Thilo Rehren
I don't really like to politicize science - but if Politics ignores Science then Science can't afford to ignore Politics. Stop War - stop Climate Change.
Beyond this - I like to do research, to teach, and stay curious. This used to be just me, the odd piece of slag or crucible, the microscope, and the library, and a lot of fun. These days, it is more indirect - facilitating other people doing research, based (partly) on my own ideas, but leaving it to them to develop and run with it. It is quite different from doing it yourself, but fun, too - in particular if it leads to unexpected directions and results. Big fun. But it still needs to be written up... the infamous 'other 90%' of doing research, once the first 90% in the lab and one's head are done. And of course, at some stage in one's career, there is the third 90% creeping up on you, or rather, often, becoming the first 90% of one's day's work: bureaucrazy...
For everything else, see my cv.
Supervisors: A lot of people I'm grateful to throughout my life, for their kindness and guidance
Beyond this - I like to do research, to teach, and stay curious. This used to be just me, the odd piece of slag or crucible, the microscope, and the library, and a lot of fun. These days, it is more indirect - facilitating other people doing research, based (partly) on my own ideas, but leaving it to them to develop and run with it. It is quite different from doing it yourself, but fun, too - in particular if it leads to unexpected directions and results. Big fun. But it still needs to be written up... the infamous 'other 90%' of doing research, once the first 90% in the lab and one's head are done. And of course, at some stage in one's career, there is the third 90% creeping up on you, or rather, often, becoming the first 90% of one's day's work: bureaucrazy...
For everything else, see my cv.
Supervisors: A lot of people I'm grateful to throughout my life, for their kindness and guidance
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Glass: General by Thilo Rehren
Abstract: Glass is the youngest of the main artificial archaeological materials, regularly emerging in the archaeological record from c 1600 BCE onward; first in Western Asia and Egypt, with other notable production regions in India, China, Continental Europe, and Africa following (much) later. As a material made through the fusion of raw materials, it is chemically complex, and leaves little production waste. Numerous compositional groups and sub-groups of glass are known, of different regional and chronological distribution, reflecting the use of different raw materials. This complexity lends itself to the study of trade in raw glass and the movement of glass objects across time and space, although the distinction among glass compositions is not always as sharp as one might wish.
For the consumption of glass in Egypt, the following patterns emerge: in Pharaonic times, use was apparently rather firmly restricted to glass made in Egypt, despite the ample iconographic and textual evidence for the importation of glass from the East. For later periods, the same major glass types known from across the Roman Empire occurred in Egypt too, with a strong – sometimes near-exclusive – dominance of Egyptian-made glass. Similarly, Levantine glass groups greatly dominated glass consumption in the Levant. Elsewhere, however, raw glass from both regions seems to be in competition and can be found in similar amounts at the same sites.
This pattern of glass use most likely reflects the changing interregional versus regional character of the Roman and Byzantine economies. Surprisingly, some plant ash-based glass is present at least on a small scale during the period of mineral natron dominance in Egypt, particularly during the first half of the first millennium AD.
During the Early Islamic period, Egypt II glass seems to have been of importance not only in Egypt itself, but also in the wider Islamic world. It is attested in cities involved in the Mediterranean and Red Sea trades. After the reintroduction of plant ash-based glass in Egypt, approximately in the late ninth to early tenth century AD, the picture becomes less straightforward, as plant ash glass groups are compositionally more variable than mineral natron-based glasses, and very few glass analyses from this period have been published to date.
Examining Egypt, and her role as a producer of glass at a regional level, reveals some clear trends. For almost the entire period of interest here, glass production occurred in Egypt as well as farther east, in the Syro-Palestine region and Mesopotamia. Within each of these two main regions, regionally produced glass massively dominated local glassworking and consumption. Only in periods when there is no evidence for contemporary glassmaking in Egypt do we find imported glass from the east arriving in Egypt in significant proportions.
The early literature reflects the comparatively limited number of individuals and research groups working on glass; only recently there is a significant broadening of the research community and expansion and refinement of the data base. This enables us now to take stock of our current understanding and identify major lacunae and areas where additional work may make the most significant contributions to our understanding of the complex picture. Hopefully this will help moving from the traditional descriptive and often fragmented opportunistic data-gathering phase (asking ‘what’, ‘where’ and ‘when’) to a more interpretative period looking with fresh eyes at the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of compositional and technical developments. This opening of the research field includes addressing the relationship of the different glass industries to the societies that used glass, and how they organised its production and distribution. A major overarching issue remains the question of the initial invention of glass, and how the idea as well as the material itself spread. Major debates should ask whether there were multiple inventions of glass making; how best to identify and interpret long-distance trade; how to ensure data compatibility and quality; and how to integrate different types of data, from archaeology through craftsmanship and typology to chemistry and optical properties.
