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Legacies of Displacement from the Iron Gates Hydroelectric Project

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DOI: 10.24193/JSSP.2023.2.02

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 Centre for Research on Settlements and Urbanism

Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning

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Legacies of Displacement
from the Iron Gates Hydroelectric Project

Remus CREŢAN*1, Thomas O’BRIEN2, Claudia Ionela VĂRAN ŢENCHE1, Fabian TIMOFTE1
* Corresponding author
1 West University of Timișoara, Faculty of Chemistry, Biology and Geography, Department of Geography, Timișoara, ROMANIA

2 University of York, Department of Sociology, Heslington, York, UNITED KINGDOM

remus.cretan@e-uvt.ro https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9053-8394
t.obrien@york.ac.uk https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5031-736X
claudia.varan89@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0009-0009-7951-7662
fabian.timofte@e-uvt.ro https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6384-7255
DOI: 10.24193/JSSP.2023.2.02 https://doi.org/10.24193/JSSP.2023.2.02

K e y w o r d s: displacement, social vulnerability, adaptation, Iron Gates, Romania

ABSTRACT

Construction of the Iron Gates I hydroelectric project on the Danube River between 1966-1972 was the result of collaboration between
Romania and Yugoslavia. The scale of the project resulted in the permanent displacement and relocation of several communities along
the river. The aim of this article is to consider how vulnerability among the displaced communities manifested and the lasting effects
this has had on efforts to adapt to life in new locations. The article draws on archival research to examine the contemporaneous
processes and decision-making around the construction. It then presents the results of a survey of displaced residents conducted more
than 40 years after relocation to identify how displacement was experienced, as well as its lasting effects. The results suggest that the
different forms of vulnerability within the community that hampered adaptation continued to shape the community long after the
displacement event. They also point to the aggregating nature of vulnerability, as efforts at adaptation continued to be shaped by the
interaction of social, economic, and geographical factors.

1. INTRODUCTION Bisht, 2009; Vesalon and Creţan, 2012). The ability of

displaced communities to adapt to new settings is
Major infrastructure projects have captured shaped by the actions they take as individuals and
the attention of many scholars, especially where they groups. However, the ability to exercise agency is
result in population displacement, as is often the case determined to a large extent by structural factors that
with hydropower plants involving complex and often make them more or less vulnerable (Joakim et al.,
controversial political decisions (Cernea, 2000; de Wet, 2015). Vulnerability is also linked to social connections
2006; Bisht, 2009). Large dam projects can bring and resource availability, meaning that some
benefits on multiple scales through the generation of community members are more able to adapt, whereas
energy, creation of new transport opportunities, and the others see their position remain precarious (Adger,
implementation of river regulation and flood 2006; Birkmann, 2007). The scale of the impacts in
prevention. However, the construction and operation of such cases makes consideration of the longer-term
these plants frequently entails induced population effects of displacement an increasingly important task.
displacement, which can be extraordinarily traumatic in The communist states of Central and Eastern
the short and long-term for affected populations who Europe followed a development path that prioritized
must adjust to a new geographical area (de Wet, 2006; the building up of heavy industry (Turnock and Carter,
 Remus CREŢAN, Thomas O’BRIEN, Claudia Ionela VĂRAN ŢENCHE, Fabian TIMOFTE
Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

