Turkey And Europe

The paper aims to give an in-depth analysis of the democratisation process in Turkey and attempts to evaluate the lessons that may be learned from this experience. Being one of the aims of the Barcelona process, democratisation is a general theme of politics in the Mediterranean. The countries in the Mediterranean region are experiencing problems in establishing a democratic system of governance. The transition process in countries such as Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria, Jordan and Egypt run into similar problems experienced in Turkey. Thus being countries that share cultural and social commonalities they may benefit from Turkey’s experiences. The paper attempts to examine whether Turkey’s example of a democratic and secular country with a predominantly Moslem population can also be repeated in similar countries of the region. The main research question will revolve around the analysis of Turkey’s process of democratisation, conditioned by the role of the state, state-society relations, secularism and development of civil society and answer the question whether Turkey’s case is unique, i.e. that it rests on the existence of distinctive factors and cannot be replicated elsewhere, or it may serve as an example for other countries that share similar cultural and socio-economic factors and commonalities in historical development. It must also be emphasised that EU has been an important external stimulus for the democratisation process in Turkey. The paper also attempts to place the issue in the context of the EU’s Mediterranean policy and the Euro-Mediterranean process and evaluate the impact that the EU factor may have on the prospects of democracy in the region.

This study focuses on the European Union’s (EU) discursive construction, and representation in the process of its enlargement. It problematizes the presently common tendency of doing so in ways which portray EU expansion as an expansion of Europe. At issue are thus practices conflating and equating the EU and Europe which pervade much of related academic, political and public debates and discourses, and so structure how we know of and imagine enlarging EU. Embracing post-structuralist and discourse-theoretical analytical and interpretative framework, this work points to the political character of representing the EU in this and, for that matter, any other fashion. Pursuit of this assertion necessitates a ‘step back’ from, and critical consideration of mainstream political and scholarly presuppositions concerning the Union and its enlargement in their arbitrariness. The very problematization of practices equating the EU and Europe, or of their allied ‘Europe-building’ concept of ‘European identity’, is conceivable and ‘meaningful’ only once we admit that these are not politically innocent components of an ‘objective’ grasp on ‘present’ or ‘emergent’ social realities in Europe and the EU but instead ‘merely’ value-laden interpretative possibilities biased in favour of the EU-official federalist integration project. Anticipating a divergence in conceptions and portrayals of the Union by senior EU members, elite and institutions on the one hand, and the new post-communist Member States on the other, this study examines national discursive spaces in the so-called Visegrad countries. On the basis of this extensive empirical enquiry, it reports rather distinctive understandings of the EU/European integration therein, affirming thus the suspected dissonance from the EU mainstream. They are attributed to several factors, considerations and concerns which are posited to be very likely shared more widely among post-communist member countries. The Visegrad societies’ conceptions of the EU and of its relation to Europe converge on a number of crucial points. These can be seen and interpreted as combining into a latent alternative European integration project which envisions persisting primacy of national identifications and maintenance of the current social and political organization of European space. The EU is conceived of as enlarging common political superstructure of Europe of nations and their states rather than a certain culture-bound, ‘thicker’ community of ‘post-national’ subjects of a ‘pan-European’ federal entity with centre in Brussels. The study challenges in this context the prevalent political and scholarly tendency to reduce debates on and contention over the character and future of European integration to a binary conflict between the so-called ‘Euroenthusiasts’ vs. ‘Eurosceptics’. Building on insights of Lacanian psychoanalysis as deployed by discourse theorists, it suggests that it may be precisely the suppressed democratic conflict of competing visions and projects of European integration which greatly contributes to the lacking popular identification with the process and the EU, and prompts some ‘obscene’ or more ‘excessive’ expressions of discontent with it.

Modern Türkiye’de Siyasî Düşünce külliyatının Modernleşme ve Batıcılık cildini inceleyeceğiz. Bu cilt dizinin diğer kitapları gibi çeşitli düşünürlerin yazılarından oluşmaktadır. Külliyat siyasi fikirlere odaklanmışken bu cildin de Türkiye’nin batılılaşma çabasındaki siyasi durumu ele aldığı görülmektedir.

