazione di Daesh, capace di svolgere azioni di propaganda attraverso un uso raffinato dei media in grado di definire una segmentazione attenta dei pubblici e dei messaggi a loro rivolti e di influire nelle dinamiche di framing della stessa immagine, funzionali al perseguimento degli obiettivi strategici del gruppo.


Daesh, the "Islamic State"
or Isis, has become, in the last year,
a relevant player in Middle Eastern dynamics. With the conquest of portions of Syria and Iraq, the movement has not had a single geopolitical impact,
but has been shown to possess the traits that, in the constellation of Islamist fundamentalism, often characterize
it as an atypical actor. At the same
time, however, the "Islamic State" is able to summarize, in its ideological- confessional, operational, social ways as well as in its exercise of sovereignty, some features already expressed by other extremist groups. The main element of Daesh is the coherence between its objectives and broad range of activities at military, communicative, social, political and religious levels, which are combined to generate and support its basic strategy.
The contribution, here proposed, aims to provide elements to understand how this strategic and broad approach was formed and in what ways Daesh breaks away from the most important movements that preceded it, namely al-Qaeda in its pre and post versions of September 11, 2001.

This book bridges a gap between discussions about truth, human understanding, and epistemology in philosophical circles, and debates about objectivity, bias, and truth in journalism. It examines four major philosophical theories in easy to understand terms while maintaining a critical insight which is fundamental to the contemporary study of journalism. The book aims to move forward the discussion of truth in the news media by dissecting commonly used concepts such as bias, objectivity, balance, fairness, in a philosophically-grounded way, drawing on in depth interviews with journalists to explore how journalists talk about truth.

For the Routledge Research in Journalism Series.

The paper is an effort to conceptualize the combined effects of the evolution of populism and the present pandemic. Concepts from Social Psychology and Neuropsychology are used to create an explanatory framework for the development of internet based ideologies, which facilitate the spontaneous formation of self-organizing movements, which in turn lead to acts of stochastic terrorism.

Twenty years after the 9/11 attacks, stereotypes that associate Muslims with terrorism go far beyond depictions in newspapers and television. Recent research raises the alarm about rampant Islamophobia in digital spaces, particularly far-right groups’ use of disinformation and other manipulation tactics to vilify Muslims and their faith.

In this modern era, the representation of Islam and terrorism in Western media has been a contentious topic of multiple implications. This project entails a comprehensive analysis of the impact that the news media has had on the portrayal of Muslims and Islam. The goal is to offer a more-inclusive insight into the media coverage of jihad which led to the hijacking of the notion of jihad by Western mainstream media as well as a seemingly unfair representation of an entire nation. I will attempt to offer a rather detailed account on the terms “Islamist” and “jihad” as per their usage by the mainstream media. Furthermore, it will scrutinise the role of the media as a platform for neo-jihadis. This paper will endeavour to answer the following question: Firstly, has the concept of Jihad and the religion of Islam been overtaken by the Western media? Secondly, is the representation of Muslims in the mainstream Western media within an Islamophobic context? And finally, to what extent have the media policies and issues of censorship impacted the portrayal of Muslims and Islam in the media? Along with attempting to present a contextually informed answer to this question, this research will further touch upon the Impact of Orientalism on Islam and shed light on the guidelines and policies followed by media corporations with regards to conveying acts of terrorism.

La mia analisi per il Terrorism Monitor della The Jamestown Foundation
Analizzo la propaganda e gli obiettivi di un nuovo gruppo emerso in Myanmar, che ha giurato fedeltà allo Stato Islamico, il Katibah al-Mahdi fi Bilad al-Arakan, cercando di prevedere le sue operazioni.

Still and moving images are crucial factors in contemporary political conflicts. They not only have representational, expressive or illustrative functions, but also augment and create significant events. Beyond altering states of mind, they affect bodies, and often life or death is at stake. Various forms of image operations are currently performed in the contexts of war, insurgency and activism. Photographs, videos, diagrams, interactive simulations and other kinds of images steer drones to their targets, train soldiers, terrorise the public, celebrate protest icons, uncover injustices, or call for help. They are often parts of complex agential networks and move across different media and cultural environments. This book is a pioneering interdisciplinary study of the role and function of images in political life. Balancing theoretical reflections with in-depth case studies, it brings together internationally renowned scholars and activists from different fields to offer a multifaceted critical perspective on a crucial aspect of contemporary visual culture.

