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PRINCIPLES OF
DEVELOPMENTALPSYCHOLOGY
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PRINCIPLES OF
DEVELOPMENTAL
PSYCHOLOGY
GEORGE BUTTERWORTH
University of Sussex
and
MARGARET HARRIS
Royal Holloway University of London
A volume in the series

Principles of Psychology
Series Editors
Michael W. Eysenck
Simon Green
Nicky Hayes
Copyright © 1994 by Psychology Press, a member of the Taylor & Francis Group
All rights reserved. No part ofthis book may be reproduced in any form, by
photostat, microform, retrieval system, or any other means without the prior
written permission of the publisher.
Reprinted 1994, 1998 and 2003
Transferred to digital printing 2009
Psychology Press is an imprint ofthe Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
WWw.psypress.com
Psychology Press, 27 Church Road, Hove BN3 2FA, UK

711
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10017
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-0-86377-280-1 (pbk)

ISSN 0965-9706
Subject index compiled by Sue Ramsey

Cover design by Stuart WaIden and Joyce Chester
For Annetta, Harry and Francesca
-at different stages in their development
Acknowledgement
Thanks to Roger Good win for his perceptive comments on the text. Thanks
also to Michael Forster for his patience, to the staff at Psychology Press
for their help and to Nicky Hayes, Usha Goswami and Simon Green for
their encouraging and constructive criticism.
Contents
Part 1. History and Methods of Developmental Psychology 1
1. The origins of developmental psychology 3

Defining the subject 3
The historical and so ci al background 4
Cultural and biological determinants of development 5
Scientific foundations of developmental psychology 6
Conclusion and summary 14
2. The modem synthesis 15

The main twentieth-century developmentalists 15
Stage theories and transitions in development 27
Methods of study in developmental psychology 30
Part 2. Infancy 35
3. Pre-natal development 37
Pre-natal development 37
Behaviour as a factor in pre-natal development 43
Continuity from pre- to post-na tal li fe 48
The sensory capacities of the neonate 50
Cultural aspects of childbirth 55
4. Perceptual development in infancy 58

Presuppositions 58
Piaget' s theory of perception 59
Gibson's alternative 60
Perception of complex object properties in early infancy 62
Speech perception 74
vi CONTENTS
5. The development of motor skills in infancy 77
General features of motor development 78
Reaching and grasping 83
6. Origins of knowledge 88
Piaget' s theory 90
Alternatives to Piaget's theory 95
Reconciliation of Piaget's observations with contemporary data 100
Origins of knowledge about persons 102
The formation of attachment bonds 107
Part 3. Early Childhood 113
7. The emergence of symbols 115

The development of language 119
The social context of early language development 124
Early vocabulary development 129
Early syntactic development 132
Language development and sensory impairment 134
8. Symbolic representation in play and drawing 139

Play 139
Symbolism in children's drawing 147
9. Cognitive development in early childhood 163

Piaget's theory of pre-operational reasoning 163
Childhood egocentrism 165
Animism 167
Problems with language or with Piaget's tests? 169
Margaret Donaldson's critique of Piaget 169
Language and thought: Vygotsky's theory 172
Appearance and reality 175
CONTENTS vii
Part 4. Middle Childhood 181
10. Cognitive development in middle childhood 183

Piaget's theory of concrete operational reasoning 184
Cross-cultural comparisons of concrete operations 192
Moral reasoning 192
11. The impact of school 199

Literacy 199
Numeracy 208
Intelligence testing 214
Part 5. Adolescence and Adulthood 223

12. Adolescence 225
Piaget' s account of adolescent thinking 227
Culture and context specificity 231
Is there a transition to adolescent thought? 234
The Freudian view of adolescence 236
Gender identity in adolescence 238
13. Development in adulthood 241