2001). To support this mode of development, extremely to control the flow of the Danube River, as, according to
large quantities of cheap energy were required to the Mehedinţi County Archives (1975), eight years of
sustain the production. In the case of Romania, major work (1890-1898) had been conducted to
hydroelectric power offered an important opportunity regulate the river as it flowed through the Iron Gates
to satisfy this demand, with the Danube River playing a gorge. The Danube Commission in Budapest also
critical role. The result was the construction of the Iron sought in 1949 to regulate flooding and improve the
Gates I hydropower plant in Southwestern Romania, navigability of the river, particularly through the area of
which supported rapid intensification of industry in the the Gorges, where the river narrows and becomes more
surrounding area (Constantinescu, 1969). Construction fast-flowing, making navigation extremely difficult
of the dam and associated plant commenced in 1964, as (Pop, 1996).
a joint project between the governments of Romania The first bilateral agreement between Romania
and Yugoslavia, with construction completed in 1972 and Yugoslavia for construction of the damn was signed
(Văran, 2017; Creţan and Vesalon, 2017; Văran and on 30th November 1963, with a second one, the
Creţan, 2018; Văran and Creţan, 2020). After the following year (National Archives of Romania, 1975).
technical refurbishment of the last two decades, The These specified that construction would begin in 1964-
Iron Gates Hydroelectric Power Plant has an annual 1965 and run until 1972, that the hydropower plant
electricity production of 5.241 Mwh, which represents would be managed by both countries, and that they
about 10% of the national production of electricity. In would also jointly control river navigation. After the
addition, the plant provides almost half of the system death of Gheorghiu-Dej in 1963, Ceauşescu and Tito
technological electric services in Romania inaugurated the project, under the watchful eye of the
(Hidroelectrica, 2022). World Bank, who had also called for a concerted plan to
This article explores one of the human legacies manage the resettlement of populations in the area, in
of the Iron Gates project: the displacement of a number order to avert economic decline (Creţan and Vesalon,
of established communities from the Danube Gorges. 2017).
The Iron Gates project encompassed both material Site organization commenced in 1964-1965,
(energy, industrialization, and development) and with different areas allocated to different teams. Work
ideological (modernity and power) drivers, speaking to took place from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. from Monday to
ideas of national prestige. This makes it comparable to Saturday (Văran, 2017) and soldiers from various
other large-scale dam projects such as the Three Gorges military units were drafted in to ensure that key
and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance dams in China deadlines were met. Soldier and prisoner camps have
and Ethiopia respectively (Abdelhady et al., 2015; Feng been involved in the construction of large dams
et al., 2021; Gebresenbet and Wondemagegnehu, 2021; elsewhere (for instance, Franco’s Spain) (Swyngedouw,
Wilmsen, 2018). Examining the vulnerability and 2007). The construction of the dam and the hydropower
adaptability of communities to the act of displacement plant began in 1966, lasting six years, until 1972.
over an extended period of time can assist in Workers were organized in units, each headed by one of
understanding the potential legacies of such projects. the 53 Romanian or Serbian engineers. Money from the
The aim of the article is to consider how vulnerability IMF “sympathy funds” (i.e. the time period before
among displaced communities can have lasting effects structural adjustment) was used to purchase materials
and shape memories of what was lost. The remainder of from Western European states, ensuring that the new
the paper is divided into four sections. The first section dam met the standards of modern hydro construction
presents the origins and construction of the Iron Gates. (Văran, 2017).
In the second section we consider the relationship At a human level, the work between 1966 and
between megaprojects and displacement and how 1972 displaced around 13,000 people to specially-
vulnerability shapes community adaptation. The third designated plots of land. Orşova area was mostly
section outlines the methodological approach. Section affected on the Romanian side of the Danube river (Fig.
four draws on the survey results to consider the 1). Some people were relocated close by their former
experiences of the displaced population from the homes; others were moved to entirely different
perspective of vulnerability and adaptation. localities. Some settlements were submerged under
water, others remained above the water but,
2. INTRODUCING THE STUDY AREA OF THE nonetheless, underwent profound transformations.
IRON GATES Those who were first to move lived in Orșova, Tufări,
Jupalnic, Coramnic, Eşelniţa, Dubova, and Sviniţa
Following the inauguration of the Romanian (Eşelniţa Communal Archives, 1975). According to the
communist political regime in 1947, many in Romania technical displacement files in the Eşelniţa Communal
began to argue that the country required heavy industry Archives (1975), the choice of a specific plot for
(with correspondingly heavy energy requirements) to relocation was a two-stage process. Initially, families
develop economically. This followed an earlier attempt were each offered a number of lots of land on a map,

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 Legacies of Displacement from the Iron Gates Hydroelectric Project
Journal Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