Schon in den 1970ern Jahren wurden die Massenmedien in der öffentlichen Diskussion wie in der Forschung häufig als „Herolde und Helfershelfer des Terrorismus“ bezeichnet. Auch der Großteil der Terrorismusforschung jüngeren Datums geht davon aus, dass die „unheilvolle... Allianz“, die symbiotische Beziehung zu den Massenmedien, für Terroristen von Vorteil ist. Danach erreichen Terroristen erst mittels der Massenmedien ihre primären Ziele: Aufmerksamkeit und Furcht. Einige Forscher aber ziehen dies in Zweifel. Sie weisen darauf hin, dass die Massenmedien keineswegs die Rollenerwartung der Terroristen erfüllen, gerade wenn es sich um sozialrevolutionäre Terroristen handelt. Im Gegenteil, nach Ansicht dieser Autoren tragen die Massenmedien durch ihre meist emotionale Berichterstattung über die terroristischen Anschläge zu einer Entfremdung und Abgrenzung der Bevölkerung von den Terroristen und ihren Zielen bei. Demnach fungieren die Massenmedien zwar als Herold, aber nicht als Helfer der Terroristen.

Diese kritische Interpretation des Verhältnisses zwischen Massenmedien und Terroristen findet sich in der Literatur allerdings nur selten. Ebenso rar sind Analysen, die sich mit dem Verhältnis des Terrorismus zu den Medien außerhalb der Vereinigten Staaten beschäftigen. Eine umfassende empirische Analyse der Rolle der Medien im Konflikt zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und dem sozialrevolutionären Terrorismus beispielsweise steht noch aus. Andreas Elter bezeichnete diesen Forschungsbereich noch 2006 als „Terra incognita“.

Die vorliegende Studie geht der Frage nach, welche Rolle die Massenmedien für
den sozialrevolutionären deutschen Terrorismus der 1970er Jahre spielten. Der Begriff der Rolle wird dabei in Anlehnung an die soziologische Rollendefinition gefasst. Die Medien entsprechen einer Rolle dann, wenn ihr Verhalten mit dem übereinstimmt, was von ihnen erwartet wird. Aus dieser Begriffsfassung ergeben sich zwei zentrale Forschungsfragen: Welche Erwartungen stellten die Terroristen an die Massenmedien und inwieweit wurden diese Erwartungen ihrer Ansicht nach erfüllt?

Die Arbeit konzentriert sich auf den Umgang der ersten und der zweiten Generation
der radikalsten deutschen terroristischen Gruppierung, der Roten Armee Fraktion
(RAF),9 mit den Massenmedien bis 1977 – dem Jahr, das in der Erinnerungs- wie in der Forschungsliteratur als Höhepunkt sowie bedeutende Zäsur des deutschen Terrorismus interpretiert wird.10 Zunächst wird aus der sozialwissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema Terrorismus herausgearbeitet, welche Erwartungen sozialrevolutionäre Terroristen im Allgemeinen an die Massenmedien stellen. Anschließend werden aus der Erinnerungsliteratur, aus Briefen und den programmatischen Schriften der deutschen Terroristen die Vorstellungen der RAF im Speziellen analysiert und untersucht, ob die bundesdeutschen Medien in den 1970er Jahren tatsächlich die Rolle spielten, die ihnen die RAF zugedacht hatte.

This article addresses the problem of international law enforcement within the War on Cyberterrorism. Hybrid conflicts have replaced the traditional ones, and new threats have emerged in cyberspace, which has become a virtual battlefield. Cyber threats-cybercrimes, cyberterrorism, cyberwarfare-are a major concern for Western governments, especially for the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The international community has begun to consider cyberattacks as a form of terrorism, to which the same measures apply. Because the term "terrorism" is ambiguous and legaly undefined, there is no consensus on a definition of the derivative term "cyberterrorism", which is left to the unilateral interpretations of states. Pretending to consider the cyberspace domain as traditional domains, and claiming to apply IHL for the sole purpose of lawfully using armed forces in contrast to cyberterrorism is a stretch. This paper addresses the question of whether or not current laws of war and international humanitarian law apply to cyber domain, and gives some recommendations on how to tackle this issue.

