Themistius

Davide, tra le personificazioni della Saggezza e della Profezia, MS Gr. 139, f. 7, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, X sec. La Collana raccoglie studi di filologia classica nei suoi aspetti di interpretazione, di critica testuale e di ricostruzione storica del lascito delle civiltà greca e latina. In un proficuo circolo ermeneutico favorisce lavori di indagine storica degli studi classici in età moderna e di come l'antichità sia stata la sorgiva del mondo medie vale e rinascimentale e abbia fecondato la modernità nei suoi molteplici aspetti.

This article examines the performance context of Synesius of Cyrene’s
(ca. 370–415 CE) On Kingship. Synesius draws heavily on the classical tradition, and also incorporates many elements of Themistius’ philosophical style into his speech. But the work was not delivered before the emperor, as it purports, and hints at the fictionality of its own dramatic situation. These hints are not mere play but fit very closely the rhetorical needs of the circumstances. The performance appears to have been a success.

This article provides an update on one of the most famous characters in the history of Ancient Caucasian Iberia. As an Iberian prince exiled in the Roman Empire owing to the changeover of his fatherland in the Sasanian orbit c. 368, Bacurius led career in the Roman army to become General of Theodosius.
Several testimonies by Ammianus Marcellinus, Libanius and Themistius, Rufinus, and Byzantine ecclesiastical historians enable to better understand this ambivalent figure, who was well favored by Christians as well as pagans.
This article offers a detailed explanation showing that the death of Bacurius during the Battle of Frigidus in 394 prevents him from being confused with other Iberian princes of the fifth century CE.
The account narrating the conversion of the Iberian king to the Christian faith delivered by Bacurius to Rufinus must also be understood as a political act in the context of the Acilisene Treaty of 387.

Revised and corrected working paper dated October 25, 2019.

Access to the original paper published in Iberia-Colchis, № 13, 2017, p. 166-192 :
http://dspace.nplg.gov.ge/handle/1234/242318

The Final Pagan Generation shows how the generation of Romans born in the 310s adapted to their changing religious and political environments.  The included chapter introduces the religious landscape of the Roman world of the early fourth century and sets the stage for their story.

third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes.

The book focuses on two important areas in the philosophy of Robert Grosseteste at the beginning of the thirteenth century: Philosophy of Intellect and Philosophy of Vision. These two areas of Grosseteste's philosophy have not been thoroughly explored, nor their importance established. Robert Grosseteste was the first chancellor of Oxford University and Bishop of Lincoln 1235-53. This project aims to contribute to the importance of Robert Grosseteste in the history of philosophy, and to establish groundwork for further development in these two areas of philosophy, to contribute to contemporary philosophy. Emphasis is placed in the project on the relation between Grosseteste's philosophies and previous philosophical influences (classical, Greek commentators on Aristotle, Arabic commentators on Aristotle, Neoplatonic), as well as their relation to subsequent philosophies in the middle ages, and the Renaissance to the twentieth century. The philosophies are also considered in relation to the architecture of Lincoln Cathedral.

This study is the first comprehensive analysis of the physical theory of the Islamic philosopher Avicenna (d. 1037). It seeks to understand his contribution against the developments within the preceding Greek and Arabic intellectual milieus, and to appreciate his philosophy as such by emphasising his independence as a critical and systematic thinker. Exploring Avicenna’s method of "teaching and learning," it investigates the implications of his account of the natural body as a three-dimensionally extended composite of matter and form, and examines his views on nature as a principle of motion and his analysis of its relation to soul. Moreover, it demonstrates how Avicenna defends the Aristotelian conception of place against the strident criticism of his predecessors, among other things, by disproving the existence of void and space. Finally, it sheds new light on Avicenna’s account of the essence and the existence of time. For the first time taking into account the entire range of Avicenna’s major writings, this study fills a gap in our understanding both of the history of natural philosophy in general and of the philosophy of Avicenna in particular.