Theories of adult development 243
Marriage and parenting 246
Entering employment and the effects of unemployment 250
Epilogue 252
References 255
Author Index 269
Subject Index 272
viii CONTENTS
Preface
O evelopmental psychology is a sdence of broad scope which aims to
explain how children and adults change over time. The discipline
offers a particular method of sdentific enquiry, unique in psychol-
ogy, in that it focuses on the biological and social processes generating
stability and change in people as they grow. The different forms of
psychological organisation typical of different periods of the lifespan are
the core phenomena to be explained.
This book is an introduction to a very wide field and we have had to
be selective in order to illustrate some of the essential features of develop-
mental psychology. We begin by situating the disdpline in its historical
context. We cover the influence and impact of evolutionary theory in order
to help the student to understand the origins of the issues that still
preoccupy developmental psychologists. Subsequently we focus on con-
temporary research with particular, critical, reference to three major
developmental theorists: Piaget, Vygotsky, and Bowlby. Their theories
overlap in some ways, but they also differ in their relative emphasis on
intellectual, sodal, and emotional aspects of development.
Piagetian theory tends to dominate our book because so much contem-
porary research has been directed to a critical examination of his work.
Piaget has set the agenda in developmental psychology but his is by no
means the only voice. We draw attention to the way in which the child
gains understanding through more immediate, intuitive pro ces ses than
the reasoning abilities that Piaget emphasised. Perception, language, and
soda I communication have their own important parts to play in acquiring
knowledge. These psychological processes situate the child in a physical,
social, and cultural context. At different ages, and in different cultures, the
child may draw upon these abilities in different ways.
There is not yet a single "correct" theory of development. However,
there are two distinctions that are often made, and which we chose not to
pursue because they are misleading. First, we prefer not to polarise a
distinction between "individual" and "sodai" development. Rather, we
favour a view that sees the individual and the sodal as redprocal domains.
What the child knows of self is often a function of sodety, and what the
PREFACE ix
child knows of society is, at least in part, a function of self. The inter-
dependence of the individual and the social aspects of development
should be apparent in our discussions of language acquisition, moral
development, play, attachment theory, gender identity, and parenting,
and in the many references to cultural factors that influence growth.
A second distinction, between biological and psychological aspects of
development, is commonly made, but is misleading. These are not alter-
native accounts; they are mutually embedded and it is important to make
the effort to accommodate both levels of explanation. Biological aspects
of psychological development are discussed at various points, notably in
stressing the importance of a proper account of evolution and its implica-
tions. The interdependence of biological and psychological pro ces ses also
arises in pre-natal development, in motor development, in language
acquisition in the chimpanzee, in the contribution of ethology, in the
development of gender identity, and in ageing.
We have tried to be up to date and this has influenced the balance of
topics. Most contemporary research has been on infancy and childhood,
and the structure of the book reflects this. If space had allowed, we would
have included more on adulthood and later periods of the lifespan. It
would also have been fun to explore further such important issues as: the
evolution of humans; the genetics of development; the development of the
central nervous system; comparative development in different species, in
different cultures and over different historical periods; and abnormal
development. These omissions will at least alert the reader to some of the
many fascinating topics to which further study of the principles of human
development can lead.
George Butterworth and Margaret Harris