Tindak kejahatan terorisme oleh kelompok-kelompok Islam radikal telah menjadi masalah keamanan laten pada level global. Indonesia, sebagai negara dengan populasi umat Islam terbesar di dunia dan potensi geopolitik yang strategis, tak luput pula dengan permasalahan ini. Sejak titik awal reformasi bergulir pada 1998 hingga kini, Indonesia mengalami beragam serangan dan ancaman keamanan yang disebabkan oleh tindak kejahatan terorisme, termasuk oleh kelompok yang terkait dengan jaringan terorisme internasional. Beberapa serangan terorisme yang tercatat masif hingga menimbulkan banyak korban jiwa adalah serangan Bom Bali I dan II, Bom Kedutaan Besar Australia, dan Bom di Hotel JW Marriot dan Ritz Carlton. Sedangkan ancaman gerakan proses radikalisasi terus muncul di antara kelompok-kelompok berbasis agama yang dipicu latar geopolitik di Timur Tengah, konflik peradaban Barat versus Islam, dan latar sentimen keagamaan lainnya. Sebagai respon atas hal ini, Pemerintah Indonesia telah meningkatkan upaya kontra terorisme dengan pendekatan aspek keamanan dan membuat ragam kebijakan melawan radikalisasi. Di kalangan akademisi, riset pada level global tentang terorisme dan radikalisasi juga sudah banyak memberi informasi terkait ragam strategi dalam aksi kontra terorisme dan radikalisasi, terutama dengan perspektif kajian keamanan (security studies) dan kejahatan lintas negara (trans-national crimes). Namun, riset dalam konteks Indonesia tentu saja dibutuhkan untuk dapat menyediakan landasan solid tentang hal ini. Makalah ini akan mengelaborasi diskusi dengan berfokus pada kekurangan literatur akademis tentang radikalisasi dan terorisme dari perspektif lain, yakni kajian komunikasi dan media. Lebih lanjut, kesenjangan (gap) literatur akan disorot dan rekomendasi terkait potensi riset akan diberikan dengan harapan dapat berkontribusi memperluas pemahaman kekinian tentang proses radikalisasi dan terorisme.
Kata Kunci: terorisme, radikalisasi, Islam, Indonesia, komunikasi dan media

Rapor PKK'yı medya ilişkileri içinde ele alırken esasında medyanın te-rörizmi besleyen düşünce ve eylem stratejilerinin tam da merkezinde bulunduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Medya ve terör arasında birbirini var eden ve büyüten bağın çağdaş düzeyde en fazla belirginleştiği örgütlerin başında gelen PKK kurulduğu günden bu yana medyanın tüm başat uzantılarını organize bir şekilde kullanmaktadır. Böylece hem güdümlü insan ve finans kaynakları temin etmekte hem de ulu-sal ve uluslararası arenada meşruiyet zemini aramaktadır. Medya bağlamının teröre karşı geliştirilen güvenlik politikalarından ayrı düşünülmemesi gerektiğini öneren raporun ilk bölümü PKK'yı kendi medya organları çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Nitekim gele-nekselden dijital uzamlara dönüşen yüzüyle PKK medyası örgütün dayandığı ve dayattığı ideolojik kodları ve jargonu ele vermektedir. İkinci bölümde eylemleri, söylemleri ve mensuplarıyla örgütün ulus-lararası medya tarafından nasıl işlendiği eleştirel bir yaklaşımla tartı-şılmaktadır. Üçüncü bölümde ise bir kısım ulusal merkez ve sol med-yanın PKK'yı olumlarken devleti terör karşısında tenkit eden haber dili masaya yatırılmaktadır. Rapor içinde bulunduğumuz çatışma ortamının daha iyi okunmasına imkan sağlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu nedenle PKK meselesini HDP, PYD, YPG, DEAŞ, FETÖ, TAK ve DHKP-C'den uzak görmemekte ve ör-gütün uzantılarıyla birlikte yürüttüğü infaz tavrı ve nefret söylemini medyadaki izleri üzerinden betimlemektedir. Kültür, sanat, sivil top-lum ve akademi çevrelerinin duruşlarını da göz ardı etmeyen bu iz sürme teşebbüsü açılım projelerinden hendek siyasetine birçok esas-lı başlığı dikkate almaktadır. Neticede medya yalnızca bilgilenme ve eğlenme aracı olmadığı gibi PKK da yalnızca PKK'dan ibaret değildir.