Winner of the BRAIS-De Gruyter Prize 2017:
http://www.brais.ac.uk/prize/2017-announcement

Winner of the Bavarian Culture Prize 2017:
https://www.bayernwerk.de/content/dam/revu-global/bayernwerk/documents/ueber-bayernwerk/engagement/kultur-und-tradition/kulturpreis-bayern/2017/pm-uni/KB2017_Andreas_Lammer_LMU_Muenchen.pdf

Winner of the World Award for Book of the Year 2020:
http://bookaward.ir/NewsDetails-En/1047/Report-On-the-27th-I-R--Iran-World-Award-for-Book-of-the-Year

This article deals with the evolution of the terms Scythia and Scythians in the geographical and rhetorical milieu. The article consists of two chapters: (1) Scythia and Sarmatia in imperial Latin and Greek literature of the 1st – 2nd centuries and (2) Scythians in late classic Greek literature of the 3rd – 7th centuries. The syntactical relations between toponyms and ethnonyms in the main geographical texts of the 1st chapter are illustrated with special schemes called syntaxogramms: Strabo (fig. 2–3), Pomponius Mela (fig. 4), Plinius the Elder (fig. 5) and Ptolemy. This method of graphical representation of the geographical text allows us to see more precisely the spatial limits of possible location on the map of each people described in this text. In the 2nd chapter there are investigated different peoples named Scythians – classical Scythians, Goths, Huns, Avars and Turcs. The contextual and quantitative (table 1) analysis of the Greek terms Scythia and Scythians shows that this term was changing the denotated objects many times during the period of Late Antiquity. This allows us to propose the following scheme of the development of the term's meaning: from the time of Dexippos the word Scythians was used to denote the Goths and other barbarians from the northern Pontic region. This model was changed by with Priscus when the new barbarians – i. e. the Huns – not only had come to Scythia but also made there a new empire. Priscus had designated the Huns with the name Scythians, but after the death of Attila and the destruction of Hunnic empire this name slowly disappears from the historical discourse. The new revival of the term Scythians takes place in the works of the historians dealing with the Avars and Turks.

This article sheds new light on Themistius’ argument in what is philosophically the most original (and historically the most influential) section of his extant work, namely On Aristotle’s On the Soul 100.16–109.3: here, Themistius offers a systematic interpretation of Aristotle’s ‘agent’ intellect and its ‘potential’ and ‘passive’ counterparts. A solution to two textual difficulties at 101.36–102.2 is proposed, supported by the Arabic translation. This allows us to see that Themistius engages at length with a Platonizing reading of the enigmatic final lines of DA III.5 where Aristotle explains ‘why we don’t remember’ (without specifying when and what). This Platonizing reading (probably inspired by Aristotle’s early dialogue Eudemus) can be safely identified with the one developed in a fragmentary text extant only in Arabic under the title Porphyry’s treatise On the soul. While Themistius rejects this reading, he turns out to be heavily influenced by the author’s interpretation of the ‘agent’, ‘potential’ and ‘passive’ intellect. These findings offer us a new glimpse into Themistius’ philosophical program: he is searching for an alternative to both the austere (and, by Themistius’ lights, distorted) Aristotelianism of Alexander of Aphrodisias and the all too Platonizing reading of Aristotle adopted by thinkers like Porphyry.

[Cristina D'Ancona] R. Chiaradonna - G. Galluzzo (eds), Universals in Ancient Philosophy, Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2013 (Seminari e convegni, 33) / [Angela Ulacco] Christoph Helmig, Forms and Concepts. Concept Formation in the Platonic Tradition, De Gruyter, Berlin - Boston 2012 (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca et Byzantina, Quellen und Studien, 5) / [Cecilia Martini Bonadeo] R. Hansberger - M. Afifi al-Akiti - Ch. Burnett (eds), Medieval Arabic Thought. Essays in Honour of Fritz Zimmermann, The Warburg Institute - Nino Aragno Editore, London - Turin 2012, (Warburg Institute Studies and Texts, 4) / [Germana Chemi] L.P. Gerson, From Plato to Platonism, Cornell U. P., Ithaca - London 2013 / [Cristina D'Ancona] R. Arnzen, Platonische Ideen in der arabischen Philosophie. Texte und Materialien zur Begriffsgeschichte von “Ṣuwar Aflāṭūniyya” und “Muthul Aflāṭūniyya”, De Gruyter, Berlin - Boston 2011 (Scientia Graeco-Arabica, 6) / [Cecilia Martini Bonadeo] D. Janos, Method, Structure, and Development in al-Fārābī’s Cosmology, Brill, Leiden - Boston 2012 (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science. Texts and Studies, 85) / [Germana Chemi] A Philosophy Reader from the Circle of Miskawayh edited and translated by E. Wakelnig, Cambridge U. P., Cambridge 2014 / [Cristina D'Ancona] J. Thiele, Kausalität in der muʿtazilitischen Kosmologie. Das Kitāb al-Muʾaṯṯirāt wa-miftāḥ al-muškilāt des Zayditen al-Ḥasan ar-Raṣṣāṣ (st. 584/1188), Brill, Leiden - Boston 2011 (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science, 84) / [G. Giacomelli] C. Martini Bonadeo, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al Baġdādī’s Philosophical Journey. From Aristotle’s Metaphysics to the “metaphysical science”, Brill, Leiden - Boston 2013 (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science. Texts and Studies, 88) / [Elisa Coda] H. Pasqua (ed.), Nicolas de Cues et l’Islam, Éditions de l’Institut Supérieur de Philosophie - Peeters, Louvain-la-Neuve - Leuven - Paris - Walpole (MA) 2013 (Philosophes Médiévaux, 59).