Cihan Harbi Avrupa’yı karanlık bir evreye sokuyor, 19. yüzyılın refah ortamını sonlandırırken kararsızlıklarla dolu bir dönemi başlatıyordu. Türkiye insanının bu gelişmelerden etkilenmemesi düşünülemezdi. Üstelik Cumhuriyet Türkiyesi  hilafeti ve saltanatı kaldırmış, Batı’ya yönelmiş, “yeni hayat” özlemiyle yaşam tarzında köklü dönüşümlere gitmişti. Reform kaygıları, seküler yaşam özlemi, Osmanlı kültür kodlarının sorgulanışı, nesiller arası uyumsuzluklar yoksul ülkenin insanlarını her geçen gün çözümsüzlüğe yöneltmişti. 30’lu yıllarda “ideal”lerle donatılmış kendi “yeni insan”ına ulaşıncaya kadar Türkiye inkılaplarla toplumsal travmayı birlikte yaşayacaktı. Jön Türklerin İkinci Meşrutiyet yıllarına özgü sosyoloji tutkularının yerini bu kez Cumhuriyet’le birlikte psikoloji ve psikiyatri alıyordu. Durkheim’in pabucu dama atılmış, Freud’a ve Bergson’a umut bağlanmıştı. 
Türkiye’de Yeni Hayat 1908-1928 çağdaş yaşam özleminin toplumsal travmaya dönüşümünün öyküsü. Nüfus sorunu başta olmak üzere, kadının, gençliğin, çocuğun erkek Cumhuriyet döneminde karşılaştıkları sorunları ele alan Zafer Toprak uzun savaş yıllarının neden olduğu bunalımı, yoksulluğun neden olduğu fuhuşu,  intiharlarla sonuçlanan umutsuzluğu dönemin kaynaklarına başvurarak gün ışığına çıkarıyor.

The huge flow of migrants to Europe in 2015 created an unprecedented irregular migration pressure over many European countries and labeled frequently as the refugee crisis. The initial reaction of the EU member states to this development became to take individual measures, such as strengthening or re-launching border controls. The failure of these responses taken at the national level and the rising existential threat towards the Schengen regime motivated the EU member states and institutions to search for a common European solution by resorting to the migration cooperation developing since the mid-1980s. After the ineffectiveness of the common measures in producing the expected outcomes, the EU decided to develop further its ongoing migration cooperation with the accession countries in the Western Balkans and Turkey. This study aims to examine the EU's migration cooperation with the accession countries within the scope of the refugee crisis. After providing a short account of the intra-EU measures, the study analyses the migration cooperation with the Western Balkan countries and Turkey respectively.

The Eastern Aegean Islands are demilitarized under Article 13 of the Lausanne Peace Treaty. Pursuant to said Article, Greece cannot have naval base and establish fortifications in the islands.
No international document has provided Greece the right to militarize the islands in question. Besides that except for the circumstances stated in the United Nations Charter, the principle of self-defense cannot be arbitrarily evoked. As for the Aegean Army of Turkey, it should be underlined that contrary to the status of the Eastern Aegean Islands, the Turkish territories of the Aegean region are not under any demilitarized status.
The demilitarization provisions are essential to the accomplishment of the purpose of the 1923 Lausanne Peace Treaty. It is worthwhile to remember how İsmet Pasha as head of the Turkish Delegation explained the Turkish views on 25 November 1922 in the Territorial and Military Commission of the Lausanne Conference regarding the sovereignty and demilitarization of the said islands. He said in this respect that “The Aegean islands, which depended geographically on Asia Minor, were of great importance for the peace and security of Anatolia.”
It should be kept in mind that there is a direct linkage between the possession of sovereignty over those islands and their demilitarized status. Demilitarization is the essential precondition of Greek sovereignty over these islands. It can be emphasized that demilitarization clauses are sine quo non for the Aegean status quo. Trying to replace this status quo with faits accomplis is equivalent to opening Pandora’s Box which is to be carefully avoided.

This article tells the story of the friendship between the late Belgian theatre director and author, Eric De Volder, and Turkey, more specifically, the fishing village Karaburun, the most nordic point on the peninsula in the İzmir province, and one of the most western points of Anatolia, on the coastline of the Aegean Sea. The story is based on anecdotes and archival materials, and has at least three protagonists: that of his wife, photographer and visual artist, Tania Desmet; his friend, director, cofounder of Theater RAST in Amsterdam, and translator of three of his plays, Şaban Ol; and Karaburun itself, which delivers the setting and the mise-en-scène in which their encounters were perhaps less coincidental than that the protagonists could ever imagine. Eric De Volder's story in Karaburun is focused around themes of authenticity, intercultural contact, work process, and social history. The article ends with a short reflection on the politics of friendship (Derrida 1994) through Eric De Volder's work and the time he spent in Turkey.

