Working Paper 216

Poverty and Gender Analysis of Uttarakhand:

Some Insights from the Field

I.C. Awasthi and Dev Nathan

September 2015

Giri Institute of Development Studies

Sector O, Aliganj, Lucknow-226024
Phone Nos : 0522-2321860, 2325021, 2332640
E-mail : gids@sancharnet.in,
Website : http:.//gids.org.in
Poverty and Gender Analysis of Uttarakhand:
Some Insights from the Field

I.C. Awasthi and Dev Nathan

September 2015

Giri Institute of Development Studies

Sector O, Aliganj, Lucknow-226024
 Contents

I. Introduction 1
(i) Objectives 2
(ii) Methodology 2

II. Overview of Uttarakhand Economy 3

(i) Sectoral composition of income 3
(ii) Workforce structure and work participation rates 5
(iii) Status of employment 7
(iv) Poverty 8
(v) Migration patterns 9
(vi) Unemployment trends 9

III. Poverty Analysis : Evidences from Villages 11

(A) The Study Village 11
(i) Population size of households and sex ratio 13
(ii) Village facilities 14
(a) Schools 14
(b) Health 14
(c) Drinking water and sanitation 15
(d) Public distribution system (PDS) 16
(e) Electricity 16
(f) Road connectivity 16
(B) Poverty in Villages : The Pervasiveness 17

IV. Gender Differences : Findings from Villages 21

(i) Gender roles and relations 21
(ii) Women’s drudgery 21
(iii) Vulnerability 22
(iv) Economic inequality 24
(v) Involvement of women in the community 24
(vi) Female headed household 25

V. Implication for Policy 26

References 29
 Abstract
This paper explores poverty and gender analysis in the hill state of Uttarakhand from the
perspective of mountain specificities that are interrelated and have direct bearing on the bio-
physical and socio-economic aspects of the mountain life. The paper through a study carried
out in 12 villages helps in understanding the causes and consequences of poverty and
vulnerability based on altitude and remoteness and analyses the position of the rural women
and the factors that result in their being disadvantaged and vulnerable. The paper clearly
demonstrates that, both altitude and location have an impact on poverty, livelihoods and
gender relations. The village study provides intensive information about the nature of the
problem by various disaggregates which often large surveys do not provide. The study
makes an attempt to capture the ground reality from the field and presents the findings, which
may prove useful for policy interventions in the study areas and similar regions.

Keywords : Mountain specificities, livelihoods and gender relations, intensity of hunger,

female drudgery, poverty and vulnerability.
 Poverty and Gender Analysis of Uttarakhand:
Some Insights from the Field*

I.C. Awasthi and Dev Nathan+

I. Introduction

Uttarakhand hill economy is by and large characterised as a subsistence farming

economy with a precarious industrial base. This kind of economy has led to unemployment
and large-scale out-migration, mainly in search of livelihoods and employment. The various
indicators of development in the state show the low levels of development with marked
inter-district disparities. The plains districts of the state, namely, Dehradun, Udham Singh
Nagar and Hardwar, are relatively better off than the hill districts in terms of economic
indicators.

Lack of regular employment opportunities outside the farm sector and high incidence of
underemployment in terms of unutilized labour time is a major problem in the state
(Mamgain, 2004). Due to agro-climatic constraints on agricultural development, majority of
the rural households are forced to diversify their activities as part of their survival strategy.
Apart from engaging in multiple activities, migration has emerged as an important
household strategy to cope with the seasonality and uncertainty of production.

The village study in the region clearly reveals that poverty and gender dimensions have
profound bearings in the betterment of people's lives. Poverty appears to be a location-
specific phenomenon and it is more severe in distant villages as compared to the villages
which are nearby. Our enquiry has brought out this phenomenon clearly. Yet another
important phenomenon of Uttarakhand hill region is highly gender biased work structure in
the rural areas where women overwhelmingly work in agriculture related occupations while
their male counterparts work in non-farm occupations. The direct outcome of this aspect is

*
The paper is based on a study “Poverty and Gender Analysis of Uttarakhand” conducted by the authors at the
Institute for Human Development (IHD) for the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in
March-June, 2011. Authors are thankful to an anonymous referee for useful comments and suggestions.
+
Professor, Giri Institute of Development Studies, Lucknow (Email: icawasthi@gmail.com) and Visiting
Professor, Institute for Human Development, New Delhi and Duke University, USA (Email:
nathandev@hotmail.com), respectively.
1
high female drudgery that provides little or no opportunity for upward mobility and skill
formation that raises issue of another kind.

The study was conducted as part of the Uttarakhand Livelihood Improvement Project
(ULIP) under the auspices of International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) with
the objectives of (1) gaining an understanding of the causes and consequences of poverty and
vulnerability; and (2) analysing the position of rural women and the factors that result in their
being disadvantaged and vulnerable.

The study is expected to enable IFAD's project design team for the ULIP to devise
strategies for addressing the underlying causes of poverty, vulnerability and women's
disempowered position. The study also provides a participatory prioritization of the needs of
different socio-economic groups living in the hill region of the state.

(ii) Methodology

The study team used participatory rural appraisal (PRA) tools to gather information
from a total of 12 villages in the hill districts of Uttarakhand, These include 6 villages in each
of the two administrative zones, Kumaun and Garhwal. Within each administrative zone, 3
villages were chosen in each of the three different altitude bands – high, medium and low.
Further, one village in each band was chosen to be 'remote', with poor access to all-weather
roads and related facilities. The other village in the altitude band was chosen on the basis of
its easy access to roads and related facilities. The two types of villages are respectively
named 'distant' and 'near' villages. Analysis of the data was done on two main axes – altitude
and remoteness. There were 4 villages in each altitude band and 6 villages in each
remoteness type. In classifying areas by altitude and remoteness, and in choosing villages to
meet the required criteria, discussions were carried out with the IFAD Liaison Office in
Delhi. The focus group discussions (FGDs) of women revolved mainly on various aspects of
gender relations. They also tried to identify the constraints that women faced and the
interventions they correspondingly suggested. The method of investigation was a
combination of FGDs and key informant interviews. FGDs were carried out with men's and
women's groups separately.

2
 Participatory wealth, or more accurately, well-being was carried out to define poverty
levels and distribution of households by poverty categories. These were further
disaggregated by social categories, such as upper caste, Scheduled Castes (SCs or dalits),
Scheduled Tribes (STs) and minority groups. Consequently, it was possible to carry out an
analysis of the distribution of poverty by altitude, remoteness and social categories. The
FGDs of women were carried out mainly on various aspects of gender relations. They also
tried to identify the constraints women faced and the interventions women correspondingly
suggested. These analyses would help in designing the targeting of project interventions.

The paper has been structured into five sections. First section deals with the objectives
and methodology of village study. The second section briefly discusses the overview of the
state and the third section makes poverty analysis utilising PRA tools. The fourth section
investigates the gender differences drawn from village insights and the last section suggests
the policy imperatives.

II. Overview of Uttarakhand Economy

(i) Sectoral composition of income

Economic structure is an important indicator of economic development that shows the

process of structural transformation in the economy over the years. Income is generally
considered as an important parameter of such structural changes. However, changes in
income alone may not be a sufficient condition for any successful structural transformation.
It is therefore important for any successful transformation that changes in the structure of
income should be accompanied by corresponding changes in the structure of workforce or
employment. But, in spite of significant changes in the structure of income in primary sector,
employment structure has not shown the desired changes over the years. For instance, in the
State of Uttarakhand, about 49 per cent of the workforce in the primary sector is contributing
about 11 per cent of income, while 22 per cent of the workforce in the secondary sector and
29 per cent in the tertiary sector are contributing about 37 and 52 per cent of wealth
respectively in 2011-12.