Dr Yorav Meyrav has recently published two important editions of the same fundamental work: Themistius' paraphrase of the 12th book from Aristotle's Metaphysics. The study of Themistius' paraphrase-originally written in Greek, then translated into Arabic, and eventually in Hebrew-is a textual challenge in itself and can be summarized in this almost ironic line: "this is a study of a translation of a translation of a book about a book" (Themistius' Paraphrase, p. 1). These two publications are quite different from each other with respect to dimensions, readership, and readability. Nevertheless, they are complementary in pedagogical and educational terms. Therefore, they will be discussed together in the present review as I examine their similarities and differences. These two related publications pursue two common goals: first, clarifying how Greek philosophy has progressively penetrated Arabic philosophy through translations and paraphrases; second, showing how Jewish philosophy has gradually departed from the original Arabic setting and gradually developed in an autonomous philosophical system.

Our paper aims at bringing more facts to light over one of the Lower Danube forts – i.e. Cius (Gârliciu), by using all available data, including cartographic information, archive mentions by Pamfil Polonic, other epigraphic and numismatic elements, or aero-photogrammetric high-resolution imagery.
In early 3rd century AD it was mentioned in Itinerarium Antonini Augusti 224.5, at a distance of 10000 steps from Carsium (Hârșova) and other 14000 steps from Beroe (Piatra Frecăței). Both forts identified at Cius are situated on Hissarlık Hill, at the end of a 1.5 km long narrow peninsula mentioned by Themistius in the 4th century AD, almost surrounded by water and wetland. In ancient times, Cius must have had direct contact to the river and very likely had its own port. Nobody knows anything on the earlier 2nd-3rd century castellum and if it stood on the same plateau or if it exploited some other vantage point in the area.
On the contrary, Late Roman Cius (120 x 120 m) was built, as most of the fortifications along the Lower Danube frontier, in the last decades of the 3rd — early decades of the 4th century. Equipped with U-shaped towers and possibly with a splayed fan-shaped or rectangular (?) corner-tower projecting outward, the larger fortification presents typical Tetrarchic / Constantinian characteristics, revealed by interpreting recent aerial photos.
A second, smaller fort (85 x 60 m) has been identified at the end of the peninsula towards the Hasarlâc Lake. With its Bauinschrift dated AD 369 found somewhere in the middle of its northern side, the latter must be the one explicitly mentioned by Themistius in his On the Peace – 10th Oration, as being built on a personal initiative of Emperor Valens, during his Gothic war against Athanaric.

In Essentialität und Notwendigkeit: Avicenna und die Aristotelische Tradition Fedor Benevich presents the key doctrine of Avicenna’s (d. 1037) metaphysics and epistemology: his theory of essence and the scientific determination of essential and necessary attributes. The book studies central notions of Avicenna’s philosophy such as essentiality, necessity, universality, immediacy, primacy, and specificity. It also provides an unprecedented account of how Avicenna’s views on these issues changed throughout his career, in arguing for his revolutionary “conceptual essentialism”. Avicenna’s position partially follows the Aristotelian tradition yet also departs from it, especially when Avicenna argues against the Baghdad Peripatetic School.

