Indian Strategic Culture

Jointness: An Indian Strategic Culture Perspective
Rahul K. Bhonsle
INTRODUCTION
Integration of battlefield assets, be it man or machine, has been a time

worn clich in warfare. The orchestration of forces with dissimilar
characteristics such as the infantry, charioteers, elephants and cavalry
was considered as the spark of a military genius. A few like Alexander
or Hannibal distinguished themselves in the art of the set-piece battles,
replicated on the modern conventional battlefield. As warfare extends
in five dimensions of land, sea, air, space and cyber, challenges of
integration have greatly increased. At the same time there is a need to
maintain the identity of each component based on differential in
employment, training, equipping, maintenance and logistics.
This dichotomy is resolved through creation of joint forces, the US
Armed forces being the foremost model, evolved through the GoldwaterNichols DoD Reorganization Act 1986. Their success in operations
during the Gulf War in 1991, in Operation Enduring Freedom 2001 and
Iraqi Freedom 2003 led to acceptance of jointness in other armed
forces.
The debate over jointness in India commenced post-Kargil 1999.
Historically, however, the issue has been evolving for the last four
decades or so. In the initial years this was focused on appointment
of a Chief of the Defence Staff (CDS) which first came up for discussion
post 1965 and sadly enough continues to this day. Joint or theatre
commands and integration of Service HQs with Ministry of Defence
(MoD) are other strands of this debate. At the functional level the
hierarchical ladder of jointness envisages cooperation, coordination,
integration and jointness (CCIJ). While there is a general agreement
on the need for implementation of first three steps, CCI the final J
- jointness continues to remain elusive. The debate on jointness is also
singularly lacking in perspective from the point of view of Indias
strategic culture and security environment. Moreover glitches in existing
models of jointness need to be taken into account before adaptation.
It is therefore necessary to apply the stimulus of national strategic
culture to the jointness debate in India and evoke possible responses.
Rahul K. Bhonsle
AIM AND SCOPE
The aim of this paper is to explore implementation of jointness from

the Indian strategic culture perspective. The paper is structured in
three parts as follows:(a)
Part I Review of Indian strategic culture and the security

environment.
(b)
Part II Impact on various strands of the current jointness

debate.
(c)
Part III Recommendations for implementation.
PART I REVIEW OF INDIAN STRATEGIC
CULTURE
INDIAN STRATEGIC CULTURE
The application of a theoretical precept like strategic culture to the all

important issue of jointness in the Indian armed forces could possibly
lack the desired degree of rigour. No single theory is adequate to
explain the nuances of a concept which has a doctrinal as well as
organizational impact. Strategic culture is however considered most
utilitarian as it touches on the core issues that drive jointness in the
armed forces. It is a factor which impacts all aspects of national
security without being overtly demonstrative. Simplistically, it can be
defined as a world view of the strategic community of a particular
country. Strategic culture provides answers to the black holes of
decisions taken by the armed forces.
Indias strategic culture has evolved over the countrys millennial
history with myriad influences dating back to periods of great triumph as
well as distress. The key strands of Indias security culture are strategic
sovereignty, military force as one of the many components of power;
non-time bound goals and a nuanced approach to resolution of problems.
From the definitional point of view, strategic culture has been
variously denoted. A working definition provided by Rodney Jones in
a recent study on Indian strategic culture states it to be: a set of
shared beliefs, assumptions, and modes of behaviour, derived from
common experiences and accepted narratives (both oral and written),
that shape collective identity and relationships to other groups, and
which determine appropriate ends and means for achieving security
objectives.1 The use of strategic culture for understanding the
complexities of military doctrine was first made in the 1970s to
dissect the dialectics of nuclear deterrence between the United States
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Journal of Defence Studies Volume 1 No. 1