While at All India, the contribution of employment has been 49 per cent in primary sector
24 percent in secondary sector and 27 per cent in tertiary sector, the corresponding GDP
share has been 14, 28 and 57 per cent respectively in 2011-12. One can see that structural

3
transformation has been relatively faster in Uttarakhand, especially in primary and
secondary sector, compared to All India.

The table below presents the income structure or to say the gross state domestic product
(GSDP) structure of the state as also that of all-India in terms of the standard tri-sectoral
classification, viz., percentage share of primary, secondary and tertiary sectors at three
points of time i.e. 2004-05, 2009-10 and 2011-12.

It may be observed that the reliance on primary (producing) sector has declined
substantively from 2004-05 to 2013-14, even lower than all India during 2009-10 to2013-
14. In secondary sector, Uttarakhand has recorded a higher share than all-India from 2009-
10 to 2013-14, and it has witnessed remarkably higher share and indeed a large part of
increase has come through construction activities. In terms of tertiary sector, the state has
lagged behind all India, by 15 percentage points in 2013-14 and the share has stagnated in
2012-13 over 2011-12 (Table-1). Indeed, there has been faster sectoral transformation after
2004-05, which is clearly visible.

Table-1 Share of GSDP at factor cost in Uttarakhand and All-India (2004-05 prices)
Sector Uttarakhand All India
2004-05 2009-10 2011-12 2013- 14 2004-05 2009-10 2011-12 2013- 14
Primary 23.48 12.45 10.58 10.38 19.00 14.60 14.40 13.94
Secondary 27.02 34.53 37.00 37.23 27.90 28.30 28.20 18.69
Tertiary 49.50 53.02 52.42 52.37 53.10 57.10 57.40 67.36
Source: Central Statistical Organisation

The relative sectoral productivity is an important indicator for change in the structure of
economy. The state has registered a remarkably high rate of growth since the beginning of
2000 and the growth has been higher throughout from 2000-01 to 2012-13 as compared to
all- India barring 2005-06; and it can be reckoned as the fastest growing economy
among the comity of states. It is evident from Table 2 below that primary sector grew
much faster during 2009-13 as compared to earlier period (2005-09) registering 4.4 per cent
growth per annum. In particular, mining & quarrying saw bulk of growth. Nearly three times
growth in primary sector was registered in the later period as compared to earlier one.
Ostensibly, a boost in mining activities pushed up the growth of primary sector.
Manufacturing, which recorded phenomenal growth during the first period, has fallen
sharply to about one-third during the second period. Obviously, internal and external factors

4
have been responsible for this sluggish growth in manufacturing income which has caused a
sharp fall in the growth of secondary sector despite the fact that construction sector has
recorded an extraordinarily high growth. Share of services sector has plummeted sharply in
the later period with every sub-sector showing a sharp decline. Despite a slowdown in most
of the sub-sectors, the overall growth in the state has been robust and it performed much
better than all-India and many states. Growth rates, though still quite robust, seem to be
slowing down during the last 2 or 3 years.

Table 2: GSDP at factor cost, 2004-05 prices

Gross state domestic product
(Rs. in lakh) ACGR growth %
Industry 2004-05 2009-10 2013-14 2005-09 2009-13
Agri. and allied 552040 602899 700001 1.78 3.80
Mining & quarrying 29894 26844 48945 -2.13 16.20
Primary sector 581934 629743 748946 1.59 4.43
Manufacturing 315559 1287154 1937281 32.47 10.76
Electricity, gas & water supply 38446 68777 103717 12.34 10.82
Construction 315686 391200 719765 4.38 16.47
Secondary sector 669691 1747131 2760763 21.14 12.12
Trade, hotels & restaurants 419564 1259244 1978189 24.58 11.95
Transport, storage & communication 162784 352599 502297 16.72 9.25
Banking & insurance 93663 218345 339702 18.44 11.68
Business services incl. real estate 159893 198979 233818 4.47 4.12
Public admin. 133372 321954 342027 19.27 1.52
Other services 257667 331790 392667 5.19 4.30
Services 1226943 2682911 3788700 16.94 9.01
All 2478568 5059785 7298409 15.34 9.59
State per capita income (Rs.) 24726 44556 61106 12.50 8.22
Source: Central Statistical Organisation

(ii) Workforce structure and work participation rates

Any structural transformation is considered successful when changes in structure of

output are accompanied by corresponding changes in the share of employment.
Corresponding employment situation over time helps analyse the structural transformation
of workforce. The NSS quinquennial survey data shows that there has been a relatively
faster movement of workforce (7.2 percentage points) away from primary to other sectors
from 2004-05 to 2011-12 (Table 3). The period 2009-10 in particular saw a fast decline of
agricultural workforce over 2004-05 than the later period, 2011-12. This is true for both rural
and urban locations. The overall share of agriculture sector has been 49 per cent in 2011-12
which is lower than that of all-India. Such diminution is welcome feature for any successful
transformation.
5
 The share in secondary sector's employment is 22 per cent in 2011-12. Employment in
this sector increased gradually during 2004-11 and in particular it witnessed a huge increase
during 2004-2009 (7.80 percentage points) of which most of the share emanated from steep
rise in construction activities. Manufacturing saw a steady surge during 8 years but urban
areas saw much higher stimulus in manufacturing employment share than the rural areas
which stagnated during 2004-09 but later picked up during 2011-12. Manufacturing is a
cause of serious concern at national level but Uttarakhand has shown a significant
improvement during 2004-11. One can plausibly argue that industrial stimulus through
concessional package provided by Government of India to establish industries in
Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh spurred industrial activities in the states. The services
sector employs 29 per cent and has registered perceptible increase during 2009-11. Most
prominent sub-sector is trade, hotel and restaurants that contributes highest employment
share in the sector. The other sub-sectors are 'Other' services and transport, storage &
communication, respectively.

Table 3: Workforce by industrial category in Uttarakhand (UPS)

Sector 2004-05 2009-10 2011-12
Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total
Agriculture 78.4 12.0 66.1 69.5 5.4 56.4 61.4 4.8 48.9
Mining - 0.04 0.01 0.2 0.2 0.2 - 0.1 -
&quarrying
Primary sector 78.4 12.04 66.11 69.70 5.60 56.60 61.40 4.90 48.90
Manufacturing 3.4 11.9 5.0 3.7 17.8 6.6 6.7 18.2 9.3
Electricity, water, gas etc 0.2 1.3 0.4 0.2 1.9 0.6 0.5 1.0 0.6
Construction 6.1 10.3 6.9 13.2 11.8 12.9 12.3 11.9 12.2
Secondary sector 9.70 23.50 12.30 17.10 31.50 20.10 19.50 31.10 22.10
Trade, hotel and 4.4 27.0 8.6 4.9 32.0 10.4 8.5 33.8 14.1
restaurants
Transport, storage and 2.0 7.3 3.0 1.7 3.7 2.1 4.4 7.9 5.1
communication
Other services 5.5 30.2 10.1 6.6 27.1 10.8 6.2 22.2 9.7
Tertiary sector 11.90 64.50 21.70 13.20 62.80 23.30 19.10 63.90 28.90
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: NSS various rounds