Im 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr. etablierte Kaiser Theodosius das sogenannte Palastkaisertum und verbrachte einen großen Teil seiner Regierungszeit in Konstantinopel.
Dieser wichtige Umbruch, der eine Tradition begründete, die in Ostrom bis ins 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr. andauern sollte, ist insofern erklärungsbedürftig, als sich die römischen Kaiser ab dem 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. vor allem durch ihre Rolle als Verteidiger des Reiches an der Front legitimierten. Die vorliegende Studie analysiert, wie schon seit der Mitte des 4. Jahrhunderts Vorgänger von Theodosius eine Neudefinition des Kaisertums versuchten und auf welche Weise es erst Theodosius gelang, das Palastkaisertum als akzeptierte Form der Kaiserherrschaft zu etablieren.

In the first book of his Physics, Aristotle investigates the principles and the causes of natural things, and discusses the relevant theories of his predecessors. Having rejected the doctrine of the Eleatics (Ph. 1.2-3), he turns in Ph. 1.4 to the natural philosophers and argues against the infinity of Anaxagoras’ principles. The paper presents the interpretation of the Aristotelian discussion in Ph. 1.4 given by Themistius (4. century A.D.) in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics (In Ph. 5,2.13.9-17.26, ed. Schenkl). The text of Themistius is divided into sections corresponding to the arguments of Aristotle, translated into Polish, preceded by an introduction and provided with explanatory notes.

The fall of Alexandria on the 1st of August 30 BC marks the end of the Ptolemaic kingdom and the beginning of Augustus’ supremacy. That day is usually remembered as the date of Antony’s death, and as the prologue to the tragic events that led to Cleopatra’s suicide. It is another episode which happened on the very same day, however, which became famous in antiquity: the pardon that the son of Caesar granted to the Alexandrians, announced with a speech delivered in the city’s gymnasium. The reception of this episode crosses different literary genres, spanning the first four centuries AD: it is reported by Plutarch (Ant. 80, Mor. 207a-b, 814c-e), Cassius Dio (li. 16. 3-4), the emperor Julian (Ep. 111. 433d-434a) and Themistius (Or. viii. 108b-c, Or. xiii. 173b-c). Through the analysis of these authors’ use and interpretation of the episode in light of their respective literary agendas and different socio-political environments, this paper provides a reception history of the episode from the high imperial period to late antiquity. It is finally suggested that its value as a historical example of both the emperor’s clemency and the philosopher’s advisory role was the key factor of its success.

Paper presented at the Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Conference, Fordham University, New York, 2014.

In Aristotle’s De anima 3.5, the relation between intellect and thought, and between thought and object, is not accessible to discursive or conscious thought; an understanding of the relation requires nous, intuitive or “unconscious” thought. The “active” intellect is accessible to discursive reason only sporadically. “Mind does not think intermittently” (De anima 430a10–25): mind is always thinking, consciously and unconsciously. Alexander of Aphrodisias saw the active intellect as transcendent in relation to the material intellect. The thought which is an object of thought is immaterial, or unconscious. In his De intellectu (108), there must be something at work in thought for which “what it is to be intellect does not lie in its being thought by us,” that is, unconscious. In the De anima of Themistius, mind as passive, in its material potentiality, is destructible and subject to time, but mind as active is free from its material conditions. Discursive thinking is equivalent to thinking in time; time is not present in the same way in unconscious thought or dreams. In the De intellectu of Alfarabi, when intellect “thinks that existent thing which is an intellect in actuality, it does not think an existing thing outside of itself but it only thinks itself,” in unconscious thought. Intellect as the object of its own thought is inaccessible to conscious reason. Intellect ascends from material to agent intellect and we ascend “from that which is best known to us to that which is unknown,” in the unconscious. The knowledge of things which are most accessible to intellect is the lowest form of knowledge; in order to develop, intellect must come to grasp the knowledge which is least accessible and most unconscious. In the Liber Naturalis of Avicenna, intellect is seen as a palimpsest of traces of forms and thoughts of varying clarity in relation to cognition, conscious thought. Unconscious thought is seen as the intelligible in cognition in the Aristotelian model, only accessible to conscious thought or actual intellect to varying degrees. The active intellect of Averroes can be seen as a form of unconscious thought. In his Long Commentary on the De anima, the activity of the active intellect makes images intelligible in unconscious thought, according to Franz Brentano.