with each making their selection on the basis of the projects contribute to improvements on the national
plan. Subsequently, they went to the site with a level, there are questions about the distribution of costs
representative of the town hall and registered their and benefits to resident communities (Dunlap, 2021).
ownership of that parcel of land. The process was Development is not a neutral process, as it is embedded
disadvantageous to those who were relocated during in existing social, political and economic structures,
later stages, as they were often forced to accept meaning that it has the potential to lead to the further
unfavourably located lots. exploitation of marginalised groups and communities
(Neef and Singer, 2015). When states embark on the
construction of megaprojects, it is often based on a
collective interest basis, focusing on the need to support
the greater good, with limited consideration given to the
communities impacted. The result is that megaprojects
are intimately entwined with the fate of those residing
in the space to be developed. In the case of hydropower
projects, land and watercourses are at the intersection
of a series of relations, including political power,
economic growth, and technological interests, as well as
cultural beliefs and practices (Castree, 2005).
Megaprojects are necessarily disruptive to
these complex spaces, upsetting the balance of a
particular place by bringing change in use and
displacing those who are resident within it. The
construction of such projects requires whole
communities to relocate to new geographical areas, as a
cost of intensive economic development (Cernea, 2000;
Cernea, 2002). The displacement that results from
development entails not only a change in geographical
location and socio-economic circumstances, but also a
loss of specific practices, and access to resonant places
with their associated cultural meanings (Cernea, 2002).
As Lyon (2014, p. 1011) argues “concentration on
attachment and identity relationships misses the
functional aspects of place, such as the relative ability
Fig. 1. Resettlements in the Orşova area (source: and types of infrastructure that define the practices of
adapted from Văran and Creţan, 2020). daily life”. Specific local knowledge and connections are
sacrificed in the interests of the megaproject, which
The way in which resettlements were often becomes a highly visible symbol of state power,
reconstructed varied from place to place. The existing modernity, and economic development.
settlements of Orşova and Eşelniţa were completely The effects of displacement on a community
rebuilt, almost from scratch, in the same place though are considerable, as residents are forced to adapt to life
over an expanded area. According to the technical in a new setting, without access to networks and
relocation files from the Eşelniţa Communal Archives resources that had previously sustained them. Price
(1975) and the General Urban Plan for Orşova (1992), (2009, p. 269) notes that “changes arising from
the Romanian Communist Party deforested and displacement are generally irrevocable”, meaning that
terraced an entire hillside to create room for a the possibility of return is not an option. This places an
reconstructed Orşova. additional burden on the state as displacer to ensure
For this paper, the study area is extended from that the rights of the displaced are handled in such a
Sviniţa to Orşova (Fig. 1) and we chose four settlements way as to acknowledge the sacrifice that is made in the
as field research, namely Sviniţa, Dubova, Eşelniţa and wider public’s interest. However, as Morvaridi (2008, p.
Orşova. 58) argues: “The multiplicity of actors involved in
displacement and resettlement supports the view that it
3. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND: MEGAPROJECTS, is no longer clear who the agents of justice are and who
DISPLACEMENT AND VULNERABILITY has the responsibility to protect the rights of the
individual, and in particular of the poorest and most
The development of industrial megaprojects vulnerable”.
over the 20th century played an important role in Where the state does adopt measures to
supporting economic development. Although these mitigate impacts, the demands of the project mean that

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Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