and the Soviet Union.2 Subsequently this has also been applied to
international relations in the context of neo-culturalism in two forms,
as it connects domestic politics and the moral or cultural norms which
affect security decision making.3
In terms of domestic politics and strategic culture, it is seen that
while making decisions, civilian leaders tend to maximize domestic
political interests rather than national security. Thus maintenance of
the status quo may assume greater importance.4 The other issue of
historical experiences and legacies shaping culture is also significant.
Domestic political interests, traditions of decision making, historical
experiences and the myths of war making are considered primary
cultural influences which impact a military command and control system.5
It is therefore proposed to extrapolate these to the contours of
strategic culture as applicable to the issue under consideration.
Exploring Indian strategic culture by applying these norms is however
problematic. The limited literature on the subject from the Indian point
of view mars true appreciation of the issue. While a number of essays
and larger works on Indian strategic thought do exist and represent
the rigour with which western scholars approach such issues through
the application of designated research tools, these seem to miss the
distilled vision of the strategic community of the country. Joel Larus
(1979) was one of the first to research on the subject. This was
followed by George Tanham in 1995 and Stephen Rosen in 1997.
Another recent essay is by Rodney Jones published in 2006. All these
writers have acknowledged the complexity in determining Indias
strategic culture and then gone on to survey the significant points in
Indias ancient to modern history.
Some have been outright dismissive of existence of a strategic
culture in India though Jones has acknowledges that, Discerning the
underlying traits of Indias strategic culture, its distinctiveness, and its
resonance in Indias contemporary actions may take some effort. But
it can be done and goes on to describe it as, omniscient patrician
type as opposed to others such as, theocratic, mercantilist, frontier
expansionist, imperial bureaucratic, revolutionary technocratic, and
marauding or predatory.6 Perhaps the lack of Indian articulation of
contemporary strategic culture has led to varied conclusions by these
scholars of repute.
Indian writers while not accepting these hypotheses by rote have
failed to provide alternative summations or easily definable
characteristics of the same. Sumit Ganguly in a paper presented at the
Association of Asian Studies (AAS )Annual Meeting from 11 14
March 1999 at Boston had argued that India does have a strategic
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Rahul K. Bhonsle
culture but it is implicit and inchoate.7 In a series of commentaries
on Tanhams work on Indian strategic thoughts in 1996, Indian scholars
to include Amitabh Mattoo, Kanti Bajpai, Varun Sahni and others
contest claims that India lacks strategic culture and have offered
alternative understanding of the same through a review of interplay of
factors in Indian history.8 The next phase of probes into Indian strategic
culture appeared immediately after the nuclear tests in 1998. These
were prescriptive given the focus during the period on review rather
than understanding the system. In the absence of clearly defined
definitions of Indian strategic culture, a tentative elaboration of the
same derived from snippets offered by many of the authors quoted
above is attempted in the succeeding paragraphs.
Significance of Timing: Indian strategic culture is defined by timing
decisions. Western scholars have viewed this as, timeless or lack of
sense of urgency in decision making.9 The difference between the two
will be evident in the foregoing discussion. Timing implies resolution at
the most appropriate time when all factors governing an issue are
perfectly aligned. The strategic effort is directed at positioning forces
towards a solution rather than at the end which is seen as a natural
outcome of the maneuvering.
Control of the level of a conflict is essential to timing, thus all
efforts are made to ensure that it does not escalate. This approach
has led to adoption of the strategic defensive as the most preferred
option by the Indian military, be it in the conventional or the low
intensity conflict spectrum. The overall aim is to control escalation at
a level where it can be easily absorbed by the system. Deterrence in
the nuclear field is another strand of the culture driven by timing. Longterm results at least in counter insurgency operations from adoption
of such a strategy appear to be favorable.
Actively Shaping the Future: Linked with timing is the acceptance
of the limits of power thereby devoting energy on evolving the future
rather than actively shaping it. This is innately at variance with
Western focus on defining an end state and working towards it.10
Thus planning and working towards a goal has been difficult for
Indians the most significant impact on security being the interminable
delays in research and development projects of the Defence Research
and Development Organization (DRDO). The focus may many times
appear to be on the means rather than the ends and comes from
a misplaced understanding of factors such as civilizational longevity
and assimilative culture.11,12
Cultivated Ambiguity: In the absence of a clearly defined timebound plan for achieving objectives, a perception of ambiguity in
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strategic thought is evident. This ambiguity is cultivated in some cases
but proffers ignorance in others. Non articulation of strategic concepts
and doctrines is one reason for this perception. However that the
ambiguity is finely nuanced will be evident from a survey of the
strategic elite of the country over the years. Indias policy, both
internal and external, is essentially controlled by a clutch of ministers
formed in two committees of the Cabinet, Political Affairs and Security.
The principal decision makers are, apart from the Prime Minister, the
Home, Defence, External Affairs and Finance ministers. These ministries
over the years have always been held by men of high strategic repute
some exceptions not withstanding. Not many of them could be faulted
for lack of understanding of grand strategy, yet very few have been
articulate about the same. Sensitivity to their own domestic constituency,
is more important than being seen by others as a militarist is not
endearing. This may be one possible reason for this dichotomy.
Crisis as a Tipping Point: Another corollary to timing is crisis acting
as the tipping point for action. The post-Kargil review of defence and
security structure in the country is an example of this syndrome. However
once the crisis passes, interest in the solution dries up leading to stagnation
of important issues as CDS. The lack of existential threat, be it from
external or internal forces also supports this surmise. Apart from the ides
of 1962, India has not faced an external challenge of existential magnitude,
on the other hand confidence of the leadership to survive internal torments
has added to sanguinity as well as strategic torpor.
Skepticism of Force as the Ultimate Arbitrator: Force is not
considered the ultimate arbitrator of a conflict by Indians. Indias deep
rooted understanding of history leading back to 230 BC when the
Mauryan Empire extended across the far reaches of the plains of Punjab
to the present day ignominies faced by equally powerful nations in
overtures in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka has embedded this
perception even deeper. This has also led to evolution of alternate
strategies as non-violence with Emperor Asoka being the most powerful
role model. Mahatma Gandhi, the leading light of the Indian freedom
struggle, however, had a more nuanced approach to use of violence. A
sum total of these beliefs is relegation of the military to a secondary role
in the hierarchy of national power structure over the years. Military force
does have its place but is not to be used for perpetuating state power
unless in a crisis. The role of the armed forces is to maintain the status
quo rather than transforming the strategic equation in the neighbourhood.
Episodic view of History: Indian view of history is episodic rather
analytical.13 The lack of a documented historical perspective with
reliance on word of mouth passage of information with anticipated
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distortions, debate and discussions all being unrecorded do not promote
accountability. Lack of articulation of strategic thought has been a
natural corollary flowing out of the same.
Feudalism: Human societies graduate from the individual-familyfeudal-state-nation to the Union paradigm. The Indian nation state has
been in existence for just over sixty years; it has yet to emerge from
the vestiges of feudalism which was hyphenated during the British Raj.
The feudal outlook has to be viewed not negatively but realistically as
a paradigm of an era. The military which is relatively more westernized
than other segments of Indian society also exhibits traits of a feudal
outlook in the form of over attachment to assets, reluctance to share
power and petty internal politicking. This also contributes to lack of
perception of national interest as a concept, thus Indians are more
able to relate to the self, the clan or the family rather than the nation
state, thereby preventing emergence of security strategies which
maximize national gains. Another consequence of feudalism is resistance
to institutional growth.
The Realist School: The dichotomy of Indian strategic culture is
highlighted in writings of Chanakya, who as a true realist advised rulers
to maximize power through political rather than military means.14
Ruse, deceit, cunning and subterfuge were the weapons of choice
proposed by the wily king maker. The impact of Chanakya in the Indian
security establishment is well set. Maximizing self-gain is thus one of
the key attributes of security planners in the country. The inherent
conflict of the realist school is also reflected in the strategic culture.
Continental Power: There is a congenital linkage between the
military and army in India. As Admiral J.G. Nadkarni aptly summed it
up: In Punjab...there are Jarnail (General) Singhs and Karnail (Colonel)
Singhs. But one has not come across an Admiral Singh or an Air
Marshal Singh.15 Indias continental focus emerges from manifestation
of primary threats including the post independence ones from across
the land frontiers. Thus the Army is the primary service, the Navy is
neglected and the Air Force has not been able to make an impact due
to its rather insular approach by not participating in sub- conventional
operations. The result is limited development of an inter services
culture. It is but natural that militaries have parochial interests in
protecting their organizational strength and prestige.16 This has
contributed to service rivalries some times deliberately fostered. The
Army in some ways has fallen into this trap which some say was the
unstated agenda of Pakistan in engaging India in multi-pronged militancy
across the board.
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RMA and Champions of Jointness: Over the past decade or so,
the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), a new form of war and
jointness has received impetus in the armed forces. There is a small
school which is championing jointness, principal amongst whom is the
former IN Chief, Admiral Arun Prakash. Creation of the Headquaters
of the Integrated Defence Staff (HQ IDS )has provided a forum for
the jointness school through which it can propagate its ideas. This
body however has not attained critical mass. The nay sayers consider
them as utopian and have been constantly chafing at their ideas.
However, this does denote a streak of modernization which is not
driven by crisis but with a desire to avoid a future catastrophe.
ARMED FORCES CULTURE
The armed forces culture of the country is an intermesh of the legacy