Work participation rate (WPR) is an important indicator of development showing the

proportion of working population to total population in an economy. It is generally believed
that the higher WPR is an indication of well-being of population and rightly so. Conversely,
it is also observed that in a poor region, WPR is generally higher among the population
which does not necessarily indicate improved economic status and well-being, rather it

6
indicates a poverty driven phenomenon. In poor regions, people do not have perennial
source of employment and they are engaged in multiple activities for short duration at low
wage rates. Such multi-activity is often most common in such regions to cope with the
livelihood uncertainty. It is therefore important to consider the qualitative dimension of
WPR in terms of pattern and nature of employment, its duration, work conditions and wages.
Participation rates have consistently declined during 2004-05 to 2011-12. The distinctive
feature of participation rate is a huge decline of female participation rate in 2001-12 as
compared to earlier periods. This drop in female participation rate has been regarded as a
welcome indicator as there has been a considerable increase of people, particularly of
younger age groups, in educational institutions that caused reduction in WPRs.. Male
participation rates have shown a significant increase (6.6 percentage points) during 2011-12
over 2009-10 (Table-4). The similar trend emerges in the rural areas, however in urban areas
participation rates tend to increase by and large and more particularly during 2011-12.

Table 4: Work participation rate in Uttarakhand (UPSS)

NSS Rural Urban Total
round Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
2004-05 52.3 42.7 47.4 51.9 12.7 33.2 52.2 35.7 43.9
2009-10 46.1 39.9 43.1 53.0 11.3 33.6 47.8 33.0 40.7
2011-12 54.3 24.8 39.9 54.6 14.7 35.5 54.4 21.9 38.6
Source: NSS various rounds

(iii) Status of employment

Yet, an important dimension of employment is its composition in terms of status of

workforce (though not necessarily measures the quality of employment). Total employment
is generally disaggregated into self-employment, regular employment and casual
employment. Regular paid employment is generally considered secure and self-
employment as fairly secure, even though incomes from certain types of self-employment
activities might be highly irregular, inadequate and even uncertain. But for typical casual
workers, neither the duration of employment nor the income is certain.

Self-employment base appears to have eroded sharply during 2004-05 to 2009-10 both
for rural and urban locations by equal measure and the process has somewhat been arrested
during 2011-12. For rural area, self-employment has been the principal mode of livelihoods
for males as well as for females. But for rural females, it is indeed the sole source of
employment as an overwhelmingly large majority of workforce is engaged in it – primarily
7
in cultivation activities. The share of regular employment which stagnated during 2009-10
has shown substantive gain during 2011-12 in both the locations. However, the pace of
increase in casual employment noted in 2009-10 over 2004-05 has somewhat halted in 2011-
12. Surprisingly, in urban area this share has fallen considerably (Table 5).

Table 5: Status of employment in Uttarakhand (UPSS)

NSS Rural Urban Total
round Self- Regular Casual Self- Regular Casual Self- Regular Casual
employed employed employed employed employed employed employed employed employed
2004-05 80.4 7.2 12.3 51.6 41.4 7.0 75.1 13.6 11.3
2009-10 75.0 8.3 16.7 45.0 36.4 18.6 68.9 14.0 17.1
2011-12 74.1 11.2 14.7 51.4 39.8 8.7 69.1 17.5 13.4

Source: NSS various rounds

(iv) Poverty

Poverty has been widespread in the state where proportion of poor below poverty line
was alarmingly high at 32.7 per cent (combined) with rural poverty at 35.1 per cent and urban
poverty at 26.2 per cent in 2004-05 based on Tendulkar's methodology. It was regarded one
of the poorest states after Orissa, Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. However, the
proportion of poor below poverty line fell sharply after 2004-05 and in particular 2009-10
when proportion of rural poverty declined appreciably and urban poverty proportion
remained somewhat sluggish. In 2011-12, poverty ratio continued to decline further both in
rural and urban areas. These proportions are lower in both the locations as compared to all-
India (Table 6). The poverty data for 2004-05 is, however, highly suspect on account of price
indices used and which were among highest in the country. Scholars have expressed concern
over accuracy of reference data of 2004-05 (Joshi, 2012). However, the poverty figures for
2009-10 appear to be somewhat reasonable and sensible.

Table 6: Percentage of population below poverty line (Tendulkar Methodology)

2004-05* 2009-10* 2011-12**

Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban

Uttarakhand 35.1 26.2 14.9 25.2 11.62 10.48
All India 42.0 25.5 33.8 20.9 25.70 13.70
Sources: *Press Note on Poverty Estimates, 2009-10, Planning Commission, 2009-10
** Data book for DCH; 10th March, 2014, Planning Commission

8
 (v) Migration patterns

Out-migration has been a common phenomenon in the hill region of Uttarakhand which
is closely related to economic backwardness (Khanka, 1988; Bora, 1986, 1996; Mamgain,
2004). Apart from engaging in multiple economic activities, migration has emerged as an
important household strategy to cope with the seasonality and uncertainty of production.

The intensity of out-migration is high and it is the most common household strategy for
supplementing consumption needs at the source area. Long-term migration from the hill
region has been an old tradition primarily to eke out living in towns and cities. Although
income earned has been low, yet it provided some sort of security to the family at the source
area. Of late, permanent migration has emerged as an important phenomenon with a view to
bettering life and investing in children's education (Awasthi, 2010). Nevertheless, migrants
do maintain strong linkages with the source area through remittances and regular visits.

An overwhelmingly large number of the long-term migrant workers out-migrate with

poor education levels and marketable skills, resulting in low incomes thereby adding to
vulnerability at the place of destination.

(vi) Unemployment trends

Rural unemployment rate in the state is about 2.5 per cent of the labour force, which is
higher than all-India (1.7 per cent) in 2011-12. Open unemployment in the state has
gradually risen during 2004-05 to 2011-12. Male unemployment rate in the state is reported
to be higher and female unemployment is much lower compared to the corresponding all-
India rates during 2004-05 to 2009-10 (Table 7). Females are increasingly looking for job
opportunities in the labour market which is evident from the recent rising unemployment
rates among females. The recent 68th round results, however, show a huge increase in
unemployment rates, both for males and females as compared to all-India. Male
unemployment situation in rural area of the state is quite severe and it has increased from 1.3
per cent in 2004-05 to 2.7 per cent in 2011-12.

Unemployment by current daily status (CDS), which captures underemployment

intensity more precisely, consistently throws a higher rate of unemployment, both for males
and females, indicating a huge unutilized labour time. Although, overall rural
unemployment rate by CDS is lower in Uttarakhand as compared to all-India, yet, male
9
unemployment rate has been comparable to All-India. Female unemployment rate in rural
area has been consistently registering low rates, in particular 2004-05 to 2009-10, not
because of the fact that they remain fully employed but largely because of their engagement
in low-paid agricultural activities that do not allow them to report as either available or
seeking for work. However, recent results clearly demolish the notion that they 'do not report
themselves available for work' (Desikachar and Viswanathan, 2011).

The reasons for high and low incidence of unemployment for males and females
respectively in the rural areas are altogether different. Open unemployment in Uttarakhand is
a male-specific phenomenon. The reason for high rate of unemployment is primarily due to
lack of regular employment opportunities and also intermittent employment opportunities
that would otherwise have engaged them in a subsidiary capacity.