The  political  and  diplomatic  relations  between  Turkey  and  Syria  have  often  been  characterized  by  tensions  and conflicts. Among the critical moments that have constantly occurred between these two Middle Eastern countries there is a particular common thread that is rarely subjected to critical analysis: water conflicts. In these respects, Ankara and Damascus have given rise to decades of strenuous disputes in order to obtain a geopolitical advantage in terms of hydro-hegemony.  The battlefield was the Euphrates River, one  of the most iconic  waterways  in western Asia. Dangerous tensions between Turks and Syrians occurred until 1998, when the Adana Protocol was signed. Since then, the two so-called ‘riparian’ states have inaugurated a new phase in their foreign relations, particularly concerning the common management of transboundary waters. To cement this new era of peace and stability, both governments have launched a joint project renamed ‘Friendship Dam’, a water infrastructure on the Orontes River, located on the border between Turkey and Syria. However, the crisis erupted in 2011 and the umpteenth military operation carried out by the Turkish army on Syrian soil in October 2019 have significantly thwarted the political coordination process aimed at building this mutually beneficial project.

Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve Yüce Türk Devletleri kuruluş felsefeleri itibari ile nice
devletlere gebe kalmış, bağımsız devletleri vücuda getirmiş can olmuş kan olmuş,
mukaddes ve kadim topraklara hükmetmiş Cihandaki itibarımız onur ve şerefimiz her
daim artmış ve yüksek bir kararlılıkla da artacaktır. İstiklal Ruhumuz, İstikametle İstikbale
doğru yüce bir şevkle yol alacaktır.
Türkiye Cumhuriyetinin Banisi Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ve Asil Vatan
Evlatlarının kara sınırlarımızdaki Mîsâk-ı Millî Doktrini ve Emekli Deniz Tümamirallerimiz
Sn. Cem Gürdeniz ve Sn. Cihat Yaycı'nın ulusal ve uluslararası deniz sularındaki Mavi
Vatan Doktrini "Kızıl Elma" olarak nitelendirebileceğimiz hedeflerdendir. Hatta Mavi
Vatan' ı, Misak-i Bahri (denizle ilgili olan yemin) olarak beyan etmek mümkündür. Hem
karada hem de denizde topyekün istihbari iktisadi askeri ve enerji ve maden politikalarına
dair açık ve kapalı kaynaklı İstihbarat destekli stratejiler geliştirmemiz /
geliştirecek olmamız bölgesel güç olmanın yanı sıra küresel bir aktör olmanın
senaryosunu hazırlayacaktır.
Selçuklu'dan, Osmanlı'dan gelen tarihsel bağların neticesinde oluşan
sonuçlar bugünün bir sirayeti değil geçmişi yüzyıllar öncesine dayanan ikili ilişkilere,
insani ticari siyasi ve diplomatik hususlara dayanmaktadır. Ortak stratejik akıl ile hareket
edilerek Libya ile yapılan askeri ve İstihbari çalışmalar, Katar ile yapılan askeri ve iktisadi
çalışmalar, Endonezya & Açe de, Sudan & Sevakin Adası'nda ve Somali'de Osmanlı'dan
gelen tarihsel bağlar, bu coğrafyalarda da strateji ve doktrin geliştirmemiz gerektiği
sonucuna varılmaktadır.

UE-Turkey Relations. Current status and future perspectives. The thesis considers the topic of mutual EU-Turkey relations and the possibilities of its further development. In thesis the author includes such important topics like: conflict on Cyprus, Turkey's attitude towards Kurdish miniority and currently politics conducting by incumbent president R.T. Erdogan.

Information technology outsourcing provides several advantages for organizations, such as reducing the cost of ownership of IT products/services, providing rapid access to modern technologies. However, when the outsourcing relationship is not managed effectively, the desired results are not always achieved. This article aims to reveal the role of contract and relationship norms in the success of the IT outsourcing relationship, by focusing on the Turkish domestic market. Firstly, the measurement scales of the research were developed by making use of the previous studies and field interviews. Then the measurement model and hypotheses were tested using the partial least square method. It was concluded that both contract and relationship norms affect IT outsourcing success, but the contract is more effective than relationship norms for IT outsourcing success. Furthermore, it is concluded that relationship norms have a mediating effect between the contract and IT outsourcing success.