Brighton, April 1994
PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

><
PART
History and
Methods of
Developmental
Psychology
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The origins of
developmental
psychology
1
Defining the subject
D sdentific under-
evelopmental psychology is concerned with the scientific
standing of age-related changes in experience and behaviour. AI-
though most developmental theories have been specifically
ultimate
concerned with children, the ultima te aim is to provide an account of
development throughout the lifespan. The task is to discover, describe,
and explain how development occurs, from its earliest origins, into adult-
hood and old age.
Two strands of explanation are involved in developmental psychology.
disdpline takes some of its inspiration from the biology of growth and
The discipline
evolution, but other aspects of explanation are concerned with the ways
which
in wh ich different cultures channel development. Explaining human de-
velopment not only requires us to und understand
erstand human nature-because
development is a natural phenomenon-but also to consider the diverse
effects that a particular society has on the developing child. In truth,
development is as much a matter of the child acquiring a culture as it is a
process of biological growth. Contemporary theories of development
make the connection between nature and culture, albeit with varying
emphases and, of course, with varying degrees of success.
This book will examine modern approaches to human development
sodal, physical, and intel-
with particular reference to children and their social,
lectual growth. Intellectual development is concerned with the origins and
acquisition of thought and language. This field fjeld of study is known as
cognitive development and it includes such important abilities as learning
to read and write. Problems of cognitive development, for example mental
retardation, or the effects of deafness or blindness on the child's under-
faU within this domain. Social
standing, also fall Sodal development is concerned
sodal world, and explaining how
with the integration of the child into the social
the child acquires the values of the family and the wider society.
The balance of the book is towards the traditional study of the child-
introduce
hood years, but we will also intro du ce modern ideas about development
in adulthood. However, most contemporary research concerns the period
from birth to adolescence and this is the age range we have covered most
THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 3

extensively. We were concerned to provide adequate coverage of the
important recent work on the origins of development and so there is rather
more detail on the pre-natal period and infancy than other periods of the
lifespan.
It will also become apparent that much contemporary research in
cognitive development has been concerned with detailed criticism of the
important theory of Jean Piaget, and so his work receives rather extensive
critical consideration throughout the book. We also give fairly detailed
consideration to the ideas of Lev Vygotsky, who emphasised the impor-
tance of sodal factors in development, and to the work of John Bowlby on
establishing social relationships. Wherever possible we intro du ce evi-
dence from different cultures to illustrate the important prindple that
human development is both a biological and a cultural process. In a final
chapter, we consider how development continues even into adulthood
with such important life-events as becoming a parent, moving in and out
of employment, and the effects of ageing.
The historical and social

background
Human development as a biological process obviously has a long past but
its systematic study has a short history. Our need to study development
is often motivated by sodal and economic changes, even though the
phenomena of reproduction and growth have always been available for
observation.
Western sodeties did not study the childhood years-from the age of
about seven to adolescence-until after the industrial revolution in the
nineteenth century, even though early childhood had long been recog-
nised as a distinct period in the life-cyde. Once the social changes in
economic organisation induced by the industrial revolution such as popu-
lation movement from the countryside to the towns were in place, the
stage was set for the study of childhood. The industrial revolution led to
a need for basic literacy and numeracy in the factories which was eventu-
ally to be met by universal primary education. This, in turn, made it
important to study the mind of the child so that education itself could
become more effective. No doubt other social factors such as increased
wealth, better hygiene, and progressive control of childhood diseases also
contributed to the focus on childhood.
Adolescence as a distinct stage interposed between childhood and
adulthood can also be defined by biological, historical, and cultural
changes. The distinctive biological changes of adolescence provide a
4 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

visible means of demarcation of a further phase in the life-cyde, and this
be ca me an object of developmental study in its own right as twentieth-
century Western society became wealthy enough to protect the child from
adult economic responsibilities. It was possible to postpone the entry of
the adolescent into the workforce and also necessary to increase the period
of education.
Development in adulthood-lifespan development-is an even more
recent object of study. Social and medical changes that have a110wed
survival into great old age, long after the elderly person has ceased to
make a direct economic contribution, have drawn attention to the prob-
lems and possibilities of old age. These, in turn, raise questions about the
psychology of ageing for the developmentalist to address.
In summary, there are biological and cultural aspects of development
at many points in the life-cyde. Biological processes contribute to devel-
opment and provide "markers" for particular stages. These often acquire
significance for reasons of our social history, which provides the impetus
to acquire a deeper understanding of the life-cyde. The social structure
has an impact on development at a11 stages of the lifespan. It provides a
framework in relation to which distinctive stages, or periods of life, may
be identified and studied.
Cultural and biological