Gemeinhin wird dem Neuplatonismus ein nur geringes Interesse an politischen oder sozialphilosophischen Fragen nachgesagt. Es sei den Neuplatonikern lediglich um Metaphysik und die individuelle Vervollkommnung des Philosophierenden selbst, nicht um eine kollektive Vervollkommnung oder um eine Reform politischer Gemeinschaften gegangen. Die individuelle Vervollkommnung, die im Sinne Platons in der "Angleichung an Gott, soweit das möglich ist" (ὁμοίωσις θεῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν, Tht. 176b1) bestand, 1 schließe eine politische Betätigung nachgerade aus, weil sie nicht zum höheren Sein führe und den Menschen in dem über sich selbst hinausführenden Streben einschränke.

This article argues that Oration 1 by Themistius was prompted by violence at Constantinople in 341-2, and that the likeliest date for the speech is as early as March 342. Detailed arguments are presented in support of this correlation, which contrasts with the usual assignment of Themistius' speech to either 347/348 or 350/351. The wider signicance of these arguments is also highlighted. In particular, there are implications for our understanding of the chronology and overall trajectory of Themistius' early career; and implications for the development of imperial ideology in the 340s.

«La place du discours 'Sur la vertu' et de la 'Réponse à Maxime' dans l'oeuvre de Thémistios et leurs rapports avec l'Empereur Julien et son entourage»

Projet de mémoire par Yann Vadnais.

Deuxième cycle en Études anciennes
Université Laval

This paper reconstructs the account of concept formation developed in the 4th Century A.D. by Themistius in what is the most ancient extant commentary on Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics. I argue that Themistius’ account can be distinguished from two widespread interpretations of Aristotle: psychological empiricism and intuitionism. Unlike psychological empiricists, Themistius ascribes an active role in concept formation to our capacity of understanding. Unlike intuitionists, he would not be satisfied by saying that νοῦς “intuits” or “spots” concepts; rather, we need to specify what makes our νοῦς capable of “finding” and “recognizing” concepts in experience and this can only be an understanding prior to all experience. I suggest that Themistius was pushed in this direction by Platonist arguments against Aristotle’s epistemology. But, despite the judgment of some modern scholars, Themistius never embraced the theory of recollection either (he rejects it decisively). He believed that he can show why both empiricism and Platonist innatism are wrong. Themistius develops, in response, a middle path marked by a strong interdependence between the perceptive and the rational capacity.

Themistius departs from the Aristotelian tradition and divides thinking into imagination and judgment. Imagination is a faculty for discernment in which an image is formed. Imagination is distinguished from sense perception; the relation between imagination and sense perception is the same as the relation between sense perception and the object of sense perception.

Augusto nei discorsi politici di Temistio

Parole-chiave: Augusto, Temistio, discorsi politici, filosofia e regalità, l’umanità del principe, barbari.

Riassunto: Come hanno dimostrato alcuni studiosi, Temistio, un’intelletuale greco tardoantico, manifesta un’evidente disinteresse per la storia come forma di conoscenza; il riferimento storico, particolarmente l’esempio (paradeigma), appare utilizzato soprattutto all’interno dell’argomentazione ideologica, rispettivamente come definizione di aspetti del potere regio, e di qualità degli imperatori regnanti. Il nostro contributo si concentra sui riferimenti che Temistio fa alla figura di Augusto nei Discorsi politici. Rispetto ad Alessandro ed altri sovrani (ad esempio, gli Antonini), la frequenza di ricorrenze di Augusto non è grande (14 menzioni). Il criterio seguito nell’analisi è stato soprattutto quello dei problemi politico-ideologici sviluppati da Temistio nei suoi discorsi, e in particolare: 1) il collegamento fra filosofia e regalità, la buona disposizione del principe ad ascoltare i consiglieri filosofi (Augusto onorò il filosofo Ario, ma fu tenuto soltanto come spettatore delle sue imprese) (Or. 5, 63D [Per il consolato dell’imperatore Gioviano] (364); Or. 8, 108B-C [Per il quinto anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: il carattere del principe] (368); Or. 10, 130B [A Valente, per il trattato di pace] (370); Or. 11, 145B [Per il decimo anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: la dottrina che si addice al principe] (373); Or. 13, 173C [Discorso d’amore: la beltà del principe] (376)); Or. 34, 8 [A chi lo accusa per aver accettato la prefettura urbana] (385)); 2) philanthropia dell’imperatore – l’amore verso i sudditi (Or. 8, 115B [Per il quinto anniversario dell’incoronazione di Valente: il carattere del principe] (368); Or. 13, 174D [Discorso d’amore: la beltà del principe] (376); Or. 15, 193A [A Teodosio: la più regale fra le virtù] (381)); la magnanimità verso i nemici (Or. 7, 96B [La rivolta fallita] (366/7)); l’umanità limitata d’Augusto (Augusto amico soltanto dei Romani, non di tutti gli uomini) (Or. 10, 132C [A Valente, per il trattato di pace] (370); Or. 16, 211C [Ringraziamento all’imperatore per la pace e il consolato del generale Saturnino] (383); Or. 34, 25 [A chi lo accusa per aver accettato la prefettura urbana] (385)).