Turkey’s different recent moves in the Eastern Mediterranean, it is argued, aim to disrupt the game plans of other countries. Backed by military instruments, Turkey has confronted regional adversaries, including some of its NATO allies. It has undertaken naval exercises or deployed its navy to support its seismic surveys and has thwarted other players’ drilling efforts, hence blocking the monetization of the area’s natural resources, not to mention its military involvement in the Libya conflict. There is a tendency to view such actions as erratic moves aimed at disrupting the game plans of others which can hardly be explained by strategic considerations. Disruption is definitely part of Turkey’s regional conduct, but it would be misleading to downplay it as aimless. Such moves can be best conceptualized as part of coercive diplomacy, which is based on the threat of punishment or threat of denial to achieve desired objectives.

The paper analyses the various ways in which Europe/the EU is represented as Turkey's Other in the discourse of the four main Turkish political parties. The analysis is carried out according to the definition of five forms of Othering in International Relations proposed by Diez (2005) and Manners (2006) as well as the conception of Other as superior proposed, for instance, by Zarakol (2011). In contrast to traditional Kemalist discourse, which tends to view Europe as both threat and civilisational model, AKP discourse in particular tends to frame Europe as inferior and as belonging to a different civilisation, thus revealing a more self-confident, inclusive and Islamist national identity discourse

Bu yazı Şule GÖKÇENAY’ın (2009) Lozan Antlaşması’dan AB Sürecine Türkiye’de Azınlık Hakları başlıklı yazısı okunduktan sonra “konsept maping” çalışması yapmak amacı ile yazılmıştır.

Ülkemizde Azınlık Hak ve Hukuku çalışmalarının Lozan Antlaşması ile başlaması ve bu gün bile geçerli temel üzerine oturmuş olması her yönü ile bizim için onur vesilesidir.
Azınlık kavramının 19.yy büyük Avrupa Devletleri’nin zihinlerindeki yeri siyasi hayatta Balkan Savaşları ve mübadelelerin sonucunda oluşuyor. Hatta Balkan Savaşları’nın nedenleri arasında sayılır.
Yapılan her düzenlemenin bir bütünlük arzetmesi için Avrupa Konseyi’nin Türkiye Raporları’nın yalnız iki başlık altında; Medeni ve Siyasi Haklar ile Ekonomik, Sosyal ve Kültürel Haklar başlıkları altında toplanması gerektiğine inanıyorum.
Kürt insanlarımızın İstiklal Savaşı’na katılmış olmaları ülkemizde egemen unsur olduklarına delildir. Medeni ve Siyasi Haklar başlığı altında resmileşen son çalışmalarla yönetime katkıları artmaktadır. Henüz imzalanmamış Ulusal Azınlıkların Korunmasına İlişkin Çerçeve Sözleşme ve Avrupa Bölgesel veya Azınlık Dilleri Şartı ülkemizin Lozan Antlaşması ile oluşturduğu zeminde yerini bulan ve fakat uygulama yönü ile Kıbrıs için Birliğin önünde duran zor sınavlar gibi anlaşılmaktadır.
Avrupa Birliği açısından örnek alınabilecek benzer uygulamanın, Türkiye’nin uzun zamandır beraber çalıştığı Amerika’nın Pakistan- Afganistan bölgesindeki tasarruflarında görüleceği düşünülebilir.

Turkey’s geostrategic location at the crossroads of Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, and its dual identity as both a European and Asian state is unique in the world. The country safeguards strategic waterways and offers NATO critical staging bases and logistical support to extend its reach in the Middle East. With its dual identity, multiaxial foreign policy and hybrid political regime, Turkey also emerges as a pivotal swing state in shaping the contours of a stronger Transatlantic Alliance in the emerging new global world order marked by growing power competition between Western liberal democracies and Eastern autocratic regimes.

From its establishment, the European Union presented potential members with the possibility of economic development through its single market economy that many countries have found attractive, encouraging their accession. Beyond the economic aspect, the European Union could bring together countries that share a similar set of democratic values in order to provide its members with enhanced security. Since the beginning of the European Union, Turkey has expressed a keen interest in this integration process and has eventually began the membership application. However, Turkey has encountered many impediments throughout the progression of their application, resulting in a stand still. Although they have signed numerous agreements with the European Union, have undergone several positive development and full-membership has often been alluded to, Turkey remains an outsider to European unity. The topic of Turkey membership is likely to continue as a contentious topic on the agenda of the European Union, as Turkey has failed to fully undertake the necessary reformations to their institutions and actions that would render them as a legitimate European Union member-state. Though accession negotiations have been initiated, this paper will argue that Turkey’s aggressive foreign policy and actions towards Greece, its evolution into an authoritarian government, the resulting human rights violations and the implications for the Middle East if accepted will prevent its accession into the European Union.