determinants of development
Present-day developmental psychology is a function of its recent ancestry.
Obviously, people have always had children but it is only in the last
century that we have moved away from anecdotal descriptions to system-
atic study of development. "Folk" explanations were very general and
often rather prescriptive. For example, the English philosopher, lohn Locke
(1632-1704), thought the child was born a tabula rasa (blank slate), whose
every characteristic would be moulded by experience (Locke, 1690). On
this view, the newborn is psychologica11y structureless and extremely
ma11eable to the effects of the environment (Bremner, 1994). Locke's
environmentalist view tends to deny that innate factors make any impor-
tant contribution to psychological development. It pi aces great emphasis
on what can be learned as a way of explaining the acquisition of knowl-
edge by the child.
In sharp contrast to the views of Locke, the Swiss philosopher, lean
lacques Rousseau (1712-1778), was more indined to a "natural" theory of
human development (Rousseau, 1762). He considered that children are
innately "good", requiring little by way of moral guidance or constraint

for normal development, and that they grow according to "nature's plan".
Rousseau's account emphasises "natural" propensities and minimises the
effects of upbringing or experience.
Such very general views as those of Locke and Rousseau set the stage
for rather misguided debates about the relative contributions of "nature
and nurture" to development. Contemporary developmental psycholo-
gists avoid such dichotomous approaches to explanation in favour of
"interactive" or "dialectical" accounts which attempt more adequately to
capture the complex interplay of factors contributing to development.
Scientific foundations of
developmental psychology
One of the main differences between a commonsense or folk psychological
understanding of development and a scientific understanding is the extent
to which theories are subjected to systematic test. Systematic investiga-
tions are directed specifically at understanding how, why, and what
course human development takes, and this in turn requires rather sophis-
ticated methods. Although anecdotal accounts have always been avail-
able, and obviously there is folk wisdom in all societies about child
rearing, the scientific study of childhood is really very recent. It begins as
a serious scientific study in the nineteenth century with Charles Darwin's
theory of evolution (see Cairns, 1983).
Foundations: 1859-1914
Fig. 1.1 Darwin Charles Darwin is often credited with establishing the scientific approach
& his son Doddy.
to developmental psychology. Although his major interests were in evo-
By permission 01
the Syndics 01 lutionary theory, he could be considered the first developmental psy-
Cambridge chologist because he published a short paper describing the development
University Library. of his infant son, Doddy, in 1877. He was impressed by the playfulness of
his baby son, and by his capacity for emotional expression.
Darwin's studies of his infant son were intended to help
hirn understand, in particular, the evolution of innate forms of
human communication. As we shall see, many basic develop-
mental concepts, such as the idea that development can be
understood as the progressive adaptation of the child to the
environment, can be traced directly to Darwin and the influ-
ence of evolutionary theory. Another of Darwin's
contributions was to intro du ce systematic methods to the
study of development. The philosophical or anecdotal specu-
Jations of earlier theorists, such as Locke and Rousseau, were