these factors may be lower down the list of priorities. agreements between Yugoslavia and Romania on the
The result is that any attempts by the impacted construction project were particularly useful in
community to influence the process are constrained by determining figures for production costs as well as the
the demands of the project, leading to a further loss of number of workers allocated to the project.
agency and disempowerment. Displacement of this To assess the human impact of relocation, we
form has lasting effects on the resettled population. also consulted records from the relevant local areas,
The effects of displacement are not felt evenly particularly the Technical Relocation Files from the
across the community, making it essential to consider Mehedinţi County Archives (1975), the Eşelniţa
issues of vulnerability. Examining the core of Communal Archives (1975) and the Drobeta Turnu
vulnerability, Joakim et al. (2015, p. 4) argue that it is a Severin City Archives (1973). This allowed us to build
“condition that is an outcome of the social, political and up a picture of not only the villages but also the
economic processes that create different levels of agricultural plots of the Danube Valley before and after
capacity among individuals, groups and communities to displacement (including newly-built settlements). We
resist, respond and recover”. Viewed in this way, it is explored maps, and plans of the area, along with
clear that vulnerability is a social construct, with the decrees and documents outlining the process for the
external environment shaping outcomes. Approaching demolition of settlements, figures for compensation
vulnerability in this way enables the identification of payouts, and processes for the deconsecration and
systemic, socio-economic and place-based factors, destruction of churches and the relocation of
linking the features of the community to the wider cemeteries. While the information we obtained was
environment. Birkmann (2007) points to the dynamic comprehensive, there are gaps in the record. Some
character of vulnerability, noting that it is a process material remains classified, other records are missing:
rather than a static reality. Central to this fluidity is the for example, in the Orșova archives, most of the
ability of individuals and communities to adapt to documents regarding the relocation of the city and
change, although even in this case there are resettlement of the population were burned during the
inequalities, as “adaptation… often reduces the 1989 Revolution (Văran, 2017).
vulnerability of those best able to mobilise resources,
rather than the most vulnerable” (Adger, 2006, pp. 266- 4.2. Survey methodology
267). Castro and Sen (2022) note that while this is the
case, considering everyday practices of adaptation Clifford et al. (2016) define the survey as a safe
draws attention to “hyperlocal actions in response to and effective way to collect data about human
local ecologies [that] aggregate into adaptive practices communities and institutional relationships in a given
deeply rooted in local knowledge and society” (Castro geographical area. Similarly, Chelcea (2001) argues that a
and Sen, 2022, p. 7). Coping with displacement rests on survey provides a useful tool to investigate a research topic
the ability of individuals and communities to maintain involving a larger group of people. For these reasons, we
or re-establish those practices that support the decided to use a survey approach for our research.
aggregation of adaptive capacity. Following our archival work, the first and second author
designed a series of 25 questions, 10 closed and 15 open, to
4. METHODOLOGY determine the sequence of events around resettlement.
The reasons for combining closed and open items were
Our research is based on a mixed important because we needed to get more data on the
methodology, involving both archival work and a survey scales of displacement and social vulnerability. Certainly,
of the population affected by resettlement. This in the case of open question items we were attentive not to
approach enables consideration of the details of appear some potential biased interpretation. The rate of
displacements and how displacement was experienced. responses was 87%. However, we consider that we
The distance from the experience of displacement attained data saturation and we considered that any
provides an opportunity to reflect on the longer-term further data taken from more than 350 respondents would
social and economic impacts. not have produced value-added insights. The survey
questions were about timing of displaced events, how
4.1. Archival work events took place as well as respondents’ feelings
connected to their social vulnerability and adaptation to
The third author of this paper conducted the the new resettled environment. There are some limitations
archival and survey work, while the other authors did of the survey because the respondents were very old and
the analysis and framing of the results. We began by some of them hardly remembered some details of their
analyzing a range of documents from the National displacement. Nonetheless, the data set we collected was
Archives of Romania (1975), including documents, and comprehensive and many information items were new in
propaganda data from the Central Committee of the the existing Romanian literature on hydropower
Romanian Communist Party (1975). The bilateral displacement.

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Journal Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

The survey was applied to 350 participants were of further help and led us to other displaced
across the region: 100 in Orşova; 150 in Eşelniţa; 60 in people in the four settlements under research.
Dubova; and 40 in Sviniţa. From a total of 37 resettled Due to the high number of participants, one of
communities, we chose to survey a larger number of the authors of this study conducted the survey in
respondents in Eşelniţa, as many people from this several stages between December 2016 and July 2017.
region were subjected to resettlement. Participants We wanted to survey those directly affected by
were sampled based on the snowball method. The first settlement and some time has now elapsed since the
author knew five key participants in the process of dam was completed in 1972, so most of our respondents
displacement: one male engineer and four elderly were older people. 163 questionnaires were completed
people (three women and one man) living in Eșelniţa by men aged between 60 and 92, and 187 by women in
and in Orşova. These initial contacts suggested other the same age range. Some had been children or
people who had been displaced. Then some of the adolescents at the time that they were displaced; others
Orthodox church and town hall communities in Eșelniţa had been adults (Table 1).

Table 1. Respondent characteristics.

Gender Gender Gender Gender
Location Age Ethnicity Religion
M F M F M F M F
Orşova 44 56 60-70 80 90 Romanian 118 127 Orthodox 103 125
Eşelniţa 60 90 71-80 60 60 Roma 8 12 Old-style Orthodox 20 21
Dubova 27 33 81-90 22 36 German 11 17 Roman Catholic 17 16
Sviniţa 32 8 90+ 1 1 Serbian 11 13 Evangelic 10 13
Slovak 4 5 Baptist 9 5
Czech 7 9 Pentecostal 2 5
Other 4 4 Other Religion 2 2
TOTAL 163 187 163 187 163 187 163 187
Source: authors’ own interpretation based on the survey data.