Η παρούσα μελέτη φιλοδοξεί να σκιαγραφήσει το μεταψυχροπολεμικό πλαίσιο εκτύλιξης της τουρκικής στρατηγικής συμπεριφοράς με άξονα αναφοράς την ενέργεια και πιο συγκεκριμένα, την παραγωγή και τη διαμετακόμιση υδρογονανθράκων επί του «Ενεργειακού Διαδρόμου Ανατολής-Δύσης». Η παρατηρούμενη διάσταση μεταξύ αρχικών στόχων, ενδιάμεσων ενεργειών υλοποίησης και τελικών αποτελεσμάτων της τουρκικής ενεργειακής πολιτικής καταγράφεται ως ασυνέχεια νοούμενη εν τέλει ως ασυνέπεια υπό την έννοια ότι η Τουρκία επέδειξε μία αλλοπρόσαλλη στρατηγική συμπεριφορά, η οποία είναι αμφίβολο αν υπηρετούσε το σκοπό της ενεργειακής αναβάθμισής της. Το συγκεκριμένο γεγονός πλήττει καίρια το κύρος της χώρας, αλλά αναδεικνύει και τα όρια της επιθετικότητάς της. Αμέσως μετά το τέλος του Ψυχρού Πολέμου διατυπώθηκαν μεγαλεπήβολοι στόχοι με ρητές αναφορές στους υδρογονάνθρακες των μετασοβιετικών δημοκρατιών και της Μέσης Ανατολής, κατόπιν αυτοί κατέρρευσαν και εν τέλει, θεμελιώθηκε μία ετεροβαρής ενεργειακή σχέση με την Ρωσία. Υπό το συγκεκριμένο πρίσμα και παραπέμποντας στην προσήκουσα χαρτογραφία, γίνεται προσπάθεια να απαντηθούν τα εξής ερωτήματα: Ποιες ήταν οι παράμετροι ένταξης της ενέργειας στα στρατηγικά μέσα της Τουρκίας κατά τη διάρκεια του μεταψυχροπολέμου; Πώς επηρέασε το εν λόγω ζήτημα τις τουρκορωσικές σχέσεις; Υπήρχαν σημεία σύνδεσης της ευρύτερης γεωστρατηγικής της Τουρκίας με την ενεργειακή πολιτική της;

Kazamias drew a distinction between immediate and underlying causes of Kotzias's resignation.  He said "Kotzias' resignation underscores the already weak position of the Tsipras Government" and exposes shortcomings within its core policymaking team, slamming Tsipras's decision to let Kotzias go at such an inappropriate time.

Bağımsızlık ve egemenlik mücadeleleri tıpkı teknolojik ilerlemenin değişkenlik arzeden ilerleyişi gibi değişkenlik göstermiştir. Sadece bağımsızlık ve egemenlik mücadeleleri değil, daha makro bir bakış açısıyla, savaşların özelliklerinde de değişiklikler olmuştur. Meydan savaşlarının yerine cephe savaşları gelmiş, bunu konvansiyonel savaş takip etmiş, konvansiyonel savaşı da gerilla savaşı takip etmiştir. 21’nci yüzyıldan sonra ise siber savaş, hibrit savaş, psikolojik savaş, dördüncü nesil savaş ve ekonomik savaş gibi savaş türleri yaygınlaşmıştır. 18-19 ve hatta 20’nci yüzyıllarda bağımsızlık savaşı veren ulusları incelediğimizde, bu ulusların genellikle gerilla savaşı ve konvansiyonel savaş gibi savaş türleri içerisinde olduklarını inceleyebilmekteyiz. Buna en büyük örnek Türk Kurtuluş Savaşı ve bunu takip eden Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin kuruluşudur. Fakat 21’nci yüzyıla gelindiğinde, teknolojinin değişmesi ile birlikte savaş türlerinin de değiştiğini gözlemleyebilmekteyiz. Türkiye’nin içerisinde bulunmuş olduğu bu durum, bir bağımsızlık ve egemenlik mücadelesinden başka bir şey değildir. Türkiye’nin Akdeniz’de kendi haklarını ve egemenliğini koruduğu esnada; Fransa, Yunanistan, Mısır, BAE, Suudi Arabistan ve zaman zaman AB’yi karşısına alması bunun bir ispatıdır. Türkiye, Doğu Akdeniz’deki haklarını korurken Doğu Akdeniz ile bağlantısı olmayan BAE, Fransa ve Suudi Arabistan gibi ülkelerle mücadele etmesi de dikkatleri değerli kılan bir gelişmedir. Bu çalışmamızda, Türkiye’nin yukarıda zikretmiş olduğumuz devletlerle olan mücadelesinde esas aldığı dış politika enstrümanlarını inceleyeceğiz.