replaced by actual observations of developing children and this set the
discipline on a scientific path.
The major biological foundations of developmental psychology were
laid in the period between the publication of Darwin' s theory of evolution
in 1859 and the first decades of the twentieth century. Darwin's theory of
evolution located man firmly in nature and raised questions about conti-
nuities and discontinuities between man and the animals.
Another effect of the Darwinian revolution was that people became
curious about the biological origins of human nature. Evolutionary expla-
nation led naturally to an emphasis on changes that occur as a function of
time, both in the extremely long time-scale of evolution and over the
individuallifespan. Darwin' s books on The origin of the species (1859), The
descent of man (1871) and The expression of emotions in men and animals
(1872), raised questions about the origins of the human mind in the
evolutionary past. They posed the challenging problem of the relation
between individual development (ontogeny) and the evolution of the
species (phylogeny).
The question of the relation between phylogeny and ontogeny was
pursued vigorously by late nineteenth-century embryologists, such as
Haeckel (1874), who was impressed by the similar form taken by the
embryos of many different species at certain tim es in their development.
Haeckel argued that the development of the human embryo recapitulates
its ancestry. The embryo successively takes the shape of various more
primitive ancestors, before attaining its final human shape.
Today, it is no longer believed that "ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny"
as Haeckel had argued. The more sophisticated view of the resemblances
between different mammalian embryos is that the similarities reflect
biological structures we still hold in common with our remote ancestors
(Gould, 1977). Thus, there is no simple translation from the evolutionary
past into present-day development. Nevertheless, c!ear stage-like changes
in biological form led to the idea that other aspects of biological growth,
such as cognitive and social development in humans, mayaiso show
distinct age-related stages in organisation.
The emergence of an independent developmental psychology is gen-
erally dated to 1882, with the publication of a book by the German
physiologist, Wilhelm Preyer, entitled The mind of the child. This book was
based on Preyer's observations of his own daughter and described her
development from birth to two and a half years. Preyer insisted on proper
scientific procedures, writing every observation down and noting the
emergence of many abilities in his daughter. He was particularly im-
pressed by the importance of the extended period of curiosity evident in
human infant development.

Fig.1.2
Embryos of FISH SALAMANDER TORTOISE CHICK HOG CALF RABBIT MAN
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Wilhelm Preyer's work was translated into English in 1888, one of a
burgeoning se ries of publications by then amounting to 48 full-scale
empirical studies of children that had been carried out in Europe, Britain,
and the Uni ted States. Developmental psychology as a discipline was now
in full swing.
Among other famous pioneers was Alfred Binet (1857-1911), who was
working on experimental studies of thinking in young children in France.
He is best known for developing the first intelligence test. Binet had been
critical of diagnoses of mental deficiency made by medical practitioners
responsible for placing feeble-minded children in special schools in Paris.
No single sign of mental deficiency could reliably differentiate mentally
retarded from normal children. In fact, the same child might carry a
different diagnosis, depending on which physician had made it. The
urgent practical need for a valid and reliable test of intelligence led hirn
to construct the Binet and Simon scale which was published in 1905.
The main early application of Binet's work was to provide guidelines
on the relative intellectual abilities and educational potential of mentally
retarded children, but his work was soon to find much wider application
in education and training. Binet developed tests that were based on norms

Mental age and IQ
The concept of mental age, which was first used

by Binet, is best illustrated with some examples. Mental age
Suppose that a child of 8 years 0 months is able to 10= ~--------- x 100
solve items in a test that are normally solved by Chronologieal age
children of the same age but is not able to solve
items normally solved by older children. That child
would be eonsidered to have amental age of 8
years. However, if the same ehild eonsistently sue- In the example we have just eonsidered, the 8-
eeeded on test items that were normally solved by year-old with amental age of 10 years would be
10-year-olds, he or she would elearly be funetion- eredited with an 10 of: 10/8 x 100 = 125. Similarly,
ing intelleetually at amental age level that was a 12-year-old with amental age of 15 years would
above ehronologieal age. In this ease, the ehild also have an 10 of 125 (15/12 x 100 = 125)
would be eonsidered to have amental age of 10 beeause he or she would have the same relative
years. A ehild who is only able to solve items standing in relation to age peers. A ehild who has
normally solved by younger ehildren would have a amental age that is the same as his or her ehrono-
mental age that was lower than his or her ehronologieal age is eonsidered to be of average
logieal age. intelligenee. This is beeause, on average, intellee-
The psyehologist William Stern (1871-1938) tual development in the population proeeeds at the
devised a formula for ealeulating the intelligence same rate as ehronologieal age. Children of aver-
quotient (10) defining intelligenee relative to age: age intelligenee have an 10 of 100.
of performance for a given age, and this soon led to the idea of a child's
mental age as distinct from chronological age (see the panel above).
Binet's work was very influential in making careful measurement a
basie part of modern psychology. His intelligence scale (whieh was only
one ofhis contributions) laid the foundations for the extensive psychomet-
rie tests now so useful in educational, medical and other applied fjelds.
Among the most important, but perhaps least well-known, of the
founders of present-day developmental psychology was the American,
farnes Mark Baldwin (1861-1934). Baldwin made a major intellectual and
administrative contribution to setting up scientific psychology. He was
the founding editor of the first scientifie psychology journal, The Psycho-
logical Review (1895), and he was later the editor of the important journal
Psychological Bulletin and one of the first presidents of the American
Psychological Association (1897). He was influential in many ways in the
new science of psychology, including establishing an international group
of scholars who contributed to a four-volume Dictionary of Philosophy and
Psychology (Baldwin, 1905). In 1903, a survey ranked Baldwin in the top
five contributors to international research (Broughton & Freeman-Moir,
1982).