of professionalism, exclusiveness, apolitical ness and submissive
approach to the political-bureaucratic hierarchy. When these attributes
mesh with factors indicated above a number of distinct trends are
evident. On the positive side is professionalism in the context of armed
forces of developing countries, the Indian military will surely be counted
amongst the top three. However, when compared with forces of
developed states there are glaring shortcomings one of which is lack
of jointness. The submissive approach to the political-bureaucratic
class is a manipulated manifestation. Thus be it humiliation of Field
Marshal K.M. Cariappa and General K.S. Thimayya, two of Indias most
respected Chiefs, the sacking of Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat or
systematically lowering the services in order of precedence it has now
become inbuilt in the system.
The legacy of Field Marshal Cariappa also meant that the armed
forces remained apolitical. The armed forces chain of command is thus
not a part of the inner circle of politicking in the power elite lacking
formal as well as informal ear of the ruling hierarchy. Denial of access
to the political hierarchy has worked to the detriment of both sides.
Professionalism has been strained by the narrow streak of insularity,
thereby preventing cooperation between the services at higher levels.
The biggest problem however is the sabre-fighter-bayonet approach
of the military which is incongruous to a 21st century military force
which needs innate macro as well micro management capabilities for
defence preparedness.
The pyramidic structure of the armed forces, reality of stove piped
promotions and limited competencies to operate outside the narrow
professional spectrum have led to acquiescence to the chain of command.
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Dissent is much talked about but dangerous to practice. The development
of alternate views is thus slow, tempered with tact and frequently
duplicity. This has concomitantly bred parochialism in the services where
constituents do not go beyond the simplistic relationship build at a
nascent stage in the National Defence Academy (NDA).
JOINTNESS AN EFFECTIVENESS PERSPECTIVE
Jointness as a concept has been accepted in all major militaries the

world over. Some 60 plus armed forces have adopted the integrated
model. The Chinese Peoples Liberation Army (PLA )practices the same
through the War Zone Campaign (WZC) doctrine which envisages joint
campaigning at the theatre level. The US Armed Forces are indeed the
most integrated and also have adequate operational experience to
provide empirical feedback of the effectiveness of integration.
The American successes in Operation Enduring Freedom and
Operation Iraqi Freedom were spectacular, leading to what came to
be known as the, American Way of War. The subsequent embroilment
in sub-conventional operations in both the countries have now led to
many questions on the effectiveness of the system to address the
security challenges faced by modern states. The RumsfieldShinseki
debate, the removal of Donald Rumsfield as the Secretary of Defence
and emerging controversy over, resignation of Chairman, Joint Chiefs
of Staff, General Peter Pace has raised serious questions about the
efficiency and effectiveness of the US integrated system.
A cursory examination devoid of a deeper perspective leads one to
conclude that joint structures have militated against dissent based on
sound professional reasoning reaching the political hierarchy. This in no
way militates against the idea of jointness, but only implies the need
for caution. The perils of single point advice are two-fold and are interrelated one is autonomy and the other is fidelity. Selecting the right
man for the right task is another issue.
The US Central Command, embroiled in counter-insurgency and antiterrorism operations, is headed by two naval admirals, who despite their
otherwise outstanding professional credentials, may not have the insight
needed to evolve norms for success in the battles in Iraq and Afghanistan.17
SALIENT CONCLUSIONS
The main conclusions that arise from the discussion above indicate the
contrasts between Western and Indian strategic culture. The complexity
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of Indian strategic traditions and its nuances are well highlighted to
include lack of articulation, significance of timing, evolutionary approach
to security issues, cultivated ambiguity, crisis as tipping point, non
reliance on force as the ultimate arbitrator, weak historical perspective,
feudal outlook, Kautilyan realism clashing with Gandhian liberalism,
continental focus and armed forces culture. It is also evident that
efficacy of the integrated model adapted by other forces particularly
the United States needs to be examined critically before adaptation.
PART II IMPACT OF FACTORS
STRANDS IN JOINTNESS
While evaluating the impact of strategic culture and its manifestations on

jointness, there is a need to highlight the proposed strands of jointness.
These could be envisaged as follows:
(a)
Organization: In the organizational perspective the CDS as a

single point military adviser to the political executive, creation of
a Joint Integrated Defence Staff HQ with suitable structures to
deal with perspective planning, procurement, intelligence and
defence education, integration of service HQ with the MoD and
creation of theatre commands appear as the most relevant
issues.
(b)
Functional: In functional jointness, operational issues to include

operational planning and conduct, fire support, engineering,
communications and administration of forces, training for war,
manpower planning, morale and motivation and logistics are
some of the key facets.
(c)
Doctrinal: In doctrinal issues, evolution, dissemination, revision,

re-evaluation and review are critical factors.
(d)
Capability Building: In capability building, constant predation

through generation of long range requirements, research and
development, acquisition and subsequent sustenance are the
major issues.
The impact of strategic culture on each of these strands of jointness

is tabulated as given below in two columns, those having positive
impact and those having negative impact. Only those factors which are
relevant have been discussed subsequently in the narrative. Some
factors may find place both as positive and negative components
which is being elaborated appropriately.
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Rahul K. Bhonsle
Strand of Jointness
Impact of Strategic Culture