For a country that was never colonized, the title of the present article is greatly preoccupying; and indeed, what happens in today’s Turkey should consume much thought and analysis among not only Turks but also Russians, Chinese, Persians, Mexicans, Indians, Brazilians, Japanese, and useless to add it, Africans.

Having been formed in the nucleus part of the Ottoman Empire that constituted an uninterrupted continuity of more than 600 years, Turkey was first constrained to fight against all sorts of colonials: the Russians had been defeated in the North-East by Mustafa Kemal Pasha (later known as Ataturk) already before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. But there were French in the South, Italians in the South-East, English in Istanbul, and in the West, the Greeks were incited by the colonial powers to expand around Izmir. After the liberation of these territories, foreigners were not allowed to move through Turkey – except in rare cases and in custody. Thanks to Kemal Ataturk, Turkey was not colonized.
First published in AfroArticles, American Chronicle, and Buzzle on 23rd February 2009
Republished in Illyria Proboards on 29th January 2010

‘Civilization is a blazing fire that burns and obliterates those who will not acknowledge it’ – Kemal Ataturk.
Usually, people grown up in typical lower-middle-class families are able to leave memorable contributions not only to the history of their country, but also to that of the world`s. One vivid example, which proves this, is Kemal Ataturk. His determined, vigorous view of life inspired me from the moment I got acquainted with his, so-called, descendant during my recent visit to Turkey. Ali, as he called himself, had a talent of adroit story-teller. Never have I heard a more precise description of the ideas and the terms of the character of Ataturk.

"Only Duroselle was vindicated" - Ahrweiler, Megalommatis and the Greek Disease
Republication from the currently inactive blog 'The Greeks of the Orient'
First republished on 7th August 2021 here:
https://profmegalommatistextsingreek.wordpress.com/2021/08/07/μόνον-ο-ντυροζέλ-δικαιώθηκε-αρβελέ/
ΑΝΑΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΑ ΑΝΕΝΕΡΓΟ ΜΠΛΟΓΚ “ΟΙ ΡΩΜΙΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΤΟΛΗΣ”
Το κείμενο του κ. Νίκου Μπαϋρακτάρη είχε αρχικά δημοσιευθεί την 19η Ιουλίου 2019.

Στο ενθουσιαστικά υπέρ εμού γραμμένο κείμενό του, ο φίλος κ. Μπαϋρακτάρης αποδεικνύεται πολύ φειδωλός στις αναφορές του στο άχρηστο, μολυσμένο και σάπιο ακαδημαϊκό, εκπαιδευτικό, δημοσιογραφικό, δημοσιοϋπαλληλικό, πολιτικό, ψευτο-θρησκευτικό, καλλιτεχνικό και επαγγελματικό κατεστημένο της θεοκατάρατης ψευτο-Ελλάδας, η οποία βαδίζει προς το απαιτητό τέλος της και την βιολογική εξαφάνιση του εκεί συγκεντρωμένου ψευτο-έθνους. Όλα εδώ πληρώνονται, και η κάθαρση από την αριστερή-κομμουνιστική χολέρα της Χρυσής Αυγής, της ΝΔ, του ΠΑΣΟΚ, και των λοιπών κομματικών αποβρασμάτων θα απαιτήσει την εξολόθρευση του μισού πληθυσμού της χώρας. Το τι λέω είναι πολύ χαριστικό σε σχέση με τις επερχόμενες θεόσταλτες καταστροφές. Άλλωστε, και αν ακόμη λάβουμε υπόψει τις Κατευθυντήριες Πλάκες της Γεωργίας, η Ελλάδα -αναλογικά- δεν χρειάζεται πάνω από 700000 κατοίκους όλους κι όλους. Χωρίς έμφυτη και εμφανή τάση για ψυχική αυτοκυριαρχία, ηθική, ανεξαρτησία, ελεύθερη οικονομία, δημιουργικότητα και επινοητικότητα, ένας άνθρωπος δεν χρειάζεται να υπάρχει επειδή πολύ απλά δεν είναι άνθρωπος.

