Zia Ul Haq
Zia Ul Haq
Zia Ul Haq
Introduction:
In this age of democracy there are a large number of nations still
struggling for their right of self-determination. Pakistan is one such
country which, having lived half of its life under the direct military rule
and the remainder under its shadow is not out of the woods yet.
Following the death of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the
founder of Pakistan, and since the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, her
first Prime Minister, there has been no stopping the military from
acquiring power and all its trappings.1 With every Martial Law, the
military has extended its power base, monopolized decision-making and
developed and expanded its corporate interests. Like historical events in
general, every Martial Law in Pakistan has been informed by the
previous ones and has differed more in form than in motivation. A
baggage of colonial history, post-colonial failures of politicians,
judiciary, the media, and the masses to stop encroachments on
democracy and rule of law, have encouraged Bonapartist trends in the
military mired in colonial traditions and intolerant of representative
democracy. Ironically, there was no dearth of conservative hangers-on
for the Raj and had never been since Independence for the praetors who
disrupted with impunity the country’s fragile democracy. Add to this,
the unscrupulousness of the more resourceful and developed
democracies, which, in hot pursuit of national interest, either watched or
actively supported these disruptions thereby making a mockery of their
so-called commitment to democracy and constitutionalism. Even some
leading luminaries of the twentieth century Europe such as the
philosopher of history Arnold Toynbee were inclined to perceive
democracy as an anachronism in developing countries like Pakistan in
the wake of Ayub’s coup d’état in 1958. Such influential counsels in
favour of authority, akin to those proffered by the colonial-orientalist
critiques of the idea of responsible government in colonies or east in
general, were to rationalize and strengthen incumbent or potential
dictatorships among the nations that won their freedom or right of self-
determination after much sacrifice under the colonial rulers. While
condoning democratic disruptions or exculpating the dictators under the
misinterpreted doctrine of necessity, these endorsements were the
fulfilment of legality to the otherwise illegitimate rule in Pakistan by
men like Ghulam Muhammad (1951-54), Generals Sikandar Mirza
(1955-58), Ayub Khan (1958-1969), Yahya (1969-1971), Ziaul-Haq
(1977-1988) and last but not least General Musharraf (1999-2008). All
of these backdoor entrants into power either avoided/manipulated
elections or followed the referendum-route to consolidate it.
Referendum 1984
General Zia wanted to establish a pseudo-democracy in Pakistan, with a
continuation of him as President under a civilian setup.
The President was given the right to nominate the Prime Minister,
Governors of the provinces, and Judges of the High Court and Supreme
Court, including the Chief Justice. Democratically elected Prime
Minister thus became subservient to the President.