Table 7: Unemployment rates in rural Uttarakhand and rural India

Uttarakhand 2004-05 2009-10 2011-12
M F P M F P M F P
UPSS 2.0 0.4 1.3 2.6 0.2 1.6 2.7 2.1 2.5
CDS 5.7 1.3 4.1 6.6 0.4 4.5 5.4 4.3 5.1
India
UPSS 1.6 1.8 1.7 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.7 1.7 1.7
CDS 8.0 8.7 8.2 6.4 8.0 6.8 5.5 6.2 5.7
Source: NSS various rounds

Hill districts of the state pose some specific problems and within it there exists wide
diversity and variability both in terms of resource endowments, development potential as
well as constraints. It is predominantly a hilly and mountainous region with undulating
topography, varied climate, limited arable land and difficult agricultural conditions. This has
resulted in a low economic base. Although, agriculture is the main occupation of the hill
people yet it suffers from several inherent maladies. Landholdings are small, fragmented and
scattered. Preponderance of cultivators in tiny size of land parcels is most common barring
the plane or tarai region -- Dehradun, Udham Singh Nagar and Hardwar districts. The plane
districts are economically better off as compared to other hilly districts in the state.

Lack of productive employment in the hill districts has forced people to seek multiple
livelihood strategies as the main coping mechanism to meet increasing food and cash
requirements. Unemployment among adult males has led to a large-scale out-migration in
search of livelihood and employment. The migrants in turn have been supporting back their

10
families through remittance. The plane districts of Udham Singh Nagar, Hardwar, Dehradun
(mainly the Doon valley) and to some extent Nainital (mainly the Bhabar tract covering
Haldwani-Kathgodam, Kaladhungi, Ramnagar and Lalkuan in fact attracting in-migrants.
The movement of people from the region is closely related to its backwardness. In all the
hilly districts of the state, out-migration exceeds immigration. Micro level studies also show
high rate of out-migration particularly among the educated youth. By and large, push factors
motivated to a large number of migrants (Bora, 1996; Awasthi, 2012). Evidently, Census
2011 shows generally low rates of population growth during 2001 and 2011 in the mountain
districts with the exception of Uttarkashi and Champawat. In two districts – Almora and
Pauri Garhwal – the decadal population growth was in fact recorded negative.

III. Poverty Analysis: Evidences from Villages

(A) The Study Villages

Twelve villages were chosen for the diagnostic study with a focus on poverty and gender
dimensions. In four districts (Bageshwar, Pithoragarh, Tehri Garhwal and Chamoli), two
each in Garhwal and Kumaun regions, villages were chosen along two dimensions, altitude
and remoteness. The three different altitudes were high, medium and low ones. Remoteness
was defined along two features – villages which are on main road, and connected to all-
weather roads were taken as nearby villages; while those which are far from the main road,
and not directly connected with all-weather roads were taken as distant villages. It was
expected that altitude and location would both have an impact on poverty, livelihoods and
gender relations. The features of the chosen villages are presented in Table 8.

11
 Table 8: Villages selected in Uttarakhand
Kumaun region Garhwal region
Altitude Village Name of District Altitude Village Name of District
location village/block location village
High Distant Gogina Bageshwar High Distant Banchuri Tehri
(2000 (10 kms (Kapkote) (1900 (9 kms (Bhilangana) Garhwal
meters approx meters approx
approx from approx from
from sea road from sea road
level) heads) level) heads)
Medium Near Simgarhi Bageshwar Medium Distant Genwali Tehri
(990 (500 (Bageshwar) (810 (3 kms (Jakarnidhar) Garhwal
meters meters meters approx
approx from approx from
from sea road from sea road
level) heads) level) heads)
Low Distant Thanga Bageshwar Low Near Molno Tehri
(780 (4.5kms (Bageshwar) (570 (1.5 kms (Bhilangana) Garhwal
meters approx meters from
approx from approx road
from sea road from sea heads)
level) heads) level)

High Near Bala Pithoragarh High Distant Gwar Chamoli

(1700 (300 (Munshyari) (1900 (2.5 kms (Karnprayag)
meters meters meters approx
approx from approx from
from sea road from sea road
level) heads) level) heads)
Medium Distant Garaon Pithoragarh Medium Near Sonla Chamoli
(850 (4 kms (Berinag) (1230 (1.2 kms (Karnprayag)
meters approx meters from
approx from approx road
from sea road from sea heads)
level) heads) level)
Low Near Bagrihat Pithoragarh Low Near Jilasu Chamoli
(520 (500 (Kanalichhina) (590 (1.0 kms (Pokhari)
meters meters meters from
approx approx approx road
from sea from from sea heads)
level) road level)
heads)
Source: Fieldwork, April 2011

12
 (i) Population, average size of households and sex ratio

The 12 surveyed villages have a total population of 9,129, with males comprising of 49.7
per cent and females 50.3 per cent. Distant villages have slightly higher population (50.7 per
cent) than those located near roads (49.3 per cent). Upper social groups constitute 59.9 per
cent while lower social groups comprise of 40.1 per cent of the total population (Table 9).
Small size settlements in hill districts is common and clearly settlement patterns has no
relation with social group habitation rather different social groups coexists together barring
northern most part of Uttarakhand which is inhabited by Bhotia tribe --- known as Bhot
region.

Table 9: Population by location and social groups

Altitude and Upper social group Lower social group All persons
location of villages Male Female Persons Male Female Persons Male Female Persons
Altitude High 1601 1679 3280 551 589 1140 2152 2268 4420
Medium 798 773 1571 505 477 982 1303 1250 2553
Low 319 294 613 760 783 1543 1079 1077 2156
Total 2718 2746 5464 1816 1849 3665 4534 4595 9129
Location Near 1155 1109 2264 1123 1111 2234 2278 2220 4498
Distant 1563 1637 3200 693 738 1431 2256 2375 4631
Total 2718 2746 5464 1816 1849 3665 4534 4595 9129
Source: Fieldwork, April 2011
Note: Upper social group constitutes Brahmin and Kshatriya while lower social group comprises of SC, ST, OBC
and Muslims.

The villages comprise of 1,644 households, of which 834 were located roadside and 810
were distant villages. Average households and population in a village were 137 and 761,
respectively. Average size of households was 5.5 with little variation across distant (5.7) and
roadside villages (5.4). The surveyed villages have a sex ratio of about 1,013 females per
thousand males (Table 10). This gender favourable ratio can be attributed to the phenomenon
of male-specific out-migration in the hill areas. Sex ratio across upper and lower social
groups does not vary significantly. A higher sex ratio is reported in high altitude (1,054
females per thousand males) and distant villages (1,053 females per thousand males). A
higher sex ratio indicates a greater propensity of male out-migration from the higher altitude
and distant villages that provide limited livelihood opportunities due to remoteness and other
hill specificities (Table 10).