Ακολουθεί το κείμενο του κ. Μπαϋρακτάρη για την υπόθεση Ντυροζέλ, και ακολουθεί και δεύτερο μέρος.

Προσωπικά, δεν έχω ακόμη μιλήσει δημόσια για το θέμα μετά την Συνηγορία μου υπέρ του βιβλίου του επιφανούς ακαδημαϊκού παλιά, προ τριακονταετίας. Είναι προτιμώτερο να μην υπάρχει Ελλάδα, όταν θα μιλήσω.
----------------------------------- 
Το καθαυτό κείμενο της Συνηγορίας μου υπέρ της Ιστορίας Ντυροζέλ βρίσκεται εδώ¨
https://www.academia.edu/86544955/Κοσμάς_Μεγαλομμάτης_Συνηγορία_υπέρ_της_Ιστορίας_Ντυροζέλ_1990_

Media for Democracy, Democracy for Media Project”, implemented by the Association of Journalists with the financial support of the European Union, has prepared this report covering the first quarter of 2021 through utilizing open sources, scanning developments in the media, documenting violations reported to the project office, and through making use of the content of reports written by the Association of Journalists- “Press for Freedom Project.” This report may be reproduced partially or in whole by giving reference. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Association of Journalists and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.

The book series European Studies in the Caucasus offers innovative perspectives on regional studies of the Caucasus. By embracing the South Caucasus as well as Turkey and Russia, it moves away from a traditional viewpoint of European Studies that considers the countries of the region as objects of Europeanization. This second volume demonstrates this by looking into forms of inter-regionalism in the Black Sea–South Caucasus area in fields of economic cooperation, Europeanization of energy and environmental policies, discussing how the region is addressed in the elaboration of a new German Eastern Policy. In the section on norm diffusion, the contributors assess the normative power strategy of the EU and its paradoxes in the region, its impact on civil society development in Armenia, and democracy promotion in Georgia. In the section on legal approximation, issues of a global climate change regime and competition law in Georgia as well as penitentiary governance reform in the South Caucasus according to EU standards and policies are analyzed. All contributions also review regional or local contestations for the topics discussed here.

The aim of this article is to understand why the EU opted to conclude the ‘EU–Turkey refugee deal’ in March 2016 in the context of the Syrian refugee crisis, despite the fact that the agreement deeply contradicts fundamental EU values and norms. The article seeks to explain the outcome—the conclusion of the EU–Turkey refugee deal—by analysing not only the ability of EU institutions to shape decisions, but also their motivations, ideas and preferences in justifying the EU’s actions in responding to the refugee challenge. It is argued that the deal results from ideational and power struggles between supranational (the European Parliament and the European Commission) and intergovernmental institutions (the European Council and the Council of the European Union). It is demonstrated that while the former put forward normative arguments, the latter invoked security as a main concern to avoid internal divisions between Member States. This article also reveals that such ideational and power struggles have consequences for the EU’s identity. Theoretically, the article builds on the new intergovernmentalist claims and on the normative/ civilian power literature. Empirically, it explores the usage of normative justifications by EU institutions and points to inter-institutional tensions in framing the EU’s response to the refugee challenge.

The paper aims at explaining the main factors that lead to the idea of modernisation of the EU-Turkey Customs Union. By applying the two and three-level game approaches, developed by Robert Putnam,  it is shown that both sides’ overall win-sets are large yet bargaining power relatively weak due to obstacles related to the structure and implementation of the Customs Union. As a result, in the absence of a realistic EU membership path in the near future,  building a customs union 2.0 is presented as more important for the EU and for Turkey.

The possibility of Turkey’s accession to the European Union has been problematic. Initially, the EU’s pursuit of regional economic integration and enlargement of membership, at the exclusion of Turkey, strained relations between the two. It was not until 1999, and under pressure from the US, that Turkey was considered as a potential candidate for membership.

This book seeks to provide a comprehensive assessment of the fluctuating relations between the EU and Turkey in the twenty-first century. Applying complementary theoretical models to evaluate prospects for Turkey’s membership, analysis includes; Turkey’s report card on the Copenhagen criteria, public opinion in Europe and Turkey, and benefits and challenges based on projection estimates. The results show that whilst both sides stand to make significant gains from Turkey’s membership, the current state of affairs point in the direction of a failure.