One of Baldwin's most important
contributions to the founding of develop-
mental psychology was made in the
period 1903-1908, when he was professor
of philosophy and psychology at Johns
Hopkins University. He published the
first of a three-volume series on "Genetic
Logic", a difficult work on the develop-
ment of thinking in children. In this series,
Baldwin set out the foundations of a the-
ory of the progressive development of
knowledge in childhood. He proposed
that development proceeds in aseries of
distinct stages, beginning at birth with the
innate motor reflexes, and progressing to
the acquisition of language and logical
thought. He proposed that moving
through successive stages of develop-
me nt depends on feedback from the
stimulating environment.
In Baldwin's terminology, the essen-
tial mechanisms for development are
Fig. 1.3 James assimilation (incorporation of effects of the environment into the organ-
Baldwin. Courtesy ism) leading to accommodation (plastic change) of the organism. He
01 the Department emphasised that the child is as much a product of social experience as of
01 Psychology, biological growth. From 1912 Baldwin lived in France and he made
Indiana University.
periodic visits to the University of Geneva in Switzerland. He established
a warm friendship with the Swiss child psychologist Edouard Claparede.
Baldwin' s books were translated into French and he was a major influence
on a student of Claparede, the famous developmental psychologist, Jean
Piaget (1896-1980). Piaget's theory of development will be considered in
detail at various places in this book.
Other early developmentalists, such as G. Stanley Hall (1844-1924) in
the USA, based their ideas on a misreading of evolutionary principles. Hall
proposed the biogenetic law, another way of stating that "ontogeny reca-
pitulates phylogeny", which also supposed that the course of human
development involves arepetition of the ancestral, evolutionary timeta-
ble. This led, for example, to his thoroughly mi staken idea that children
love to swing in trees because they recapitulate their monkey ancestry; or
that the child has a primitive "savage" mind (or conversely, that the savage
mind is childlike). He even argued that there is a scale of mental abilities
with children (and women) at the bottom and men at the top!
10 PRINCIPL,ES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

As we have already stated, developmentalists need to guard against
misplaced analogies between evolution, heredity, and development. This
remains a problem even today in discussions about the inheritance of
intelligence. Hall did have one very important influence though: as the
president of Clark University, he was responsible for inviting Sigmund
Freud to the United States in 1909 and thus promoted Freud's psychoana-
lytic ideas. The Freudian influence is perhaps most clearly seen in theories
of social and emotional development, especially in research concerning
attachment between parent and child. We will be considering contempo-
rary ideas influenced by Freudian theory, especially the work of John
Bowlby.
Formation of the major "schooIs": Fig. 1.4 John