Positive
Negative
Organisation
CDS
RMA and
Champions
of Jointness.
The Realist
School.
Military
Professionalism.
Joint HQ IDS
Integration of
service HQ with
the MOD
Theatre
Commands
RMA and
Champions
of Jointness.
RMA and
Champions
of Jointness
RMA and
Champions of
Jointness.
RMA and
Champions
of Jointness.
Feudal Outlook.
Armed Forces
Culture.
Feudal Outlook.
96
Armed Forces
Culture.
Resistance to
Institutional
growth.
Cultivated
Ambiguity
Resistance to
Institutional
growth.
Feudal Outlook.
Functional Jointness
Operational
planning
Armed Forces
organizational
culture.
Resistance to
Institutional
growth.
Non Reliance on
Force as the
Ultimate
Arbitrator.
Review of
effectiveness
Resistance to
Institutional
growth.
Armed Forces
Culture.
Training
Man power
planning
Morale and
motivation
RMA and
Champions
of Jointness.
Armed Forces
Culture.
Logistics
Doctrinal
Capability Building.
RMA and
Champions
of Jointness.
RMA and
Champions of
Jointness.
Armed Forces
Culture.
RMA and
Champions of
Jointness.
The Realist
School.
RMA and
Champions of
Jointness.
Armed Forces
Culture.
The Realist
School.
RMA and
Champions of
Jointness.
Armed Forces
Culture.
Weak Historical
Perspective.
Crisis as Tipping
Point.
Armed Forces
Culture.
Feudal Outlook.
Feudal Outlook.
Crisis as
Tipping Point.
Non Reliance on
Force as the
Ultimate Arbitrator.
Armed Forces
Culture.
Feudal Outlook.
Cultivated
Ambiguity.
Non Reliance on
Force as the
Ultimate Arbitrator.
Weak Historical
Perspective.
Significance of
Timing.
Non Reliance on
Force as the
Ultimate
Arbitrator
Cultivated
Ambiguity.
In the organizational strand, taking the issue of CDS first, it would

be evident that the champions of jointness and the realist school
recognize the necessity to build institutions for modern war fighting
and thus have been fostering this cause. On the other hand, the
vestiges of armed forces culture with divisive proclivities which are
service as well as personality driven, resistance to growth of stable
institutions and a recognition that force cannot be designated as the
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Rahul K. Bhonsle
ultimate arbitrator has led to resistance. Moreover, a review of
effectiveness of CDS from the US experience as well as claimed
efficiencies of the present system to successfully consummate 1971
operations has also led some critics to negate its value.18
While a Joint HQ, IDS has been created, its overall status in the
pecking order is not fully acknowledged. The commitment of the
Service HQs has not been institutionalized and is dependent on the
personality and service of the Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee
(COSC). Since this is a rotatory appointment, armed forces culture
and resistance for institutional growth has a major impact on sustenance
which the RMA enthusiasts will find hard to resist.
The Integration of the Service HQ with the MoD is the most
contentious issue. The Armed Forces as it appears are not likely to
be satisfied until they assume control of the MoD, a notion which is
precisely leading to fears in the bureaucracy to keep the uniform at
an arms length. Thus cultivated ambiguity, resistance to growth of
institutions and learning environment, proscribe greater integration.
The formation of Theatre Commands has not progressed beyond the
recommendations of the Group of Ministers. A logical outcome should
have been integration of other single service regional commands in a
graduated manner. What is existing at present is lamented upon by
Admiral Nadkarni who states: If we have a war in the west, for example,
the Army Commander will be in Pune, the Naval Commander in Mumbai
and Air Force Commander in Ahmedabad.19 Though the geographical
locations may vary today, the key issue is that these are not congruent.
Looking into the cultural factors, a feudal approach, the lack of synergy
and resistance to growth of new institutions appears to be the main
hindrance towards emergence of theatre commands. Moreover, politically
the timing of such a move will never be auspicious as there will be
resistance from a large number of agencies which have been well
entrenched in existing locations of HQs such as Shillong or Pune.
Perceptive senior leaders as General K.V. Krishna Rao indicated the
need for theatre commands most lucidly in Prepare or Perish way back
in 1991.20 But relocating has been a perennial problem which is now
supported by development of communication and video conferencing
which is said to mitigate distance. Ownership is a major issue with
senior commanders, who feel that service assets should be under
corresponding colour of the uniform rather than operational needs.
Given the complexity, the Task Force on Higher Defence Management
did not go beyond recommendations for one functional (Strategic
Forces) and one theatre (Andaman and Nicobar) command which are
grossly inadequate to develop integration, much less jointness.
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In functional integration, joint operational planning has been facilitated
during times of crisis and has now been achieved in the sphere of
disaster management. In other areas operational staffs of service
retain their right of way and the trend is hampered by armed forces
culture and resistance to institutional growth. There is also reason to
believe that for specific type of operations such as counter insurgency
or sea rescue, the Army or the Navy with assistance from the IAF
could be the best service to achieve the desired objectives, thereby
leading to lack of progress in this sphere.
The armed forces culture of professionalism has led to large amount
of time being spent on training but this is a double edged factor.
Training is a strength leading to greater professionalism but a weakness
when it acts as resistance to extrinsic learning. Culture similarly affects
manpower planning as an insular approach combined with feudalism is
not conducive to evolution of a standardized system of recruitment,
promotion and career planning.
Morale and motivation is another facet where a joint approach
could have been helpful. With progressive welfare policies followed by
the Armed forces, there is cultural sustenance from the organizational
perspective as well, however a feudal approach prevents generation
of a common paradigm of pay, discipline, welfare and other concomitant
issues. Logistics again is held hostage to culture. There is lack of sense
of sharing of best practices and satiation with the present processes
thereby leading to stagnation within services in siloed structures. This
is creating inefficiencies and economic encumbrances.
The resistance to doctrinal development is evident with no congruent
joint doctrine encompassing the multi-spectrality of operations in the
contemporary environment having been issued so far. Two primary
concepts on which developed armed forces are based are network
centric warfare(NCW) and effect based operations (EBO). The available
literature on the subject indicates that there are in-service differences
on these issues leading to lack of doctrinal clarity.
A culture of cultivated ambiguity where there is resistance to
putting firm directions in writing for fear of debate is one of the major
factors. Similarly no clear doctrinal enunciations are emerging from the
Cabinet Committee on Security. Service HQs are finding it difficult to
translate the ambiguous instructions to tasking at the strategic level.
A weak documented historical perspective is also contributing to lack
of joint doctrinal development.
Joint capability building through force accretion, training, doctrine
and envisaged operational concepts is the sum total of military
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Rahul K. Bhonsle
proficiency which when projected would either deter a potential enemy
or suggest a weakness for exploitation through employment of force.
Given that force is not considered as the ultimate arbitrator and
ambiguity is employed as deterrence there is a need to overcome
these cultural barriers before a perspective of development of joint
capabilities can emerge.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Indias national aim is to develop the state into a modern, secular