The questionnaires were completed on paper, dynamic character of vulnerability in such settings
and some of the respondents had age-related difficulties makes it necessary to consider how it has changed over
with writing. This meant that the survey took some time for the communities under examination. Our data
participants 30 minutes to complete. Many respondents interpretation of the survey in the context of the Iron
filled in their answers at home (225 persons); others Gates population displacements highlights that social
(125 persons) responded directly in public places vulnerability includes patterns of precarious housing,
(schools, bars, parks, commercial markets). food insecurity, cultural marginalization and financial
Data interpretation for this study was based on problems of the resettled people (Fig. 2).
thematic analysis (Bryman, 2016). Responses of the
survey were carefully read, grouped, and coded
according to a thematic analysis. Therefore, the
following are the ensuing major themes or topics: loss
of the home and financial support received by families
for the construction of a new house and for ensuring job
retention; ability to adapt to a new physical-
geographical space and a new home; post-relocation
impacts on local cultures, traditions and customs.

5. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION: EXPERIENCES

OF DISPLACEMENT

The scale of the Iron Gates project meant that

a number of communities were displaced (Fig. 1) and Fig. 2. Social vulnerability patterns as perceived by
the lasting effects of these movements have persisted. the survey respondents (source: authors’ own interpretation
based on the survey data).
Consulting the members of the displaced communities
40 years after the event provides an opportunity to Reflecting on experiences of displacement with
consider how these events shaped the impacted the benefit of distance can enable the identification of
communities. As noted above, vulnerability of the issues and experiences that were seen as most
individuals and groups means that the impacts are significant in hampering or facilitating adaptation.
unevenly distributed, making it harder for some to Memories of events related to mega-projects will be
adapt to the new situation and rebuild. Recognising the distorted by time but what remains can help distil what
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Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

was seen as most consequential (Creţan and Doiciar, former home in my born village was much larger and
2023). This section draws on the experiences of the yard was great, good soil, could keep animals. I lost
members of the displaced communities to identify what all these now” (87 years old, male, Orşova, former worker).
they saw as key experiences before reflecting on the
broader significance in terms of vulnerability. 5.2. The ability to adapt to a new physical-
From the survey data we identified three geographical space and a new home
themes: loss of the home and financial support received
by families for the construction of a new house and to Adaptation to the relocated space was a second
ensure job retention; ability to adapt to a new physical- important theme resulting from the data offered by the
geographical space and a new home; and post- survey respondents. Lots allotted after relocation were,
relocation impacts on local cultures, traditions, and in general, smaller, providing less living and gardening
customs. space. However, the location of the new home was
perceived positively by the respondents in Orşova,
5.1. Loss of the home and financial support Dubova and Eşelniţa, while most of respondents in
Sviniţa were not happy with the new location of their
Home loss and financial problems proved to be houses due to the higher gradient of slopes in the
a major issue for all the survey respondents. At the relocated area (Fig. 3).
simplest level, for members of the affected
communities, displacement resulted in loss of access to
familiar settings, as these were inundated by the rising
waters. The loss of a home has a significant effect,
particularly where the resources available to replace
what was lost are limited. Beyond the loss of material
possessions, Murcia (2021, p. 1366) argues that the loss
of home also represents “loss of a space where
individuals deploy their everyday practices and where
they expect to experience the sense of being socially,
economically, politically, and emotionally and
existentially embedded”. The suddenness further
amplified the sense of loss, as one respondent stated:
“The most painful and cruel memory that my family had
Fig. 3. Participants’ opinions on the location of the
was when it was raised the water level of the Danube new home (source: authors’ own interpretation based on the
without warning us. All family members woke up with survey data).
water in the house, frogs and snakes floating
everywhere. It was a tragic and shocking moment” (S., Losing access to this gardening space can be
V., 69 years old male, Eşelniţa, former accountant). seen as inhibiting the ability of those relocated to adapt,
The sense of shock expressed in the quote as it required the purchase of goods that were
demonstrates the vulnerability of the impacted previously produced at home, thus impacting on life
communities, as the political environment at the time quality (Fig. 4).
meant that the concerns and needs of the communities
were subordinated to the needs of the state. The
emotional cost of displacement is also captured in the
vivid description of loss, rendered by the detail of
animals inadvertently invading the space of home.
A related sense of loss also concerned the
gardens that had been developed and maintained with
care over time. Gardens were an important part of
home life, enabling subsistence farming or fruit growing
in a context of relative scarcity (on food self-
provisioning see Daněk et al., 2022). Space was equated
with a traditional ability to supplement waged labour
with animal husbandry and agricultural activities
perceived as part of Romanian rural identity. Fig. 4. Respondents’ perceptions of their quality of
Discussing their experience, one respondent noted: “My life in relocated area (source: authors’ own interpretation
new home was on a steep versant. Even if I had a based on the survey data).
garden behind my house I could not use it for planting Moving to new communities and losing access
anything. Was able to plant only some plum trees. My to these public and private spaces had lasting impacts
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Journal Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