“Rivoluzionario professionista” convertito all’Islam, Carlos ha dedicato la sua vita combattendo “per la liberazione del mondo dallo sfruttamento imperialista e della Palestina dall’occupazione sionista”. Le armi gli “sono state imposte dalle circostanze, determinate dalla violenza stessa del nemico”, e il “terrorismo” è una fatalità imposta “dal rapporto di forze cui nessun resistente, musulmano o meno, può sfuggire, poiché è di fronte a un nemico potentissimo, senza freni né limiti in arroganza e ambizione di conquista”. Il terrorismo “è l’arma dei poveri”, “un’arma di prima scelta per ristabilire una parvenza di equilibrio contro la sproporzione dei mezzi di informazione, il cui monopolio assoluto è del nemico”, ovvero degli americani. In questo libro autobiografico commentato da Marco Marsili, Ilič Ramírez Sánchez ricostruisce le tappe della carriera che ne ha fatto il terrorista più famoso e ricercato nel mondo, dai primi attentati degli anni ‘70, all’amicizia con Osama Bin Laden, Saddam Hussein e Mùammar Gheddafi, fino all’arresto avvenuto in Sudan nel ’94. Carlos svela la verità sugli attentati dell’11 settembre, e spiega, con una lucida analisi, la strategia statunitense della “guerra preventiva”, motivata dalla necessità di mantenere il controllo sul prezzo del petrolio, scambiato sui mercati internazionali in dollari. Una feroce critica ai media occidentali, al capitalismo, al consumismo, all’Onu, e alla sinistra occidentale, accusata di essersi adagiata “sugli allori della borghesia convertendosi al liberalismo californiano”.

Editors: José Manuel Aroso Linhares, Maria João Antune

Part I focuses on Law No. 52/2003, of August 22 – the law against terrorism.
Each of its articles is commented on.

In Part II are analyzed the changes introduced in 2015 in other laws, for thepurposeofcombatingterrorism: in the law of nationality, in the law establishing measures to combat organized and economic and financial crime, in the law on the entry, permanence, exit and removal of foreigners from the national territory, in the law of organization of criminal investigation, in the code of criminal procedure, in the law of internal security and in the law on undercover actions for the purpose of prevention and criminal repression.

El presente artículo forma parte de la investigación que realizaba para la tesis de licenciatura en Historia- Analiza y expone las noticias que El Diario de Marka reportó en torno al accionar terrorista realizado por el grupo subversivo Sendero Luminoso. Dichas noticias no solo son aquellas relacionadas a los actos subversivos, sino también al debate entre diversos partidos de izquierda de nuestro país, plasmado en las páginas del periódico.

მოცემული საბაკალავრო ნაშრომის - „ბრიუსელის ტერაქტის გაშუქება ქართულ და უცხოურ მედიაში“ -  მიზანი, სამი ქართული და სამი უცხოური ტელემაუწყებლის ( ტელეკომპანიები: „საზოგადოებრივი მაუწყებელი“, „იმედი“ , „რუსთავი2“, BBC, CNN და Deutsche Welle) მიერ ბრიუსელის ტერაქტის გაშუქების კვლევაა.
ტერორიზმის პრობლემა საერთაშორისო უსაფრთხოებისათვის ერთ-ერთ მთავარ გამოწვევას წარმოადგენს. დღესდღეობით, აღნიშნულ პრობლემას უდიდესი ყურადღება ეთმობა, რაც გამოწვეულია გახშირებული ტერორისტული აქტებით. ერთ-ერთი ბოლო და ყველაზე გახმაურებული შემთხვევა ბრიუსელში, 2016 წლის 22 მარტს მოხდა.
რაოდენობრივი კვლევის მეთოდოლოგიით, კონტენტ-ანალიზით დადგინდა ევროპის, ისლამური სამყაროს და ტერორისტული დაჯგუფებების მოხსენიების სიხშირე და გამოიკვეთა მედიის ფრეიმები, ხოლო თვისებრივი მეთოდოლოგიით ( შემთხვევის ანალიზით) გამოიკვეთა გაშუქების თავისუბერებები.
საკვლევ პერიოდად განისაზღვრა ტერაქტის მოწყობის თარიღიდან - 1 კვირის პერიოდი, კერძოდ, 2016 წლის 22 მარტიდან 29 მარტის ჩათვლით. კვლევა ეყრდნობა ფრეიმინგის თეორიას. სულ გაანალიზდა 652 საკვლევი მასალა ( მათ შორის 163 სიუჟეტი,46 ინტერვიუ,179 მულტიმედიური მასალა, 204 ნიუსი და  60 პირდაპირი ჩართვა).