13
 Table 10: Average households, household size, population and sex ratio
Altitude and location of Total Household
Household Population Sex ratio
villages households size
Altitude High 787 197 5.62 1105 1049
Medium 468 117 5.46 638 959
Low 389 97 5.54 539 998
Total 1644 137 5.55 761 1013
Location Near 834 139 5.39 750 974
Distant 810 135 5.72 772 1053
Total 1644 137 5.55 761 1013
Source: Fieldwork, April 2011

(ii) Village facilities

Village facilities are important indicators for improving and bettering of human lives.
Different participatory rural appraisal (PRA) techniques have been used in the study to
generate a profile of the people's perceptions. The discussions were designed to elicit
responses pertaining to the villagers' perceptions of livelihood issues – assets, vulnerability,
perceptions on improvement in access to livelihoods and employment opportunities. PRA
exercise was undertaken in selected villages through social mapping and wealth ranking in
order to understand the physical characteristics and socio-economic conditions of the
community.

(a) Schools

There has been rapid expansion of school education in the state and even remote and
distant locations have schooling facilities. Village survey results amply corroborate this
phenomenon. All villages have primary schools and most of them have more than one
primary school in their vicinity. Even most of the villages have middle school, barring three
low altitude villages. In recent years, there has been a parallel expansion of private schools in
the villages, what has been called public school with English as a medium of instruction.
These schools have profound implications for the government-run schools in terms of
declining pupil-teacher ratio and poor teaching. However, only two villages have
secondary/senior secondary schools and in the remaining villages, students have to traverse
long distance for availing the facilities.

(b) Health

Uttarakhand became the first state to adopt an Integrated Health and Population Policy in
2002, especially based on participatory process. However, people face socio-cultural and
14
economic barriers in access and use of health facilities owing to lack of reliable all-weather
transport and distance involved. Although there has been greater penetration of economic
and social infrastructure in the state, which compares well with all-India on aggregate terms,
yet far-flung and remote areas in the state still face the problem of accessibility.

Frequency of visits of health workers, particularly, the medical officer and pharmacist in
the villages is pretty low. Surprisingly, out of the 12 surveyed villages, eight villages had
never seen a visit from the doctor; five villages had never been visited by the pharmacist.
Only in two cases had the pharmacist visited that too during health camps. In half of the
surveyed villages, the Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANM) reportedly visited on a weekly
basis; while in four villages, the ANM visited just once in a month. In the remaining two
villages, their visit was either highly infrequent and or they never visited. In majority of the
villages, visits of Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) and Anganwadi workers were
reported to be satisfactory.

(c) Drinking water and sanitation

Drinking water is an acute problem in some of the surveyed villages, particularly in

summers. The analysis of water sources shows that the 'other source', especially small
stream, springs like naula and dhara is the dominant source in villages. Around 67.70 per
cent households depend on this natural source of water, with highest share in distant villages
(80 per cent). About one-fifth of households use piped water and a little over one-tenth of
households use public stand post with relatively higher share in nearby villages than distant
villages. Public hand pump and private well constitute negligible share. As mentioned
earlier, piped water, which is supposed to be safe for drinking, is used only by one-fifth of
households and as a result waterborne diseases caused by pathogenic microorganisms are
directly transmitted when contaminated fresh water is consumed. Various infectious
diseases spread primarily through contaminated water.

Lack of clean, safe drinking water and proper sanitation facilities together leads to
various waterborne diseases that have serious health hazards. Almost 46 per cent households
practice open defecation (which leads to diarrhea and other gastrointestinal diseases and can
result in outbreak of other related diseases). Government subsidy for sanitation has come up
in a big way but it is not sufficient for constructing latrines. As a result, many structures
remain incomplete. Distant villages have higher intensity of open defecation than the nearby
ones, and similarly, villages with high and medium altitude have higher intensity of such
15
cases followed by lesser intensity of such cases in low altitude villages. The villages
surveyed amply show that safe drinking water and sanitation is still a major challenge and
needs to be put at the very top of the poverty eradication and sustainable livelihood
development agenda of the hill areas.

(d) Public distribution system (PDS)

The village economy of the state largely depends on PDS for food security as the state is
a food-deficit one. All the villagers depend on PDS ranging from a few months to larger part
of the year. Although PDS was functioning satisfactorily, yet in some of the surveyed
villages, either foodgrains were not available on time or the quality of grains was poor.
Despite these facts, the network of PDS is strong and acts as a lifeline in the state,
particularly in distant villages. Average distance of PDS shop from the village is 1.3 km – 0.7
km in nearby villages and 2.0 km in distant villages. Almost half of the families (44.5 per
cent) are covered under BPL, Antyodaya and Annapurna schemes. Nearly 43 per cent of
nearby villages and 46 per cent of distant villages are covered under PDS.

(e) Electricity

Uttarakhand region has plenty of water resources with good potential for hydro-
electricity; but it has barely harnessed this potential. In recent years there have been greater
developmental efforts to provide electricity to the remote villages and this has improved the
situation substantively. Nearly 84 per cent households have electricity connections and
distant villages have better access and higher connectivity (85 per cent) than the nearby
villages (83 per cent). Even villages located in higher altitudes have fairly high connectivity.
All the surveyed villages were electrified some 11 to 16 years ago and on an average received
electricity between 9.60 hours in distant villages to 12.50 hours in nearby villages. However,
out of 12 villages surveyed, four villages (Bagirhat, Gwar, Jilasu and Sonla) did not get
electricity during 6-9 p.m. (peak hours) when electricity is needed most by the households.
In the rainy season the problem was more apparent in these villages and electricity was
highly irregular even during day time. One of the main reasons is that electricity is supplied
to shops and establishments in rural markets during peak hours and hence there is
corresponding cut of supply to the villages.

(f) Road connectivity

The benefits of linking villages with a good road network are enormous. In addition to
16
employment generation, road links yield socio-economic benefits like reduction in prices of
agricultural and consumer products, access to markets, public transport, employment
opportunities and better education and healthcare facilities. Hill areas typically pose
constraints of remoteness with sparse population and bio-physical constrictions.

Transport facilities are not that robust in surveyed villages. Out of the 12 villages, nine do
not have pucca (metalled) road and none of the distant villages has pucca road. Seven
villages do not even have bus stop in the village. Distant villages lack these facilities
relatively more than the nearby villages. None of the villages are linked to railways, for
which they have to travel long to reach the nearest railway station.

B. Poverty in Villages: The Pervasiveness

Aggregate poverty level in the state has witnessed a faster decline in particular from
2004-05, both in rural and urban locations as compared to all-India. However, the literature
palpably shows that poverty in hill states suffers from 'statistical invisibility' as these surveys
do not take into account factors associated with hill specificities. It is generally argued that
hill people require more energy in terms of calorie intake, more woolen clothes in order to
sustain their living. Generally, poverty is more prevalent, severe, and uneven in mountain
region owing to hill specificities that is often not captured in the usual surveys (Papola,
2002). One of the principal reasons of poverty is food deficit in the hill regions and
enormously high dependency on foodgrain import (IDFC, 2002). Supply of foodgrains from
public distribution system is the lifeline, particularly for distant villages, that face severe
foodgrain shortages owing to inaccessibility. Although poverty is not necessarily a
consequence of lack of foodgrains but more so due to lack of affordability (or effective
demand), that arises from lack of incomes. Field data corroborate that 6.32 per cent
households do not consume two meals a day (Table 11). This has aspects of both
inaccessibility and un-affordability of food grains across social groups and locations of
villages. There is lesser intensity of hunger among upper social groups (2.49 per cent
households) than the lower social groups (3.83 per cent households) in terms of not
consuming two meals a day. Among lower social groups, households consuming less than
two meals a day out of the total households in that social category go up to 10.28 per cent and
among upper social group it falls to about 4.00 per cent. Households located near roads have
comparatively lower intensity of hunger (5.5 per cent) than those in distant villages (7.2 per
cent). Poverty appears to be a location-specific phenomenon and it is more severe in distant

17
villages than the nearby ones. It seems reasonable that villages near to road heads have better
opportunities for development activities than the distant ones. However, the lower social
group (SCs) has been at disadvantageous position due to lack of resources (viz, land) and
other entitlements that perpetually denied opportunities for bettering their lives which have
been deep rooted in caste system for generations. This has resulted in economical and social
backwardness despite the fact that numerous affirmative actions have been initiated through
reservation policies. Even their being located near roads does not ensure them having
enough opportunities for better living primarily because of lack of resources and
entitlements.