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Furthermore, it is demonstrated that possibly two independent melting temperature indicators are correlated, suggesting a factual relationship between melting temperature and melt composition. This evidence is taken to develop a ‘‘partial batch melting model’’ for these early glasses, as opposed to the ‘‘total batch melting model’’ of Mediaeval and early modern glasses. Some archaeological implications of this model are briefly discussed.
Kick-off lecture for the lecture series at the AUB: See details and registration link here:
https://www.aub.edu.lb/cams/Pages/on_broken_glass.aspx
Bronze Age glass by Thilo Rehren
Analysis of the glass using handheld XRF analysis demonstrated the homogeneity of the glass body and confirmed its composition typical of Late Bronze Age plant-ash glass, coloured by copper and opacified by calcium antimonate. The glass “reeds” are opacified and coloured yellow by lead antimonate, dark blue by cobalt oxide, and light blue by copper oxide, respectively. The main body has no detectable tin oxide, setting it apart from the majority of Egyptian New Kingdom turquoise copper blue glass, but matching the composition of the turquoise head rest from the same tomb. This, and several other compositional characteristics, point to a potential origin of the glass for both large objects either from the glass factory in Lisht or, less likely, from a source in Mesopotamia.
Among the finds from Tutankhamun’s tomb are several headrests made from a variety of materials including wood, ivory, faience, glass and iron. Here, we present a brief overview of the genre of headrests in general and the collection of such objects in Tutankhamun’s tomb. We present a summary of the likely post-excavation history of one of the two glass headrests before providing detailed visual observations on the two glass headrests, each weighing about 2 kg. The turquoise-coloured headrest consists of two parts, joined in the middle of the central stem or pillar. In many areas its glass is discoloured brown, possibly as a result of corrosion or devitrification. The dark blue transparent headrest is a single block of glass, showing just a few ancient repairs, presumably filling gas bubbles resulting from its manufacture. This observation then leads to a discussion of the likely production process employed to create these unique and spectacular artefacts. We consider it unlikely that they were carved from large solid blocks using lithic technology, or poured as liquid glass into a mould. Instead, we argue that they were cast in the sense of adding finely ground glass powder into a prepared form which was then heated to such a temperature to allow the complete fusion of the glass to consolidate in a nearly-finished shape, requiring only minimal surface finishing.
Following this, we present pXRF analyses of the two headrests and a few smaller glass objects from the tomb, including two blue and one white vessel, and a dark blue statuette. The results indicate that the turquoise headrest is coloured with pure copper oxide and opacified with antimony, while the dark blue headrest and the two blue vessels are coloured with copper oxide derived from bronze. The statuette is made from cobalt-blue glass, while the white vessel is made from colourless glass opacified by countless gas bubbles trapped in the matrix of the glass. Within the inevitable analytical limitations and uncertainty of pXRF data, the glass compositions match what we know about glass from New Kingdom Egypt. The turquoise headrest differs from the other objects in its lower concentrations of some trace elements including tin, strontium and zirconium, which resemble compositions known from Mesopotamia, but also from glass from Lisht in Egypt.
Based on the Ramesside workshops in Qantir-Piramesses, a detailed model for the organisation of LBA glass production and working is proposed. The basic difference to be made is that of a producer workshop, producing monochrome glass ingots, and that of a consumer workshop, working such ingots into monochrome or polychrome objects. Coloured glass was produced at a number of sites, both in Mesopotamia and Egypt, in a number of common colours. More specific colours, though, were produced only at specialised sites, dependent on specific raw material access and know how. Long distance trade in glass of all colours then allowed artistic centres to work glass of all colours available.
Abstract: Glass is the youngest of the main artificial archaeological materials, regularly emerging in the archaeological record from c 1600 BCE onward; first in Western Asia and Egypt, with other notable production regions in India, China, Continental Europe, and Africa following (much) later. As a material made through the fusion of raw materials, it is chemically complex, and leaves little production waste. Numerous compositional groups and sub-groups of glass are known, of different regional and chronological distribution, reflecting the use of different raw materials. This complexity lends itself to the study of trade in raw glass and the movement of glass objects across time and space, although the distinction among glass compositions is not always as sharp as one might wish.
For the consumption of glass in Egypt, the following patterns emerge: in Pharaonic times, use was apparently rather firmly restricted to glass made in Egypt, despite the ample iconographic and textual evidence for the importation of glass from the East. For later periods, the same major glass types known from across the Roman Empire occurred in Egypt too, with a strong – sometimes near-exclusive – dominance of Egyptian-made glass. Similarly, Levantine glass groups greatly dominated glass consumption in the Levant. Elsewhere, however, raw glass from both regions seems to be in competition and can be found in similar amounts at the same sites.