democracy overcoming poverty and deprivation. This calls for
exclusiveness and relative isolation of the military which is regarded as
impinging on resources for development. This central paradigm of
national thought has been supported by an assimilative rather than a
confrontationist approach to security. Faced with problems of varied
magnitude, Indian policy is to seek solutions which do not involve
preemptive employment and limit rather than extend conflict. The
military has thus been the weapon of last resort both in the internal
and external dynamics which has led to neglect of understanding as
well as nuanced employment.
The emerging security paradigm is hopefully changing and was
articulated by the Defence Minister during the Unified Commanders
Conference in New Delhi on June 18, 2007 as, a mix of security
cooperation, developing strategic partnerships and deterrence.21 The
need for jointness is exemplified for all three purposes and thus
overcoming cultural barriers would be of significance.
Taking the issue of the CDS, it should be recounted that for political
leaders, domestic politics supersede national security.22 The CDS as,
principal military adviser to the government impinges on the primacy
of the bureaucracy as this would imply that he would be Secretary of
the Cabinet Committee on Security. This is obviously unacceptable to
the bureaucratic hierarchy. The proposal has thus been stymied by
dividing the services to maximize self interest.23 The present state of
the proposal is a typical bureaucratic merry go round of seeking
opinions of all national level political parties. Four parties have so far
responded to the MoD letter initiated in March 2006.24 Apparently
domestic issues carry more weight.
The need is therefore to expand the debate to dwell on the
relationship between the CDS and the government, the CDS and the
service chiefs, the CDS and the theatre commanders and so on to
provide a deeper understanding of the issues involved in the context
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of Indias strategic decision making process. The CDS should be an
integrative rather than a directional appointment and a carrier of single
point advice to the government with dissenters in tow. Thus the
Shinsekis of India will have adequate recompense. This will build
consensus amongst political parties. For such purposes the taboo of
political interaction by representatives of the services in uniform may
have to be removed. This does not impinge on political neutrality of
the armed forces per se and would contribute to overall national
interest by building transparency and overcoming false apprehensions.
The service chiefs need to be made ex-officio heads of the HQ
IDS). This will ensure better commitment than at present. Nurturing
this institution is also essential. Full scale manning by the crme of the
services is necessary. A time bound programme for reducing
quadruplicating of functions now conducted by the HQ, IDS along with
each of the Service HQs needs to be prepared and organizational
resistance overcome. IDS should not be seen as another power centre
but a joint forum for inter-service issues.
A systemic exercise to eliminate duplication between the Services,
the HQ IDS and the Ministry should also be carried out to ensure that
the Defence Minister is provided with a considered input in all respects
and the opinion of the service HQs along with corresponding inputs of
the IDS and the bureaucracy directly reach him. A single file system
may overcome many of the lacunae of integration.
The most contentious issue is likely to be creation of theatre
commands. The recommendations of the Task Force has not gone
beyond two joint formations but the need for joint theatre commands
need not be overemphasized. Here again breaking the feudal approach,
service loyalties and resistance to change are likely to be major
barriers which are considered so strong that a ministerial directive
appears to be the only impetus to set the process in motion. While
physical integration could be undertaken in the second stage, functional
mixing with better communications available at present could be
attempted initially taking one theatre at a time as a pilot project within
the paradigm of a networked enabled force. An assurance that there
will be no reduction of the total number of commanders in chief would
make the senior hierarchy more amenable to change. Given the needs
for more functional commands such as Special Forces, Logistics and
so on, accommodating a number of C-in-Cs should be feasible.
Thus,creation of theatre commands and placing them under the
HQ, IDS in a graduated manner would lead to functional operational
integration. With adequate expertise available to cater for service
specific operations in theatre HQs, apprehensions of lack of specialization
101
Rahul K. Bhonsle
in tackling crisis situations will be overcome. There will be no doubt
some disruption in this process of transformation and hence an
operational period of slack of one to two years may be needed to
make the shift.
The establishment of a National Defence University (NDU) is seen
as a panacea to higher defence learning. By taking the process of
training online, greater integration may be achieved while at the same
time resulting in economy. This can also start with conversion of all
institutions of learning beyond that of a battalion and equivalent in the
army to joint courses of instruction. Here a parallel track may have
to be accepted and resistance to extrinsic learning has to be overcome
by providing additional incentives, both monetary and promotional.
The starting point to manpower planning appears to be joint
recruiting, induction training and career planning. The Navy of late has
been more open to the idea given that sea faring concepts are
assimilative in nature, however the Air Force was seen to consistently
oppose the idea of jointness.25 A common confidential report form is
one small but important measure to kick start the process, followed
by joint selection boards for greater integration. Today the MoD is the
only leveler in the career paths of the service officer -- that power
should flow down to the services which will enable overcoming the
barriers of feudalism. The Sixth Pay Commission is considered an ideal
forum to evolve a joint pay structure for the armed forces, much
work has been done in this sphere which needs to be carried forward.
Joint policies on welfare and discipline will go a long way in integrating
the services through inputs on morale and motivation.
Economy is a principle of administration and logistics, which can be
achieved only through a common logistics architecture. The United
States Defence Logistics Agency provides a proven and tested model
for adaptation of logistics integration. The inefficiencies of following
parallel tracks in logistics are a national waste and ruthless integration
through budgetary interventions if required is the way ahead.
From conceptual ambiguity to a documented perspective to the
pedagogic is the road for joint doctrinal development. This is an
extremely rigorous field as it does not remove the need for parallel
in service doctrines. Formation of joint doctrinal development teams
in various fields should be the start point. A key necessity is the ability
to transform general directives issued by cabinet committees into
more specific directions to the services. This may appear quite
confounding but is a common complaint with the services. For instance,
General D.D. Eisenhower as chief of the largest force mustered by
Western allies in Europe got very cryptic directions, You will enter the
102