on local traditions and practices. The displacement These results suggest that many of those who
process also had more practical impacts, shaping the were displaced experienced some degree of financial
economic and spatial opportunities of those relocated. injury that led to longer-lasting impacts. The presence
An important factor in this regard was whether the of lasting effects reflects Birkmann’s (2007) argument
relocatees were from rural or urban settings. In Orşova, about the dynamic character of vulnerability, as the
many rural to urban movers were resettled on the initial disadvantage was compounded over time,
outskirts of the city, whereas previously they had lived increasing vulnerability, reinforcing patterns of
close to the centre of the vanished villages. This was inequality, and hampering adaptation. The effects of
identified by one respondent as an issue that had pre-existing vulnerability can be seen in the case of
become more apparent over time, arguing “When I was those who lived in apartments and were generally not
young it was okay for me to walk that several kilometres able, or did not wish to rebuild after relocation. For
distance but now I am old and cannot go shopping or instance, one respondent argued “We are a poor Roma
have simple walks to the centre of town” (85 year old family. We were 5 small children and my parents had
female, Orşova). Those who moved from the old to the no time to work on building a new brick house, so we
new Orşova had priority in choosing lots and therefore chose to live in a small apartment” (N.C., 76 years,
secured more favourable locations. Those moving to female, former housekeeper).
smaller settlements such as Eşelniţa had more positive Displacement also had varied effects on the
experiences, as the majority of homes were close to the ability of individuals to continue or secure new
central part of the village. Some relocatees were forced employment. Standards of living were generally
to live with relatives in localities not affected by maintained before and after relocation, even when
displacement. Such social ties were important, as one people were forced to seek work in other sectors, with
respondent noted, “My family from Tisoviţa and I most reporting the maintenance of a stable monthly
moved to Eşelniţa because my brother moved there and income. According to the Mehedinţi County Archives
we wanted to be close to each other” (O.U., 92 years old, (1975), the national administration, regional Prefecture
male, Eşelniţa, former industry worker). These and Severin District Council worked in concert to
narratives point to varying degrees of agency on the ensure the economy of the area was relocated with its
part of relocatees. The ability to exercise agency is not population. This entailed not only rebuilding the city
uniform, as reflected by Feng et al. (2021) when arguing but relocating its enterprises so that the inhabitants
that older people have fewer resources to adjust to the could retain the same job. Additionally, many rural
changed setting. The ability to adapt was therefore residents had previously commuted to work in Orşova
shaped by structural factors (Joakim et al., 2015) that by bus, meaning the impact of resettlement was limited.
are beyond the control of individuals, as well as by the At the same time, some respondents in Orşova and
ability of individuals to mobilise resources (Adger, Eşelniţa noted difficulties in adapting to jobs in the new
2006), such as social ties. setting, despite working in the same field of economic
The economic impacts of relocation were activity. This may have resulted from changes in
considerable for some, particularly when dealing with industrial practices, as the enterprises underwent
the issues of compensation and employment. The need modernisation, meaning changed requirements. It can
to construct a new house was a significant financial also be connected to the complex nature of
burden on many families, with state compensation vulnerability, as the loss of lifestyle stability meant they
payouts failing to cover the full cost of construction, were less able to have access to local knowledge and
plunging some of them into debt. The government social connections that they had previously drawn on
designated a series of compensation bands, focusing on (Castro and Sen, 2022). Those from the villages of
the structure and size of the house, with further Ogradena, Plavişeviţa, Tisoviţa, and Eşelniţa Veche
distinctions made between urban and rural areas. There were further disadvantaged as they could not keep the
were additional conditions, such as those displaced same jobs because the mines and forests they worked in
from brick houses being obliged to keep the bricks (also were destroyed or cut down to build new houses.
sometimes windows, doors and roof tiles) from their A final point of difference in relocated
demolished residence to construct a new home. Almost communities was between those moving between and
half the survey respondents stated that the within rural and urban settings. As noted above, those
compensation payments were not sufficient and they from rural areas tended to be settled in marginal spaces
had to borrow or use savings to finish their home. in Orşova, some distance from the centre. This can be
Discussing the level of compensation, one respondent linked to their position within a socio-political system
stated: “The mayor/town hall paid us 25 bani [pennies] that prized modernisation and industrialisation,
per square metre, as that was the calculated value for marginalising those who did not fit this ideal. These
lands at that time. That was nothing. 1 Lei was a bottle difficulties were compounded by differences in the
of juice, so what to do with 25 bani [pennies]?” (L.G., 72 actual relocation itself. Relocation happened in two
years old, female, Eşelniţa, former maid). phases, with families being moved to temporary