1914-1927 Walson. Photo
courtesy 01
From 1914 to 1927, the empirie al basis of developmental psychology was
Ferdinand
established. This period coincided with an intense interest in theories of Hamburger, Jr.,
learning based on the work of the Russian physiologist, Ivan Pavlov. Archives 01 The
Pavlov's studies of learning in dogs established that so me types of learn- Johns Hopkins
ing take place through the association of stimuli and responses, under University.
conditions of reward and punishment. For
example, in his famous studies of "classi-
cal conditioning" he showed that a hungry
dog will readily learn that a signal, such
as a bell, regularly predicts the arrival of
food, and the dog will soon salivate in
anticipation of food when the bell sounds.
In this example, the dog has learned to
associate the bell with food and the nor-
mal (unconditioned) response of saliva-
tion to food has become associated with
(conditioned to) the sound of the bell.
This focus on the laws of learning led
to the rise of a school of psychology
known as Behaviourism, whose major fig-
ure was lohn Watson (1878-1957). Watson
had distinct ideas about child develop-
ment based on "learning" theory. He was
very interested, for example, in whether
infants naturally showed fear of animals
or whether such fears were learned (see
the panel on p. 12). He concluded that
these fears were learned.

Watson believed so strongly in the potential of the child to learn
through experience that he wrote:
Give me a dozen healthy infants, weIl formed and my own

specified world to bring them up in and I'Il guarantee to take
any one at random and train hirn to become any type of
specialist I might select-doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant-
chief and yes, even beggar man and thief, regardless of his
talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations and ra ce of
his ancestors. (Watson, 1930, p. 104)
As this quotation vividly illustrates, "nature" took rather a back se at to

"nurture" in Watson's explanation of the causes of development. He
believed, for example, that whether a person is left-handed or right-
handed was a function of early training rather than of genetic factors. (This
Watson's studies of childhood fears
In his book, Psychology trom the standpoint ot a A similar-and more famous-study was car-
behaviorist (1919), Watson reported a study of ried out on a baby called "Little Albert", and
three children who were introduced to novel birds reported by Watson and Rayner (1920). They
and animals over aperiod of several days. In one showed that after Albert was frightened while play-
case, Watson presented a 6-month-old baby called ing with a furry toy, he also learned to be afraid of
Thorne with a black cat, a pigeon, a rabbit and,later other furry objects (such as a beard) and animals.
on, a whole series of animals at the local zoo
including a camel and a zebra. He studied Thorne's
reaction to their presence in a number of different
conditions and found that, even in the dark, she did
not display fear on any occasion, although she was
very interested in all the animals and looked at
them intently. She also reached out to touch the
smaller animals.
Having shown that children did not have any
innate fear of animals, Watson went on to study the
acquisition of irrational fears through learning. He
reports the case of a 6-month-old baby who had a
small dog tossed into her pram. (How this came
about Watson does not reveal.) The baby became
terrified and subsequently showed a fear reaction
not only to dogs but also to rapidly moving toy
animals. At 18 months, the unfortunate baby was
tested by having a tame white mouse placed on the
floor near her. She responded by crying and rush-
ing into her father's arms. Fig. 1.5 "Little Albert" © Ben Harris, 1980.

theory receives rather less support today-see Chapter 5 on motor devel-
opment.) W atson' s views were partly based on inherent American
optimism and partlyon an extreme view of the extent of human plasticity.
That is, the developing child was considered to be extremely malleable
and highly susceptible to the effects of environmental influences.
Learning-theory approaches to development continued to exercise
great influence, especially in the USA, until quite recently. They still find
useful application in dealing with some developmental problems, such as
bed wetting, or fears and phobias, where techniques based on the laws of
conditioning first described by Pavlov, and developed by Watson, have
been applied. However, the contemporary influence of learning theories
on development is rather limited by comparison with other more re cent
schools of thought.
The diametric opposite to an extreme learning theory approach is the
maturational school, led by Arnold Gesell (1880-1961). His main idea was
that the time-Iocked processes of biological growth are particularly im-
portant for the appearance of various abilities. Gesell was most interested
in motor and perceptual development, which he saw as inevitable and
rather automatie under normal circumstances.
Unlike the environmentalists, such as Watson, maturationists tended
to emphasise "nature" at the expense of "nurture" as a cause of develop-
ment. The nativist view of Gesell-and his insistence on the importance
of evolution in shaping the course of development-is illustrated by the
following quotation which stands in stark contrast to the earlier quotation
from Watson:
The child grows .... The capacities and, to no small extent, the
directions of growth are the end products of ages of evolution.
(Gesell, Hg, & Bullis, 1949, p. 44)
As a comparison of the views of Watson and Gesell reveals, the middle