Continent of Europe and in conjunction with the other Allied Nations
undertake operations aimed at the heart of Germany and the destruction
of her Armed Forces.26 Translating this into operational directions for
multiplicity of task forces under the gigantic army that invaded North
West Europe needed thorough doctrinal grounding.
One final joint process which is perhaps the ultimate test is that of
capability building. Joint capabilities are force multipliers in their own
rights. These will sustain true Effects Based Operations (EBO) through
networking of assets. The approach to this appears to be in terms of
acquisition of weapons and systems, while these are essential, this has
to be sustained through links with training, doctrines and developing
systems architecture for plug in and out as new systems are developed
and capability accretion takes place. Joint capability development
programmes are thus the capstone of jointness.
CONCLUSION
This paper attempts to place, Indian strategic culture and jointness in

perspective and attempts to intertwine the two to achieve better
integration of the services. Strategic culture may be just one of the
view points from which jointness is examined; there are many others
such as legacy, organizational theory and so on. Some suggestions to
overcome cultural barriers have been provided. An act of parliament
may be the ultimate weapon which can bring about services jointness,
as it happened in the United States. Given the slow process of
legislation, even this may go on interminably in India. Thus reviewing
cultural proclivities to resistance to transformation may be an alternate
option.
Notes
1.
Rodney Jones, Indias Strategic Culture. Accessed at: http://www.dtra.mil/documents/asco/

publications/comparitive_strategic_cultures_curriculum/case%20studies/
India%20(Jones)%20final%2031%20Oct.pdf on 23 June 2007.
2.
Scott Sagan, The Origins of Military Doctrine and Command and Control, in Peter Lavoy, et
al, Planning the Unthinkable, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, p. 30.
Ibid. N. 2.
Elizabeth Kier, Imagining War, quoted in Scott Sagan, n. 2, p. 30.
5.
Scott, n. 2, p. 42.
6.
Jones, n. 1.
103
Rahul K. Bhonsle
7.
Sumit Ganguly, Indian Strategic Culture. Abstracts of Paper presented at the AAS Annual
Meeting, March 11-14, 1999, Boston, MA. At http://www.aasianst.org/absts/1999abst/inter/itoc.htm accessed on June 1, 2007.
8.
Kanti P. Bajpai, and Amitabh Mattoo, (Eds.), Securing India: Strategic Thought and Practice,
Manohar Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi. 1996.
9.
Jones, n 1.
10. George K. Tanham, Indian Strategic Thought: An Interpretive Essay, Rand: Santa Monica,
1992, p. 18.
11. Jones, n.1.
12. Tanham, n. 10.
13. Ibid.
14. R. Shamanastry, (transl.), Kautilyas Arthashastra, Mysore Printing and Publishing. Mysore,
1967.
15. J.G. Nadkarni, Indias forces must join or perish. Accessed at http://www.rediff.com/news/
2000/jun/08nadkar.htm, on June 16, 2007.
16. Scott Sagan, n 2, p. 18.
17. Commander Central Command Admiral William J Fallon and Deputy Commander Vice Admiral
David C Nichols. Accessed at http://www.centcom.mil/sites/uscentcom2/default.aspx on 21
June 2007.
18. Rahul Singh, Hindustan Times interview with former Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal S.
Krishnaswamy.
19. Nadkarni, n. 15.
20. General K. V. Krishna Rao, Prepare or Perish: A Study of National Security, Lancer Publishers,
New Delhi, 1991.
21. Ministry of Defence Press Release. Accessed at www.mod.nic.in on June 18, 2007.
22. Kier. N 4. P 31.
23. Arun Prakash, Evolution of the Joint Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC) and Defence of
Our Island Territories (Part I). USI JOURNAL, VOLUME CXXXlI 2002. Accessed at http://
www.usiofindia.org/frame.htm on 16 June
24. Defence Ministers Statement on the Implementation of the Reports of The Standing Committee
on Defence, accessed at www.mod.nic.in in May 2007.
25. Prakash, n. 23.
26. D.D. Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe, William Heinemann: London, 1949, p 247.
104
Jointmanship in the Defence Forces : The Way Ahead

B.S.Sachar
INTRODUCTION
The experience of our Armed Forces during various conflicts has not
been a happy one in terms of jointmanship. Each Service has viewed
warfighting from its own perspective thus lacking a holistic approach
to problems of defence and security. The Kargil crisis of 1999 provided
the required political consensus to initiate the desired restructuring of
the higher defence organisation and raising of joint structures. Based
on the Group of Ministers report, a Headquarters Integrated Defence
Staff (HQ IDS) was set up in 2001 to provide a single point, triService, military advice to the government. This was followed by the
setting up of two integrated commands -- Andaman and Nicobar
Command (ANC) and Strategic Forces Command (SFC) -- which were
to serve as test-beds for raising more such joint structures. These triService organizations have taken root and are endeavouring to bring
about emotional integration and purple thinking in the Defence Forces.
A modest beginning has thus been made but the road to focused
jointmanship is a long one. The three Services continue to remain
engaged in turf battles and are unable to shed their individualistic white,
green and blue mind-set, and go purple. They compete with each
other fiercely for what they perceive as their core interests; be it
creation of new formations, increase in higher ranks, or their share of
the budgetary cake. This stems from apparent fear and mistrust,
particularly amongst the smaller Services, that a unified structure may
hamper their individual Service growth plans and shrink budgetary
allocations. Their rivalry prevents them from having a clout in important
security forums and in taking a unified position on key policy issues
affecting the Defence Forces.2
An enhanced level of jointness amongst the three services is a prerequisite for the future. Modern warfare necessitates waging battles in
an integrated manner with structures created to support such a strategy.
The creation of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) seems unlikely in the near
future. In the interim HQ IDS which is now well entrenched, should be
allowed to chart and steer the course to true jointmanship with the
three Services remaining on board.
S.C. Sachar
APPROACH TO JOINTNESS
There is consensus of opinion in the higher ranks of the military that