Examining complex issues surrounding EU-Turkey relations and addressing the critical question of what will happen if Turkey is rejected by the EU, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of politics, Turkey and the wider Middle East.

Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi (Prof. Dr. Turan Güneş'e Armağan) Cilt 50, No. 3-4 (Haziran-Aralık 1995), s. 65-78.

Wilh revoluıionary changes in ıhe sysıem, Turüy's sırategic posilion has sıarıed LObeing evaluaıed.ln ıhis conıal some observers in Turkeyl and ıhe Wesı 2 have been examining how Turkey ıo'be ajfecıed by ıhese developmenıs and how lo continue lObe poıenıially imporıanı aclor in Europe, ıhe Middle Eası and Asia polilically, economically and sıraıegically. They ıry lo answer la a criıical queslion is ıhaı wheıher Turkey will coniılle to be a bridge beıween ıhe Wesı and ıhe Middle Eası or nol. In oıher words, iı would be continue lObe an imporıanı question is ıhaı wheıher Turkey accepls iıself a European country or an Easıern cowıty. So, ıhe purpose of ıhis assay is lo aamine ıhreaıs and problems which Turkey face lo face by evalualing lası developmenıs and how Turkey's poliıical and sıraıegic role and slalus in ıhe Wesıern Block being ajfeıed by ıhese d~elop""enıs. By doing so, policy opıions which Turkey may adopı will be ırying ıo explored.

Theatricality is omnipresent in Turkey. You could speak of a true ‘theatrocracy’ instead of a ‘democracy’, after Plato’s The Republic (Politeia). However, there was still something called sovereignty of the audience, the people. The fact that theatre had the potential to be subversive and could disturb the established order with its traditional authority was paradoxically dangerous to the ancient philosopher in view of the ‘truth’, because it could be abused by the wrong people. Theatricality had split from the theatre - the ‘theatre’ as social and political site according to Samuel Weber (2004: 36) - and spread in all areas of society. Today we are seeing something similar in Turkey. It is the intellectuals, academics, critics, journalists, authors, activists and also the artists - those who dare to criticise the established order - who have to give into the theatricality of the regime and the media spectacle that keeps the average citizen captivated. This theatricality operates particularly as a form of symbolic politics in a climate of intimidation, fear and (self)censorship. In this chapter, I develop this argument regarding a larger concept of theatricality in Turkish society further through examples of recent media events and cultural policy. I focus particularly on the negative consequences for 'dissident' theatre practitioners who have been scapegoated in the public realm as well as the difficulties of the theatre trait itself in such a climate.

ABSTRACT

Why do international institutions promote emotional norms? In order to answer this question, the article, first, maps the legitimizing arguments put forward by the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) in promoting an emotionally loaded norm vis-à-vis Turkey, i.e., the recognition of the Armenian genocide. Second, the paper explores the reasons behind the promotion of this emotional norm by the European Parliament (EP) as justified by the MEPs. The article theoretically draws on the IR literature on emotions, and empirically, it relies on the data generated from the interventions by the MEPs at the plenary on the centenary of the Armenian genocide on 15 April 2015. Through claims analysis, it is demonstrated that the condemnation of genocide is a shared norm within the EP, which transcends national and ideological differences. Consequently, the MEPs aspire to render it an essential constitutive element of the emotional community at the EU level.

This paper focuses on the Syrian refugee crisis, which incurred a variety of negative social and economic impacts upon many countries in the Middle East, as well as in Europe. The aim of this study is to analyze the divergent attitudes of Germany and Hungary in the face of Syrian refugee crisis and the diversity of measures that these countries have adopted to tackle the refugee problem. The cases are analyzed through social constructivism, which focuses mainly on how the agents and structures mutually construct each other and on identities, norms, and interests without wandering away completely from the rational standpoint. The main conclusions of this study show that the refugees are perceived differently in Germany and Hungary. Conclusions also demonstrate that the Europeans and the refugees resulted in a new and an unexpected learning experience, and enabled changes for both sides. The findings also reveal that the gap between the attitudes of the leaders of different European c...

Precies twee jaar na de mislukte coup tegen Erdoğan vaardigde het Turkse regime op 15 juli 2018 een decreet uit dat de autonomie van alle kunstenaars aan staatsinstellingen aan banden legt. Het is een zoveelste aanval tegen de vrije kunsten in Turkije, terwijl de politieke ruimte intussen één groot theater lijkt te worden. Wat staat er tussen de macht en het verzet op het spel?