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 Remus CREŢAN, Thomas O’BRIEN, Claudia Ionela VĂRAN ŢENCHE, Fabian TIMOFTE
Journal of Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

accommodation while their new homes were being The destruction of some sites was seen by
prepared. In cities, apartments were used for this some as unnecessary, particularly where they were not
purpose, whereas those moving between rural areas going to be inundated. In this case, the destructive
were forced to use poor quality barrack-type homes, actions can be seen as driven from above for political
each housing a family of five or six in two rooms. One reasons, as an attempt to exert control over the subject
respondent made the point that: “It was very hard population. These actions represent an attempt to
during the move. We had to stay in barracks and it was challenge and reshape a second, less tangible form of
awful to have eight people in a shack. Then the animals heritage as something “changeable… constantly
had to be sacrificed to have something to eat that we produced and re-produced by social interaction, with
couldn’t afford to buy food from the grocery store every negotiable and contested values” (Zarandona et al.,
day” (C., T., 80-year-old female, Eșelniţa, former 2023, p. 5). This is reflected in a statement from Sviniţa
worker in local industry). priest who argued: “The church from Sviniţa should not
Conditions were described as harsh and be bombed because the water of the Danube did not
lacking in basic facilities, with one respondent noting reach it, but the Communist Party mentioned that
“The biggest problem was with building a decent toilet. dynamites were needed to all churches. Here at Sviniţa
We had to build it on a steep place” (R.D., 69 year old came the people from the uranium mine from Bigăr and
male, Orşova, former worker). Mouldy walls and leaky blew it up. There was also a man from here who took
roofs were common, with nowhere to store food, part in the operation to blow it up. The next day he died
furniture or clothes, meaning many families lost some in that accident. People say it was a punishment for
or all of their belongings. The conditions faced by those helping to destroy the church” (L., C., 83 years old,
moving between urban settings were also challenging, male, former miner, Sviniţa).
as they were moved to small apartments, all resulting in The destruction of the church represents the
difficulties adapting to limited space, loss of privacy, inflexibility of the state at the intersection of political
and a sense of lost ownership. power and technological interests (Dunlap, 2021), as
those responsible were unwilling to change course once
5.3. Post-relocation impacts on local cultures, a decision had been made. When faced with change of
traditions, and customs this sort, the community may resist where there is an
absence of respect for or recognition of tradition and an
Impacts of relocation were obvious also in effort at preservation of associated practices (O’Brien
relation to the loss of traditions and customs. The loss and Creţan, 2019). The response of the community in
of traditional village life resulted in residents losing linking the death of the worker to the destruction of the
access to religious and other community sites that had church can be seen as an attempt to reinforce the
been significant to them. Zarandona et al. (2023, p. 4) significance of the church to the community as more
note the significance of such sites as “the tangible, than just a building.
physical manifestations of cultures and their intangible Both urban and rural participants said that
customs…. [where] conservation and preservation are a their traditions, religious festivals, folk costumes, and
social responsibility for future generations.” The folk music were lost over time. One respondent made
destruction or loss of access to a site of meaning may the point that “we lost our old village traditions, many
therefore represent a challenge to the preservation of old songs and dances are not perpetuated anymore”
memories and associated cultural connections. In the (R.P., 91 years old, Orşova). Marginalisation of these
case of the relocation, the loss was a dramatic event that practices was further exacerbated by social mixing as
had a lasting impact on those present, with one residents of the new communities were from a number
respondent stating: of different villages. As noted elsewhere, internal
Our church in Ogradena was bombed, the migration and the mixing that results can lead to
army came and blew it up. The church bell rang for stigmatisation, encouraging individuals to adapt to the
several hours uninterrupted, and then they lowered the new social context (O’Brien et al., 2023). Generational
church tower. Everybody took a piece of brick from the shifts also played a role as younger residents moved out
church with them and took it home as a sacred object. of the area to build lives in other Romanian cities. These
Shortly after, they blew up the church! (M., C., 75 years developments point to the compounding nature of
old, female, Eşelniţa, former saleswoman). vulnerability, as the loss of access to sites and traditions
By taking pieces of the church, the residents resulted in community fragmentation and out-
could be seen to have been attempting to preserve a migration, further reducing the capacity of those
sense of something that had been lost. The fact that not remaining to adapt. Efforts were made by local and
all such sites were dynamited, as some were left intact county authorities to ensure social and cultural
under the waters of the Danube, introduced a sense of celebrations were not lost. An example of this was the
uncertainty and arbitrariness around the value of August 23rd celebration, which the regime had
cultural sites. designated to celebrate the liberation from the fascists