This pattern of glass use most likely reflects the changing interregional versus regional character of the Roman and Byzantine economies. Surprisingly, some plant ash-based glass is present at least on a small scale during the period of mineral natron dominance in Egypt, particularly during the first half of the first millennium AD.
During the Early Islamic period, Egypt II glass seems to have been of importance not only in Egypt itself, but also in the wider Islamic world. It is attested in cities involved in the Mediterranean and Red Sea trades. After the reintroduction of plant ash-based glass in Egypt, approximately in the late ninth to early tenth century AD, the picture becomes less straightforward, as plant ash glass groups are compositionally more variable than mineral natron-based glasses, and very few glass analyses from this period have been published to date.
Examining Egypt, and her role as a producer of glass at a regional level, reveals some clear trends. For almost the entire period of interest here, glass production occurred in Egypt as well as farther east, in the Syro-Palestine region and Mesopotamia. Within each of these two main regions, regionally produced glass massively dominated local glassworking and consumption. Only in periods when there is no evidence for contemporary glassmaking in Egypt do we find imported glass from the east arriving in Egypt in significant proportions.
The early literature reflects the comparatively limited number of individuals and research groups working on glass; only recently there is a significant broadening of the research community and expansion and refinement of the data base. This enables us now to take stock of our current understanding and identify major lacunae and areas where additional work may make the most significant contributions to our understanding of the complex picture. Hopefully this will help moving from the traditional descriptive and often fragmented opportunistic data-gathering phase (asking ‘what’, ‘where’ and ‘when’) to a more interpretative period looking with fresh eyes at the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of compositional and technical developments. This opening of the research field includes addressing the relationship of the different glass industries to the societies that used glass, and how they organised its production and distribution. A major overarching issue remains the question of the initial invention of glass, and how the idea as well as the material itself spread. Major debates should ask whether there were multiple inventions of glass making; how best to identify and interpret long-distance trade; how to ensure data compatibility and quality; and how to integrate different types of data, from archaeology through craftsmanship and typology to chemistry and optical properties.
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Furthermore, it is demonstrated that possibly two independent melting temperature indicators are correlated, suggesting a factual relationship between melting temperature and melt composition. This evidence is taken to develop a ‘‘partial batch melting model’’ for these early glasses, as opposed to the ‘‘total batch melting model’’ of Mediaeval and early modern glasses. Some archaeological implications of this model are briefly discussed.
Kick-off lecture for the lecture series at the AUB: See details and registration link here:
https://www.aub.edu.lb/cams/Pages/on_broken_glass.aspx
Analysis of the glass using handheld XRF analysis demonstrated the homogeneity of the glass body and confirmed its composition typical of Late Bronze Age plant-ash glass, coloured by copper and opacified by calcium antimonate. The glass “reeds” are opacified and coloured yellow by lead antimonate, dark blue by cobalt oxide, and light blue by copper oxide, respectively. The main body has no detectable tin oxide, setting it apart from the majority of Egyptian New Kingdom turquoise copper blue glass, but matching the composition of the turquoise head rest from the same tomb. This, and several other compositional characteristics, point to a potential origin of the glass for both large objects either from the glass factory in Lisht or, less likely, from a source in Mesopotamia.
Among the finds from Tutankhamun’s tomb are several headrests made from a variety of materials including wood, ivory, faience, glass and iron. Here, we present a brief overview of the genre of headrests in general and the collection of such objects in Tutankhamun’s tomb. We present a summary of the likely post-excavation history of one of the two glass headrests before providing detailed visual observations on the two glass headrests, each weighing about 2 kg. The turquoise-coloured headrest consists of two parts, joined in the middle of the central stem or pillar. In many areas its glass is discoloured brown, possibly as a result of corrosion or devitrification. The dark blue transparent headrest is a single block of glass, showing just a few ancient repairs, presumably filling gas bubbles resulting from its manufacture. This observation then leads to a discussion of the likely production process employed to create these unique and spectacular artefacts. We consider it unlikely that they were carved from large solid blocks using lithic technology, or poured as liquid glass into a mould. Instead, we argue that they were cast in the sense of adding finely ground glass powder into a prepared form which was then heated to such a temperature to allow the complete fusion of the glass to consolidate in a nearly-finished shape, requiring only minimal surface finishing.