Edizioni:
Temistio, Discorsi, a cura di Riccardo Maisano, Torino, 1995; Perseus Digital Library (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/)

RESUMO: Com o presente artigo, temos por objetivo discutir a opinião de Temístio de Bizâncio expressa em sua Oratio XXVI intitulada " O direito do filósofo a falar em público " , acerca da atuação política dos filósofos e retores no século IV. A escola neoplatônica, principal corrente intelectual pagã do final da Antigüidade, propugnava que os filósofos deveriam se retirar da cidade, evitando assim qualquer intervenção no governo da polis. Já Temístio, por sua vez, se opõe a esse tipo de concepção e, no confronto com aqueles que o acusam de desvirtuar o conhecimento filosófico por meio de inovações espúrias, defende a importância da filosofia para a construção do espaço público com base na antiga tradição intelectual grega estabelecida por Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles. ABSTRACT: In this article we aim at discussing Themistius' conceptions on the political action of philosophers and rethors in the IV Century A.D. through the ideas that the Oratio XXVI, entitled " The right of the philosophers speak up publicly " , conveys. According to the Neo-Platonist school, the main Pagan intellectual stream in the end of the Ancient World, the philosophers should avoid contributing to the political life of their local communities, refusing any public charge. Otherwise, Themistius refutes this kind of political conception and defends the philosophical contribution to the construction of a public space in the polis based on Greek intellectual principles settled by ancient philosophers such as Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. A participação ativa dos filósofos no governo das suas respectivas comunidades é, como se sabe, uma experiência que foi duramente abalada em virtude da crise do sistema políade após a Guerra do Peloponeso, quando as principais correntes de pensamento do período helenístico redefiniram o lugar ocupado pelos filósofos

Around the year 350 a young orator and philosopher by the name of Themistius delivered a speech to the emperor Constantius II (337-361) in Ancyra. Although Constantius was a committed Christian and Themistius a non-Christian educated in traditional Hellenic paideia, imperial favour quickly followed. Constantius continued to show Themistius great favour until the emperor’s death as did three subsequent vigorous Christian emperors, deeply committed to the Christian cause. The dynamic underlying the relationship between Themistius and Constantius somehow continued to apply. Themistius pronounced keynote speeches for the emperors Jovian (363-364), Valens (364-378) and Theodosius (379-395), before he eventually disappeared from public life, probably through retirement in around 384/5. Themistius kept himself centre stage in the political and cultural life of the capital city of the eastern half of the empire impressively negotiating his way through four changes of imperial regime; his relationship with emperor Julian (361-363), a pagan and former pupil, was not as warm as one might expect

Στην παρούσα μελέτη παρουσιάζω το βιβλίο των P. Heather και D. Moncur Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century: Selected Orations of Themistius, Liverpool University Press, 2002, και εξετάζω πώς κατόρθωσε ο εθνικός Θεμίστιος να κερδίσει την εμπιστοσύνη τόσων πολλών χριστιανών αυτοκρατόρων.

... Le pilier de cette identité romano-chrétienne sera la figure de l'empereur, du basileus, dont la mission céleste consiste à faire triompher la foi chrétienne sur tout l'orbis terrarum. ... Bayet , J. La religión romana ; historia política y psicológica. ... Rio de Janeiro, Jorge Zahar, 1999. ...

The Rhetoric of Landscape in Gregory of Nyssa’s Homilies On The Song of Songs: Logos, beauty and the ‘middle style’

Presented to:
XIII International Colloquium on Gregory of Nyssa: Homilies on the Song of Songs
Rome, 17-20 September 2014, Pontifical University of the Holy Cross

VIEW THIS LECTURE ON YOU TUBE: https://youtu.be/7CFe83GBE14