From the policy point of view, it is extremely important to develop both economic and
social infrastructure, which has a strong impact on bettering the human life.

Table 11: Proportion of households (hhs) consuming less than 2 meals a day
Altitude and location of villages Upper social group Lower social group Total hhs
Altitude High 23 (2.92) 23(2.92) 787
Medium 15 (3.20) 16(3.41) 468
Low 3(0.77) 24(6.17) 389
Total 41(2.49) 63(3.83) 1644
Location Near 9(1.08) 37 (4.44) 834
Distant 32 (3.95) 26(3.21) 810
Total 41(2.49) 63(3.83) 1644
Total hhs 1031 613
Source: Field survey, April 2011

Distribution of households under poor and non-poor categories shows that 45.70 per cent
households are identified as poor through wealth ranking exercise. This shows the
proportion of households identified as poor based on the perceptions of villagers on wealth
classes. The proportion of poor is higher in the nearby villages (47.1 per cent) than the distant
ones (44.2 per cent), whereas the ultra poor are more in the distant villages than the nearby
villages. This is somewhat a puzzle. Proportion of poor on the basis of wealth ranking is a
measure of relative poverty which is based on perceptions of people in a village context.
While absolute poverty (ultra poor) is a measure of deprivation and hunger which is more
serious.

It can be seen from Table 12 that majority of poor households are SC (63.3 per cent),
followed by ST (55.1 per cent) and are least among the upper social group households (35.8
per cent). Similarly, proportion of ultra poor or those consuming less than two meals a day
(intensity) is highest among the SC (dalit) and lowest among the ST households. This clearly
18
 Consequences of poverty are enormous and carry negative effects in the lives of people,
particularly of the poor with inadequate livelihood options and entitlements. Its impacts are
profound in terms of hunger, malnutrition, high infant mortality, dampening income
potential, hygiene and diet related diseases and huge out-migration, etc. The survey results
clearly show that nearby villages are more affected with hunger and malnutrition,
dampening income potential, inadequate nutrition for children, high infant mortality and
reduced literacy than the distant villages (Table 13).

Table 13: Consequences of poverty

Altitude and Hunger and Dampening Children's Increase Increased Out Reduced Limited
location of malnutrition earning inadequate in school migration literacy access to
villages potential nutrition hygiene drop outs rates productive
and high and diet resources
infant related
mortality diseases
Altitude High 2 3 1 1 2 1 2 1
Medium 3 3 4 1 0 3 0 0
Low 2 2 2 1 0 0 3 0
Total 7 8 7 3 2 4 5 1
Location Near 4 5 4 2 0 2 4 0
Distant 3 3 3 1 2 2 1 1
Total 7 8 7 3 2 4 5 1

Source: Field survey, April 2011

Good nutrition apart from generating energy provides structural components, vitamins
and minerals. Food must contain enough protein, fat, carbohydrates and vitamins. Pulses,
fruits, vegetables, milk, meat/eggs provide nutrition and energy. Malnutrition contributes to
poverty illness, lowers cognitive function and thus reduces educational attainment,
productivity and relegates the individual to reduced options for livelihoods. It has been
observed that the poor households mostly consume grains and little or no nutritious foods. In
all the villages, it was observed that the poor households were not consuming fruits and
vegetables, meat and eggs. Out of 12 villages, six villages consumed pulses, nuts and seeds
while four villages consumed milk in their diet. This is true for all villages across altitude and
location. In the case of 'not so poor households', 10 villages consumed pulses, nuts and seeds;
three villages fruits; eight villages milk and only one village consumed meat/eggs in their
diet. Rich households in all the villages have pulses, nuts and seeds, milk, fruits and
vegetables as part of their diet. Meat/eggs constitute a part of the diet only in five villages.

20
shows that SCs are a vulnerable lot in the social hierarchy. In a way, social caste system has
played an important role in determining the lifestyles of each group, which differs starkly
from each other. For example, SC houses are small, often with thatched roof and located
slightly at a distance from other higher social groups. The caste system is clearly ranked, and
historically the upper social castes have generally monopolised the economic and social
power, and the class endogamy tended to keep the rich as rich and the poor as poor.

Table 12: Poverty analyses across 12 villages

Village category Ultra poor Poor including Not so poor Better- off
Total HHs
% ultra poor % % %
All 12 villages 1644 6.32 45.70 36.58 17.71
Near 834 5.52 47.12 36.33 16.55
Distant 810 7.16 44.20 36.91 18.89
High 787 5.84 41.17 42.06 16.77
Medium 468 6.62 47.43 29.91 22.65
Low 389 6.94 52.70 33.68 13.62
Bageshwar 418 6.22 48.80 39.95 11.24
Pithoragarh 420 5.71 41.19 42.14 16.67
Tehri 520 4.61 50.19 31.92 17.88
Chamoli 286 10.49 39.51 32.16 28.32
Upper social group 1031 3.97 35.79 43.55 19.98
SC 535 11.00 63.36 25.42 12.33
ST 78 2.56 55.13 20.51 24.36

Source: Field survey, April 2011

The system has exploited the scheduled castes for a long time and in this process they
could not get enough opportunities of education and better options for livelihood. It is not
that they were discriminated against in the access to education or other facilities provided by
the government, but somehow they were the victims of social deprivation for generations.
However, this did not curtail social interaction between various social classes.

Intensity of poverty (ultra poor) is clearly discernible in the distant villages than the
nearby ones. Also 'not so poor' proportion is highest among upper social groups and lower
among lower social groups. The inequality appears to be sharper in the better-off households
and results appear to be consistent. SCs have the lowest proportion of better-off households
and upper social groups have much higher proportion. However, ST households have the
highest proportion of better-off households and also lowest proportion of ultra poor,
primarily because they are the trading community and also benefited from the reservation
policy. Tehri and Bageshwar districts have higher proportion of poor households and
Pithoragarh and Chamoli have comparatively lower proportion.

19
 IV. Gender Differences: Findings from Villages

(i) Gender roles and relations

Women are most exploited, poorest and marginalized, mainly due to inequities in the
social system and subordination to patriarchal order. Low valuation of women is typically
governed by complex traditional, cultural norms and practices. Hill women are more
deprived than their men folk primarily because women bear the burden of cultivation and
household chores, and though women manage the household food security yet males are
treated as the main breadwinners. The drudgery of hill women is enormous as they work for
about 12-14 hours per day. Even the men folk whose main activity is cultivation are
relatively less burdened than their female counterparts as they perform only specific tasks of
cultivation such as ploughing, sowing, hoeing, ditching and threshing. Gender inequality is
not only related to work but also education, health and other productive resources and
participation in economic activities.