desired level of integration may perhaps be unachievable in the absence
of an overarching entity like the CDS. The CDS system has been
implemented in 64 countries, including China, and India too will eventually
have to adopt it. In the meanwhile, lateral integration should be
continued and necessary joint structures created, to affect economy
and efficiency. The debate on the extent to which jointness is to be
achieved and in what manner is unending. The Indian mindset is not
given to radical changes, therefore no drastic transformation as ushered
in by the Goldwater-Nichols Act in the US Armed Forces can ever be
implemented. Instead, a phased implementation of a carefully thoughtout strategy of jointness, with a well articulated vision and time lines,
is the need of the hour.
To achieve jointness, a Top Down or a Bottoms Up approach
should be adopted. It would however, be preferable in a force as large
as ours to execute both the approaches simultaneously. This will not
only accelerate the process, but also change attitudinal biases that are
a major barrier in the way of jointmanship. It would be useful to
identify areas which need integration and then work out a methodology
for implementation. The wholehearted support of the Services,
particularly the Service heads would be essential, as integration would
entail sacrificing resources presently within the respective fold of each
Service, for the common goal.
RECOMMENDED AREAS FOR INTEGRATION
There are a number of areas where the three Services can pool their
resources and share assets instead of individually spending vast amount
on duplicating each others facilities. The budgetary savings thus achieved
can be used to acquire more quantities of modern and sophisticated
resources.2 Some of the important areas which lend themselves for
integration are highlighted in succeeding paragraphs.
Integrated Logistics System: This is one area where a lot of
progress can be made towards effective integration. Presently, medical,
postal, works services, movement control, quality assurance, defence
land, military farms and CSD are already integrated and functioning
well. However, the prospect of bringing many more such areas under
joint fold exists. An integrated joint logistics system would reduce the
requirement of holding large single Service inventories of common
items. A common logistic nomenclature and number code for the
inventory of all the three Services and other agencies connected with
material management should be evolved. Bringing about a joint approach
106

towards development and acquisition of common equipment and
weapon platforms like helicopters, communication equipment, radars,
missile and electronic warfare systems would lead to optimisation in
terms of budgetary support and R&D effort. It would also ensure interoperability and commonality of training and logistics. The three Services
have separate logistic facilities in a number of stations which can be
easily combined. For example, the staff cars and other vehicles of the
three Service headquarters and HQ IDS in Delhi can be placed under
one organization with a common repair facility.
Joint Training: It is envisioned that joint training will play a major role
in tri-Service integration and convergence of mind. Emphasis on
jointness must start early and continue to be stressed throughout the
career span of officers. The end state of joint training should be that
senior commanders and staff officers comprehend the capabilities and
limitations of each Service. This will enable them to effectively employ
the resources of all the Services jointly, to achieve the desired aim.
Some recommendations for joint training are as under:
(a)
The training year of the three Services must be synchronized.

The Army training schedule runs from 1 July to 30 June, the
Air Force from 1 April to 31 March and the Navy from 1
January to 31 December. If full synchronization cannot be
achieved sufficient overlap should be created to enable joint
training to be conducted.3
(b)
It is recommended that once in three years, a major joint

exercise should be conducted involving all the three Services.
This will provide appointments at various levels in the three
Services the required expertise of planning and conducting
joint operations
(c)
HQIDS should work towards the early establishment of the

Indian National Defence University (NDU) which can advance
jointmanship. It should also issue annual joint training directive
and joint training doctrines and concepts to synergize
effectiveness of the three Services at the tactical, operational
and strategic levels.
(d)
Joint training facilities should be set up for common weapon

systems, vehicles and equipment to reduce duplication of
effort, bring in standardization of training and expose personnel
to each others Service culture and professionalism. Joint
training institutions should also be set up for imparting training
on common subjects like Electronic Warfare and Nuclear,
Biological and Chemical Warfare.
107
S.C. Sachar
Air Defence and Air Space Management: Air space no longer
remains the exclusive domain of the Air Force. Air defence and air
space management have in essence become very intricate. There has
been an unprecedented proliferation in the number of users with the
introduction of unarmed aerial vehicles, helicopters and aircraft of the
three services, long range artillery, missiles and aircraft of various civil
airlines. It is therefore, vital that an integrated joint Service organization
be put in place to control and monitor the air space. This would
necessitate commonality in the Command, Control, Communications,
Computers, Intelligence and Inter-operability (C4 I2) systems of all the
three Services.
Operational and Functional Commands: The geographical zones of
responsibilities of various operational Commands of the three Services
have no perceptible commonality. In most cases, the Command of
one service overlaps or is linked with two or three Commands of the
other two Services. None of the Commands are co-located, leading
to lack of coordination in intelligence sharing, planning and conduct of
operations. If we have a war in the West for example, the Army
Commander will be in Pune, the Naval Commander in Mumbai and Air
Force Commander in Ahmedabad. The establishment of the two triService Commands should ideally have generated a debate on the
requirement of Integrated Theatre Commands and Integrated Functional
Commands. All single Service Commands should gradually evolve into
either Integrated Theatre Commands on the lines of ANC or Integrated
Functional Commands on the lines of the SFC.
Communications: Keeping in mind the challenges of the envisaged
security environment it is imperative for the Services to be interoperable.
This can be possible only through a secure, reliable and robust defence
communication network interconnecting the three Services at various
functional levels. A viable communication system promoting interaction
at all levels and synergizing efforts towards a common goal is the
backbone for jointness. The work on a common media and interoperable
communication system has commenced and when fully in place, will
augment decision making and compatibility.
International Military Cooperation (IMC): There is today a gradual
recognition of the importance and value of international defence and
military cooperation as a foreign policy tool. At present, each Service
HQ has got a separate foreign cooperation cell/directorate with an
International Affairs Division at HQ IDS for planning and conducting IMC.
There is very little interaction and coordination between them and the
Ministry of Defence (MoD) and Ministry of External Affairs (MEA). This
leads to bottlenecks in planning IMC activities and the projection of a
common face to foreign delegations. The military establishments of
108

most countries of the world follow an integrated approach to boost
cooperation. There is therefore, a requirement to give more teeth to
HQ IDS by posting of additional staff and delegating appropriate powers
from the MoD to enable a better response from the Services. A JS
(International Affairs) from the MEA and an official from the MoD should
be posted to HQ IDS to create a single window for IMC. A separate fund
for IMC should also be instituted under the defence budget and HQ IDS
should be empowered to spend it within laid down parameters. The
reorganised International Affairs Division at HQ IDS will then be able to
plan and conduct IMC in a coordinated and effective manner.
JOINT STAFF FUNCTIONING
Personnel policy is based on the individual requirement of each Service.