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 Legacies of Displacement from the Iron Gates Hydroelectric Project
Journal Settlements and Spatial Planning, vol. 14, no. 2 (2023) 67-77

in 1945 (Văran, 2017). Despite this, many local customs longer term, particularly on how vulnerability shapes
and traditions were lost in the relocation, as inhabitants adaptation.
were no longer able to maintain the old rituals and Our argument has centered on the role of
celebrations in the new settings (Văran and Creţan, vulnerability in inhibiting or facilitating efforts at
2020). The marking of religious festivals for the patron adaptation, considering how social, economic, and
saints of the old churches that had been lost dwindled, cultural challenges can blend. Displacement of
pointing to the importance of sites in enabling cultural communities to enable the construction of the Iron
persistence and translation (Zarandona et al., 2023). Gates dam in Romania provides a valuable illustration
Summing up, the construction of the Iron of the longer-term impacts of disruption. The degree of
Gates dam had considerable and lasting impacts on the disruption may appear to be relatively minor, as those
displaced communities. As outlined above, vulnerability displaced were resettled nearby, potentially allowing
played a crucial role in shaping the experiences of those access to some existing facilities. Despite this, the
displaced and their ability to adapt. At one level, the respondents expressed a sense that considerable harm
impact on the communities reflected the tension had been done to their well-being. Loss of access to
between national and community interests (Neef and culturally significant sites was coupled with a worsening
Singer, 2015). The construction of the dam had practical of physical and economic conditions, as presented by
benefits for Romania, by increasing domestic electricity participants who described loss of cultivatable land.
production in support of the drive for industrialisation. It Vulnerability is at the core of the ability of individuals
also supported political goals by demonstrating solidarity to adapt to the new circumstances, with social ties
and technical mastery in the relationship between enabling some to resettle more easily. Building on
Romania and Yugoslavia. For the displaced communities, Birkmann’s (2007) argument that vulnerability is not
the loss of religious sites, homes, and gardens, as well as static, it is apparent that where vulnerability was
more intangible social and cultural customs was echoed present it was complex and multifaceted. Mirroring
and deeply felt by the range of participants. The ability to Castro and Sen’s (2022) notion of everyday
adapt was also hampered by the inability to challenge or adaptability, it appears that the aggregation of elements
question the decisions of the state. By examining the of vulnerability over time identified the reduced
experiences of the displaced communities over 40 years adaptive capacity characterizing the experiences of
after the event, it is apparent that the scars caused by those displaced.
such an event remain for a long time in the memory of Considering the experiences of displaced
the community. communities after such an extended period demonstrates
the lasting impact of vulnerability. It also emphasises the
6. CONCLUSIONS ways in which displaced communities reflect on and
interpret these experiences. This contributes to the existing
This article has examined the legacies of work on displacement, adding a temporal dimension. The
displacement caused by the construction of the Iron research also points to the possibility of examining
Gates dam in Romania, drawing out the shifting generational differences tied to particular senses of place
relationship between vulnerability and adaptation. In to develop a better understanding of the ways in which
order to foster industrialization and support economic such experiences are transmitted and managed. The
development, the communist-era Romanian state impacted communities recognized out-migration among
embarked on the construction of a number of the younger generations, raising questions about the
megaprojects. One of the most significant was the Iron extent to which this is tied to intergenerational
Gates dam on the lower Danube River. vulnerability or part of a broader pattern.
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