Tulisan ini mencoba melihat seperti apa hubungan media dan terorisme di era kontemporer saat ini yang sama-sama saling mempengaruhi dan saling menguatkan. Serangan teror 13/11 yang terjadi di Paris menjadi pilihan yang tepat lantaran kasus ini menjadi salah satu isu global yang didalamnya mampu melihat bagaimana media dan terorisme bekerja. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan media, penulis melihat bahwa terorisme dimanfaatkan untuk tujuan pemberitaan global itu sendiri. Sedangkan dari teroris, media digunakan sebagai salah satu sarana untuk memperluas pengaruh dan ancamanya terhadap masyarakat global. Serangan yang terjadi di tempat publik di Paris menjadi ajang yang tepat untuk membuka babak baru terorisme dengan menjamurnya berbagai pemberitaan global baik di media dan pers internasional ataupun dari media sosial yang kini juga menjadi sumber berita. Tidak hanya media saja yang aktif dalam pemberitaan isu ini, bahkan pelaku terorisme dalam hal ini ISIS juga mampu memanfaatkan media sebagai alat baru dalam menerapkan strategi terornya, hal ini kemudian menjadi tantangan global seluruh negara dalam memerangi ISIS, sehingga pemahaman akan hubungan media dan terorisme menjadi penting kiranya untuk menjawab persoalan mengenai terorisme.

This paper gives an update on the subject of media representation by presenting an analysis of the various dimensions of the subject. Essentially as many as thirty dimensions ranging from media representation of race, gender, terrorism and Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) is presented and discussed. Other dimensions include sports, youth crime, popular culture, age groups, disability, health-related issues, public opinion, occupation and ethnic minorities, social class, fashion, public relations, politics, religion, brands, alcohol, sexual abuse, drug abuse, relationships, war, slavery, famine, finance, science/technology and environment. This conceptual analysis, gives new and young researchers who are just coming into the field of media and communication a broad insight and a bird’s eye-view of gaps in academic literature.

Dābiq is an electronic magazine (e-zine) utilising strategic utopianism and savagery messages supported by exemplary leadership, eschatology, and current events reports. This project analyses narrative themes present within Dābiq and how relevant and prevalent these themes are across issues. The project applies Thematic Network Analysis of the first six issues of Dābiq, laying foundations for understanding ISIL’s culture and counter-narrative development. It argues present terminology and first generation research constrain understanding of ISIL’s cultural specifics. This project establishes that rhetoric within Dābiq contains both political and religious narratives. Finally, this project establishes that ‘Exemplary Leadership’ theme dominates ISIL’s Dābiq rhetoric.

Through a theoretical framework based on the literature review and findings from academic literature, the overall objective of this paper is to answer the question: How does the Islamic State (ISIS) recruit using Social Media? According to Marshall McLuhan1 "it would be impossible for terrorism to exist without the media." Terrorism is one of the most prominent forms of violence and crime in modern times as it threatens the security and stability of many societies. The terrorist acts have continuously developed over the years and now are characterized by high flexibility and ability to deal with social, international and security changes, as well as by the capacity to adapt to new

Daha önceki yazımda dünyada giderek artmakta olan politik şiddetin ne mahiyette olduğunu, terör kavramının nasıl ortaya çıktığını, terör konusunda uluslararası hukukta ortak bir tanım bulunmaması ve kiminin terörist dediğine kiminin özgürlük savaşçısı demesi gibi nedenlerle dünyada teröre karşı ortak bir mücadele verilemediğini dile getirmeye çalışmıştım. Klasik medyanın -daha da kitlesel hale gelmesi ile beraber- terör örgütleri adına nasıl bir propaganda malzemesi haline dönüştüğünü ele almış, bununla beraber terör eylemlerinin olayın yapıldığı yerdeki kişilere zarar vermekten çok, ister klasik ister sosyal medyayı aracı olarak kullansın, tüm topluma terör örgütlerinin çıkarları doğrultusunda kaos yaratacak şekilde bir mesaj iletme derdinde olduğunu belirtmiştim

Terrorism and the media have a unique relationship that has been long evident in history and academia. Due to modern advancements in communication and information technologies, the relationship has grown strong and widely influential. Mutual interaction, dependency, and inseparability have characterized the co-existence of terrorists and media personnel. Looking into the various dynamics, discussions, and descriptions of this relationship, this introductory chapter offers a conceptualization of this relationship by introducing and defining a new term. Terroredia is the interactive, codependent, and inseparable relationship between terrorism and the media, in which acts of terrorism and their media coverage are essentially exchanged to achieve the ultimate aims of both parties—exchanging terrorism’s wide-ranging publicity and public attention (i.e., oxygen) for media’s wide-ranging reach and influence (e.g., airwaves).