(ii) Women's drudgery

In the case of hill regions of Uttarakhand, out-migration results in high sex ratio of
women to men, tightening of local labour market that eventually leads to high female
drudgery, involvement of children in cultivation and livestock rearing. The drain of young
people has cascading socio-economic effects on the migrating family and local labour
market conditions. Socio-economic implications include the drain in human resource,
impact on reproductive behaviour, long separation from family adding to family insecurity,
etc. To some extent, shortage of labour is offset by women putting in long hours thus
increasing their drudgery and children helping in cultivation and animal caring activities.
Shortage of labour has adverse impacts on agriculture productivity and gets manifested in
the labour market through increased wage rates, which is generally higher than the market
determined wage rate. High amount of drudgery that provides little or no opportunity for
upward mobility and skill formation raises issue of another kind (Awasthi, 2012).

It can be noticed from Table 14 below that hill women suffer from excessive workload.
On an average, they work nearly for 12.7 hrs. a day, which is higher in distant villages (12.9
hrs.) than nearby ones (12.4 hrs.). High altitude villages have even longer working hours for
women (13 hrs.). Overall, the situation is not radically different in villages located at
different altitudes and distance from motor road in terms of drudgery of women. It can be

21
observed from Table 13 that most of the time they are engaged in household related work
which is time consuming, for example, free collection of firewood/animal dung, cooking,
feeding animals, household chores, etc. An overwhelmingly large part of their time is spent
on household related work (58 per cent) followed by productive work (mainly cultivation)
(about 33 percent), and community work (less than 10 per cent). While their male
counterparts work about 7.5 hrs a day on an average, of which 61 per cent is productive work,
approximately 21 per cent and 19 per cent each is spent on non-productive and community
work, respectively. Women in distant villages spend more time on household related
activities and less on productive activities while in nearby villages the opposite is the case –
women spend more time on productive activities than on non-productive activities. This
aspect has come out distinctly in the field data.

Table 14: Average hours of work per day by female

Altitude and village location Hrs/day
High 13.0
Medium 13.0
Altitude
Low 12.1
Total 12.7
Near 12.4
Location Distant 12.9
Total 12.7
Source: Field work, April 2011

(iii) Vulnerability

The reasons for their vulnerability are varied and even complex in a typical male
dominated society. Some of the important reasons are discernible from Table 15, based on
women's perceptions gathered through separate focus group discussions (FGDs) with
women. Lack of education and skills; lack of cash income; male dominated society and
excessive workload emerge as the dominant reasons for their vulnerability. In any case,
absence of ownership right on productive resources is not mentioned as an important reason
for their vulnerability. Results from distant villages strongly indicate that lack of education
and skills, lack of cash income and excessive drudgery are the principal reasons for their
vulnerability. However, in the nearby villages lack of education and skills, male dominated
society and lack of cash income appear to be stronger reasons. Absence of ownership rights
on productive resources appears as a weak reason for vulnerability.

22
 Table 15: Reasons for vulnerability of women as compared to men

Excessive Lack
No right
Altitude and drudgery due of Male No cash No gender
on
location of to family education dominated income mainstreaming Other
productive
villages and household and society earner policies
resources
responsibilities Skills
Altitude High 2 (4) 0 3 3 3 1 0
Medium 2 (4) 1 4 2 2 1 1
Low 2 (4) 0 4 2 3 1 0
Total 6 (12) 1 11 7 8 3 1
Location Near 3 (6) 0 6 5 4 0 0
Distant 3 (6) 1 5 2 4 3 1
Total 6 (12) 1 11 7 8 3 1

Note: Figures in parentheses indicate number of villages.

Source: Field work, April 2011

The discussions with womenfolk in these villages brought forth some of the distinct
possible measures to reduce the situation of vulnerability among women. What comes out
dominantly is the control over resources, access to education, training and skill development
across all the villages. Gender sensitisation and mainstreaming policies, access to
technologies which can reduce the drudgery and reservation in political and economic
spheres are other important capacity variables to improve their situation. These measures
have direct policy implications on reducing their drudgery and improving their status in the
society.

In the gender literature it is often strongly advocated that women should be given
property rights in order to involve them in decision making process and thereby empowering
them. Surprisingly, hill women like women elsewhere in the country, do not own any
property rights over land or other assets. Being the primary breadwinners, men exercise
control over household income and are also the decision makers on how to spend or invest
the money. Though women are the main contributors in cultivation and household food
economy, yet they are seldom treated as breadwinners and hence have little control over
income. However, in some cases it is seen that women do participate in controlling
household income, particularly in educated families. In nearby villages, women have greater
say in controlling household income than their counterparts in distant villages. The possible
reasons for relatively greater control over household income in nearby villages are
demonstration effects (caused by observation of others' actions), spread of education
particularly among women that enhances women's earning power and greater say in

23
household decision making process. In distant villages, it is the opposite case as deep rooted
cultural norms and practices inhibit them from entering the labour market and taking part in
decision making process.

(iv) Economic inequality

Gender discrimination results in inequality in terms of education, health, employment,

wages, entitlements and participation in decision making process. In order to reduce
inequality, gender-focused approach to development is widely accepted as an affirmative
action. Lack of education, lack of skills, gender biased cultural norms and values, and
gender-ascribed roles have been the major reasons for greater economic inequality among
the women. This has direct policy implications for formulating appropriate gender policies
for empowerment of women on a sustainable basis.

The perceptions of villagers as recorded on enhancing the capabilities of women indicate

some possible policy measures to improve their entitlements. Reducing drudgery, increased
involvement in the decision-making role in community affairs, increasing access to
education and skill development and gender-equality strategies are clear policy messages in
order of priority.

(v) Involvement of women in the community

Involvement of women in participatory forestry, the Chipko Movement, is an important

manifestation of mobilization of hill women in bettering their lot and making hill resources
sustainable. Some of the important reasons for mass mobilisation are huge male specific out-
migration, declining agriculture, precarious industrial base, illiteracy, gender based roles,
shrinking natural resource base and greater risk of food security, etc.

IFAD funded Uttaranchal Livelihood Improvement Project for the Himalayas

(ULIPH), popularly known as Aajeevika project, has played an important role in promoting
livelihood activities such as increasing agriculture production, food and economic security
and ensuring livelihood options for the rural poor. As a result of these interventions, number
of self-help groups has sprung up in different fields. Women groups have become
beneficiaries of these interventions in the surveyed villages.

The involvement of women in these community groups was distinctly visible across all
types of villages and locations and their involvement was far more than their male

24
counterparts. The proportion of women is above 37 per cent (at the overall as well as gram
panchayat level), which is more than the 33.3 per cent reservation mandated by the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment Act. Uttarakhand has become the first state in the country to
reserve 50 per cent of seats in panchayats for women for two succeeding terms. The Bill for
increasing the reservation to 50 per cent in the panchayats was passed by the Uttarakhand
Assembly in 2008. In every village, women have representations in panchayats irrespective
of location and altitude. However, it has been noted in some villages that women are not
active participants in community level decision making process due to their excessive
workload at home and in farm.

(vi) Female headed households

It can be observed that 13 per cent of the households report themselves as women-headed
households. This proportion is generally low in the households' demographic profile but in
the context of hill regions, this is not an unusual phenomenon primarily because of high
degree of male out-migration to the plains in search of jobs and livelihoods. The outflow of
able-bodied males puts enormous burden on females in both farm and non-farm activities,
including household chores.