period in the founding of developmental psychology produced a polari-
sation between, on the one hand, an extreme environmentalism-
somewhat similar to Locke's view of the child as a tabula rasa on which
experience would have a major effect-and, on the other, an extreme
maturationist view. The influence of maturation was most strongly es-
poused by those interested in such aspects of development as hand-eye
coordination and the acquisition of motor skills like walking, which
seemed to proceed according to astriet biological timetable. (It should be
noted, however, that Gesell recognised the significant individual variation
in the age at which children reached particular developmental mile-
stones.)

These sharply polarised views of nature versus nurture, although out
of date now, were important because they led to distinct fashions in child-
rearing and education each based on the riyal views. The environmental-
ists emphasised habit training as a means of teaching children, for
example, in toilet training or the acquisition of basic skills like reading and
writing. Maturationists emphasised the biological need for the child to be
"ready" for particular types of experience before learning could occur.
Concl usion and Summary

Developmental psychology is concerned with age-related changes in ex-
perience and behaviour. The origins of the discipline are in philosophy
but the scientific study of children was founded on the insights of evolu-
tionary biology in the nineteenth century. Social and economic changes
since then have made it imperative to und erstand better the processes of
growth and development in children, adolescents, and adults.
By the 19205, developmental psychology was weIl established as a
scientific discipline, although by then it had broken up into various
schools, each emphasising a different aspect of nature or nurture. The fjeld
had become fragmented and needed synthesis, so that the biological and
social factors which actually interact in development could be more
adequately understood. This work of synthesis was mainly accomplished
by the "grand" theories of the middle twentieth century, which will be
described in the next chapter.
Further reading
Cairns, R.B. (1983). The emergence of developmental psychology. In W.
Kessen (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology, Vol. 1, (pp. 41-101). (Series
editor: P.H. Mussen). New York: John Wiley.

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PRINCIPLES OF

A volume in the series

Reprinted 1994, 1998 and 2003

Transferred to digital printing 2009

Psychology Press, 27 Church Road, Hove BN3 2FA, UK

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

ISBN 978-0-86377-280-1 (pbk)

Subject index compiled by Sue Ramsey

1. The origins of developmental psychology 3

2. The modem synthesis 15

4. Perceptual development in infancy 58

Part 3. Early Childhood 113

7. The emergence of symbols 115

8. Symbolic representation in play and drawing 139

9. Cognitive development in early childhood 163

10. Cognitive development in middle childhood 183

11. The impact of school 199

Part 5. Adolescence and Adulthood 223

13. Development in adulthood 241

Author Index 269

Subject Index 272

George Butterworth and Margaret Harris

PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 3

The historical and social

4 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

Cultural and biological

THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 5

1 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 7

III III III III III 1lI 1lI III

8 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

The concept of mental age, which was first used

THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 9

10 PRINCIPL,ES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

Formation of the major "schooIs": Fig. 1.4 John

THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 11

Give me a dozen healthy infants, weIl formed and my own

As this quotation vividly illustrates, "nature" took rather a back se at to

Watson's studies of childhood fears

12 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

As a comparison of the views of Watson and Gesell reveals, the middle

THE ORIGINS OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY 13

Concl usion and Summary

14 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

256 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

258 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

260 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

262 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

264 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

266 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

268 PRINCIPLES OF DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY

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