Monash Univrsity PhD Pre-Submission Seminar / Final Review documentation. My thanks to the Monash University committee in the School of Political and Social Inquiry: Associate Professor Steven Roberts, Associate Professor Ben MacQueen, and Dr Bill Flanik, and to my PhD Supervisors, Dr Luke Howie and Dr Zareh Ghazarian. This PhD milestone was passed on 14th November 2018.

The government of Nigeria has continued to wage (a) war on Boko Haram
(BH) terrorists in Nigeria. Previous linguistic studies on (war on) Boko
Haram terrorism in Nigeria have examined the media reportage of the BH
activities, while such studies have not paid sufficient attention to
metaphorisations in the representations of the news reports. This study,
therefore, identifies conceptual metaphors deployed by the selected
newspapers in representing the war on BH terrorism. Headline and overline
stories are purposively sampled from four newspapers, published between
2011 and 2014, from the northern and southern parts of Nigeria. The
purposively selected newspapers, Daily Trust, Leadership Nigeria, The
Punch and The Nation, widely reported BH activities. The conceptual
metaphor theory, complemented with systemic functional grammar,
provided theoretical underpinnings; and the analysis reveals that the
newspapers metaphorically conceptualise BH terrorism as war, evil and
crime. The newspapers' metaphorical conceptualisations have cognitively
tasked the readers. Readers' experience in relation to BH terrorism has been
linked to the understanding of one thing in terms of the other.
Keywords: Boko Haram, conceptual metaphor, systemic functional
linguistics, Nigerian newspapers, war on terrorism

Terroredia is a newly coined term by the editor, Dr. Mahmoud Eid, to explain the phenomenal, yet under-researched relationship between terrorists and media professionals in which acts of terrorism and media coverage are exchanged, influenced, and fueled by one another.

Exchanging Terrorism Oxygen for Media Airwaves: The Age of Terroredia provides a timely and thorough discussion on a wide range of issues surrounding terrorism in relation to both traditional and new media. Comprised of insights and research from leading experts in the fields of terrorism and media studies, this publication presents various topics relating to Terroredia: understanding of terrorism and the role of the media, terrorism manifestations and media representations of terrorism, types of terrorism and media stereotypes of terrorism, terrorism tactics and media strategies, the war on terrorism, the function of terrorism and the employment of the media, new terrorism and new media, contemporary cases of terrorist-media interactions, the rationality behind terrorism and counterterrorism, as well as the responsibility of the media. This publication is of interest to government officials, media professionals, researchers, and upper-level students interested in learning more about the complex relationship between terrorism and the media.

This thesis aims to examine the complex relationship between the realm of politics and media during a ‘terrorist event’ in Turkey by focusing on the politics of fear and the power relations between two. The research uses Critical Discourse Analysis as a primary method to analyse political communication and media coverage of a ‘terrorist attack’ in Turkey. In 6th of September 2015, a military convoy was attacked in Dağlıca, Turkey only two months before the snap elections. The event was one of the most important turning points before the election. Following the elections, Turkey had a strong turn towards authoritarianism and populism resulting in the erosion of media freedom and democracy. This research identifies the Dağlıca event to analyse Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s (President of Turkey) interview and three news channels’ media coverage of the event in order to examine the political communication’s discursive mechanisms. By doing so, the research focuses on the appearances of relations between discursive and social practices. Finally, the thesis aims to contribute to broaden the knowledge of media critique for minimising media attributions to the political gains during such tragic events.

This book explores how psychology can improve our understanding of terrorism and counterterrorism. The book starts by exploring the psychology of terrorists; what their motivations are, what keeps them involved in terrorist groups, and what eventually forces most to end their active involvement in terrorism. Next, the focus shifts to responding to terrorism, looking both at tactical problems (e.g. how to interview terrorist suspects), as well as more long-term strategies around bringing entire terrorist campaigns to an end.

This article discusses two aspects that are important for understanding the relationship between Western news media and terrorism: the changing representation of terrorists and terrorist attacks in the media and, with it, the changing definition of terrorism. By calling attention to evolving news media practices in times of terrorism, I argue that advanced communication technologies and the emergence of global media ecology since the 1990s has made terrorism more visible in both national and international media landscapes. One result is that the more the news media expose terrorism to global audiences via the “front door,” the more controversial the use of the terms “terrorism” and “terrorist” become in social, political, and scholarly discourses. The paper addresses the evolving journalistic practices and their consequences as documented in previous studies on media reporting of terrorism in several national contexts, mostly the UK, the United States, and Israel.