Table 16 shows that out of the total households, female-headed households constitute
7.8 per cent in the upper social groups and 5.2 per cent among the lower social groups.
However, a cursory look into the social group composition shows that female households are
relatively higher among the lower social group households (14 per cent) than the upper social
groups (12.4 per cent). It appears plausible in poor households with relatively higher
dependency ratio, where able-bodied males are pushed out from the place of origin to
various destinations in search of jobs and livelihoods. Although, outmigration tend to be
higher among upper social groups for various reasons and more recent trend indicate that
permanent migration has emerged as an important phenomenon among upper social groups
with a view to bettering life and investing on children's education (Awasthi,2012). However,
the present research has shown that intensity of outmigration among lower social group is
higher compared to upper social groups. One can explain this phenomenon of outmigration
mainly of short term nature which is more so distress form among lower social groups in
selected villages.

25
Table 16: Distribution of female headed households in upper and lower social groups
Upper social Lower social
Altitude/location of village All hhs
group group
Altitude High 55(6.99) 39 (4.95) 787
Medium 44 (9.40) 28(5.98) 468
Low 29(7.45) 19(4.88) 389
Total 128(7.79) 86(5.23) 1644
Location Near 61(7.31) 44(5.27) 834
Distant 67(8.27) 42(5.18) 810
Total 128 (7.78) 86(5.23) 1644
Total hhs 1031 613
Note: Figures in parentheses show percentages.
Source: Field survey, April 2011

V. Implications for Policy

The village study provides first hand intensive information about the nature of the
problem by various disaggregates which often large surveys do not provide. Understanding
poverty and gender issues from the perspective of field view is crucial to comprehend the
development issues in order to capture the nuances of village economy. To this end, the study
makes an attempt to capture the real view from the field and presents the findings which may
be useful for policy interventions in study villages.

Poverty is more prevalent, severe, and uneven in mountain region owing to hill
specificities that is often not captured in the usual surveys. For instance, the minimum
requirements for food, energy and other basic needs are higher in this area due to climatic and
weather conditions which is not taken in to account in consumption expenditures (Papola,
2002, 2012). Location of villages and social groups has profound implications on hunger
and malnutrition of the people in the region. Poverty appears to be a location specific
phenomenon and it is more severe in distant and remote villages than the nearby ones.
Households located near roads villages have comparatively lower intensity of hunger than
those in distant villages. Also, majority of the poor households are scheduled caste and
scheduled tribes as compared to the upper social group households. Intensity of ultra poor or
those consuming less than two meals a day is clearly discernible in the distant villages than
the near located ones. Similarly, proportion of ultra poor is highest among the scheduled
caste (dalit) households. Also 'not so poor' proportion is highest among upper social groups
and lower among lower social groups. The inequality appears to be sharper in the better-off
households and results appear to be consistent. Scheduled castes have the lowest proportion
of better-off households and upper social groups have much higher proportion. It seems
reasonable that villages near the road-heads have better opportunities for development
activities than the distant ones. From the policy point of view, it is extremely important to
26
develop both economic (roads, bridges, portable water supply, electricity,
telecommunication, banks and markets) and social infrastructures (schools, health centres,
community facilities etc.) which have a strong impact on bettering the human life.

The scheduled castes have been the most disadvantaged section in the social class
structure in the region and they have little land of their own as they have been providing
services (jajmani) to the upper castes. Landlessness among scheduled castes has been more
acute but over the years government policy has helped them to own some land. Also, in
general, their educational levels are also low as compared to other social groups. There is a
clear need for inclusive policies for scheduled caste population in terms of providing land to
landless and special educational and skill development programmes for improving their
livelihoods and income opportunities. Though, cultivable land is scarce and the only
possibility remains to confiscate abandoned agricultural land and distribute to scheduled
caste population having little or no land. and special educational and skill development
programmes for improving their livelihoods and income opportunities.

Gender inequality is not only related to work but also to education, health and other
productive resources and also to participation in economic activities. Hill women are more
deprived than their men folk primarily because women bear the burden of cultivation and
household chores, and though women manage household's food security yet males are
treated as the main breadwinners. The drudgery of hill women is enormous as they work for
about 12-14 hours per day. The drudgery is more severe in distant and remotely located
villages. Women in distant villages spend more time on household related activities and less
on productive activities while villages located near roads the opposite is the case. Reducing
drudgery, increased involvement in the decision-making role in community affairs,
increasing access to education and skill development and gender-equality strategies are clear
policy messages in order of priority.

In a situation of a very high male out-migration, women manage land and agriculture.
But without ownership of land they are disadvantaged in securing credit, entering into
contracts, or other activities of agricultural management. Women have equal entitlement to
ancestral land in Hindu succession law, but this remains largely unimplemented. Women's
ownership of land is a key measure that could improve women's management of agriculture
and women's own empowerment.

Out-migration from the hill region is a most conspicuous phenomenon resulting

primarily due to low economic base, which in turn, results in low employment and earning
opportunities in the region. The intensity of out-migration is high and it is the most common
27
household strategy for supplementing the consumption needs at the source area. An
overwhelmingly large number of the migrants are without requisite education levels and
marketable skills, resulting in low incomes which add vulnerability at the place of
destination. From the policy point of view, it is necessary to upgrade their education, skills
and competencies in order to compete for better jobs in the urban centres.

From the long-term development perspective, agriculture-field crops have limited scope
for increased productivity, employment and incomes due to limitations posed by the hill
specificities in agriculture. Therefore, promotion of various non-farm activities, in
particular, niche products, has potential for promotion of employment and incomes of
people. The region offers potential for development in view of its specific resource
endowments and relative advantages such as tourist amenities services and cultivation of
high value non-food crops (fruits, vegetables, seeds, medicinal plants, exotic flowers,
mushroom, etc.). There is a huge scope for promoting new concepts of tourism like
pilgrimage tourism, wildlife tourism, trekking, adventure sports, river rafting and winter
sports, etc. Tourism and amenities services contribute not only directly (tourist flow) but also
indirectly through developing and supporting many tourist related activities (e.g. vegetable
production, raising poultry, handicrafts, etc.). The contribution of travel and tourism to GDP
is around 9 per cent. Though income originating from tourism has been impressive over the
years, yet the gain from it has been minimal for the local economy due to low retention
capacity of this income. This is primarily due to poor linkages generated by the tourism
industry to the local production base; as a result, large part of income flows outside the local
economy for procuring goods and services. It is often argued that tourism industries in the
mountain economies generate considerable leakages rather than strengthening linkages.
There are evidences to show that tourism activities have helped reducing poverty
considerably in some of the hill regions in China and India (Nathan et al., 2013). Study by
Dev Nathan et al. shows that tourism in the Lijiang region in China is a major source of
income of the community that has helped reducing poverty significantly. Similarly, in some
of the areas of Uttarakhand hill region tourism combined with migration and migrants'
remittances has helped reducing poverty. Poverty reducing impact of tourism can be
achieved considerably if linkages to local economy are strengthened through appropriate
institutional mechanism within the perspective of mountain development.

The issues of poverty and gender are, therefore, central in the hill region of the state and
they need to be dovetailed within hill development framework. This would require sector-
specific development strategies integrating environmental, economic and social
components of sustainable hill development.

28
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