Joint staff appointments and duties do not play a significant role in the
career profile of an officer.4 This at times, results in under manning as
well as posting of unsuitable officers at key posts in HQ IDS, ANC and
the SFC. There is also inhibition amongst officers to serve in a joint
Services environment due to the disparity in the appraisal system of
each Service. It is essential that these tri-Service organisations be
given full support by posting officers with a good career profile. It
should gradually be made obligatory for all officers to have held at
least one joint appointment in a tri-Service HQ before being considered
eligible for consideration for promotion to the one star rank and
above, as is the practice in the US. A common appraisal system should
be adopted for officers serving in joint Services organisations/institutions
to protect their career interests. A separate category of Honours &
Awards for distinguished service in tri-Service institutions/establishments
should also be instituted. It is essential that HQ IDS approves postings
of critical appointments in the tri-Service organisations to ensure that
the laid down career profile is not diluted.
GREATER ROLE FOR HQ IDS AND CHIEFS OF STAFF COMMITTEE (COSC)
In the absence of the CDS, the Chief of Integrated Defence Staff to

the Chairman (COSC) (CISC) should be the prime mover in implementing
functional jointness within the Services. HQ IDS is striving to coordinate
the activities of the three Services and put up a joint face at important
forums. Those who have been in the organisation are convinced that
it has a lot of potential. The resistance of the three Services to part
with resources and functions is however, proving to be a major
bottleneck. Planning, budgeting and operations continue to largely
remain single Service roles. HQ IDS needs to play a key role in
formulating joint doctrines and concepts, long term integrated
109
S.C. Sachar
perspective plan, progressively reduce duplication in training, logistics
and maintenance and implement joint staffing in all three Services. It
also needs to set inter-Service prioritisation of capital schemes, make
up critical deficiencies in force capabilities and seek resources for joint
exploitation of space. HQ IDS should also formulate Joint doctrines
for Special Forces and amphibious operations and coordinate joint
response for out of area contingencies.
The COSC is the apex forum where the Services come together and
the Chairman COSC acts as the rotational CDS to some extent.
Despite marginal strengthening of the COSC since September 2001, by
giving it a few enhanced roles and functions, it continues to be plagued
by ills which are inherent in a committee. The consensus driven committee
system is antiquated and unsuited for quick and decisive action. As
decisions and recommendations are sought to be based on consensus,
in the interest of tri-service camaraderie, there is an inevitable temptation
to shelve contentious issues. It is usual for a Chairman to get tenure
of about a year or so. This is too short a period to allow meaningful
formulation, initiation and direction of any long term policy. Till the time
the CDS is sanctioned, there is a need to enhance the effectiveness of
COSC. This can be done by having a fixed tenure for the Chairman and
giving him veto powers so as to be able to take important decisions
in the overall interests of the Defence Forces. He should also have direct
access to the Defence Minister and represent the Services in joint
forums within and outside the country.
INTEGRATION OF ARMED FORCES WITH MOD
Integration of SHQ with MoD should transcend nomenclatures, cut out

duplication, decentralize decision making and devolve financial powers.
Joint staffing throughout MoD by Service and civilian officers should be
the norm. Financial advisers must work under SHQ and act as advisers
not controllers.5 Cross-posting of Service officers to MEA, Ministry of
Home Affairs(MHA) andNational Security Council Secretariat (NSCS)
which has already commenced, should be reciprocated by posting of
civilian officers to Service HQ and HQ IDS and subsequently even to
the Theatre/Functional Commands, when raised. In addition, there is
a need for the MoD to respect proposals moved by the three Services
that have been analysed in great detail, at different levels and are an
organizational necessity.
CONCLUSION
The nature of modern and future wars makes it imperative to fight in

an integrated manner. True jointmanship would lead to synergized
110

military effectiveness and maximisation of combat power. Major spin
offs like taking advantage of the opportunities afforded by RMA and
out of area intervention capabilities will automatically accrue. The day
may not be far when India may have to use its Defence Forces as
part of a joint coalition to deal with emerging regional security threats.
This will only be possible if the three Services are sufficiently integrated.
While acknowledging the separate identity of each Service and
respecting the divergence of views, it is essential to remain careful that
for short term parochial gains, the long-term interests of the defence
forces and the nation are not sacrificed. Loyalty to the Service should not
surpass the common interests at large. The three Services must work
in a decidedly cohesive manner and exhibit a unified approach. A beginning
has been made by projecting a joint requirement to the Sixth Central Pay
Commission unlike separate projections in the past. The joint response
to disaster management during Tsunami was also creditable. The release
of Indias first Joint Doctrine in May 2006 marks a major step towards
integration and interoperability among the three Services.
CISC and HQ IDS have an important role to play in bringing about
a greater degree of jointmanship till the time the CDS is sanctioned by
the government. Lateral integration to reduce duplicity of organisations
and establishments must be continued. Tangible goals should be kept
to ensure that the required pace of restructuring and transformation is
maintained. There must also be a positive attitudinal change amongst
the Service HQ to make the joint structures truly and fully functional.
The three Services must appreciate that success in future wars will go
to the military which is best able to synergize the application of combat
potential of all resources of the land, sea and aerospace.
Notes
1.
Arun Prakash, Inaugural Address, College of Defence Management Seminar on Jointness in

the Armed Forces, November 2006.
2.
P.S. Joshi, Implications of Jointness in Synergistic Management Of War, College of Defence

Management Seminar on Jointness in the Armed Forces, November 2006.
3.
R.C. Tiwari, Concept of Jointness and its Relevance in Achieving Synergy for National
Security Management, College of Defence Management Seminar on Jointness in the Armed
Forces, November 2006.
4.
Satish Uniyal, Military Jointness Implementation Strategy, College of Defence Management

Seminar on Jointness in the Armed Forces, November 2006.
5.
George Mathai, Military Jointness: Implementation Strategy, College of Defence Management

Seminar on Jointness in the Armed Forces, November 2006.
111

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Jointness: An Indian Strategic Culture Perspective

Integration of battlefield assets, be it man or machine, has been a time

The aim of this paper is to explore implementation of jointness from

Part I Review of Indian strategic culture and the security

Part II Impact on various strands of the current jointness

Part III Recommendations for implementation.

PART I REVIEW OF INDIAN STRATEGIC