Following this, we present pXRF analyses of the two headrests and a few smaller glass objects from the tomb, including two blue and one white vessel, and a dark blue statuette. The results indicate that the turquoise headrest is coloured with pure copper oxide and opacified with antimony, while the dark blue headrest and the two blue vessels are coloured with copper oxide derived from bronze. The statuette is made from cobalt-blue glass, while the white vessel is made from colourless glass opacified by countless gas bubbles trapped in the matrix of the glass. Within the inevitable analytical limitations and uncertainty of pXRF data, the glass compositions match what we know about glass from New Kingdom Egypt. The turquoise headrest differs from the other objects in its lower concentrations of some trace elements including tin, strontium and zirconium, which resemble compositions known from Mesopotamia, but also from glass from Lisht in Egypt.
Based on the Ramesside workshops in Qantir-Piramesses, a detailed model for the organisation of LBA glass production and working is proposed. The basic difference to be made is that of a producer workshop, producing monochrome glass ingots, and that of a consumer workshop, working such ingots into monochrome or polychrome objects. Coloured glass was produced at a number of sites, both in Mesopotamia and Egypt, in a number of common colours. More specific colours, though, were produced only at specialised sites, dependent on specific raw material access and know how. Long distance trade in glass of all colours then allowed artistic centres to work glass of all colours available.
The question of how to identify and localize LBA primary glass production in the archaeological record, the main focus of this paper, seems to be convincingly answered with the widespread and systematic occurrence of semi-finished glass in the reaction vessels. Further indirect evidence for primary glass-making as opposed to glass-working comes from the presence of chemical and colour changes in the ceramic immediately beneath the parting layers of both reaction vessels and cylindrical crucibles. We interpret these as the result of the activity of a salt phase (galle), as is known to exist in most plant ashes (Brill 1999; Busz and Sengele 1999), but which is not likely to be part of the finished glass. The exact mechanism which leads from the initial discolouration of near-contact parts of the ceramic to the eventual formation of a solid layer of dark green interface glass is still only partly understood, and appears to comprise a complex sequence of reactions. The exact details of these may seem of only limited significance for archaeological science; eventually, however, they may possibly lead to the development of diagnostic criteria for the identification of LBA glass-making activity in Egypt, Mesopotamia and beyond. "
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Primary glassmaking in the first millennium CE during Roman and post Roman periods was conducted in large heating installations, the so-called tank furnaces, in two main regions of the East Mediterranean, namely the Levant and Egypt. Especially in Israel, a large number of tank furnaces in various sites such as Apollonia, Bet Eli'ezer (Hadera) and Jalame have been discovered, giving new insights regarding the technology of glassmaking in the first millennium CE. In this paper, we investigate the existence of metal prills embedded in raw glass at the contact layer with a tank furnace floor. The glass chunks were found in a refuse pit at Umm ez-Zinat, southern Carmel, Israel, and are dated to the Late Roman-Early Byzantine periods (fourth-early fifth centuries CE) based on glass vessels found with the debris of primary and secondary production. Another three prills from Bet Eli'ezer, the massive glass industry dated to the seventh-early-eighth centuries CE, were also analysed to compare any similarities/differences between the prills from the two sites. Results show that the prills vary greatly in shape and composition. Their morphology ranges from rounded spheres to asymmetric ellipses, all showing inclusions indicating the source material was chemically heterogeneous. The prills from Umm ez-Zinat are mainly lead, with minor contribution of copper, tin, antimony and silver as inclusions. Two of the three prills from Bet Eli'ezer are copper alloyed with lead, and one has a lead matrix with various copper inclusions. We investigate possible scenarios to understand the nature of the metal in the glass, how and when it was added to the glass melt, and possible technological and ritual interpretations for its presence.
present- day Bulgaria identifi ed a distinct compositional group, primarily
dated to the fi fth century ce. It is characterised by manganese
decolouration and virtually absent antimony, and is recognised here as
s é rie 3.2 of Foy et al. ( 2003 ). We discuss this specifi c glass group and
its distribution as attested with materials found in contexts from the
late fourth century ce through to the early sixth century ce, from the
western Mediterranean, Italy and several sites in the Balkans, among
others. These comparisons provide evidence about the overall chronology
of s é rie 3.2 and suggest that its wide spatial circulation had various
patterns and was governed by various socio- economic mechanisms,
from an inter- regional through to various regional and local levels. We
discuss the relationship of this predominantly fi fth- century ce glass
group with the later s é rie 2.1 of Foy et al. ( 2003 ), which gradually
replaces the earlier glass group, possibly starting around the turn of
the sixth century ce. We highlight specifi c diff erences in production
technology of the two groups at the level of primary production while
also emphasising the signifi cance of reuse and recycling as another
instance of spread of glass compositions.
Three more compositional groups are also confirmed at the site – HIMT and HIT glasses, and Levantine I. The two last groups, i.e. HIT and Levantine I, are only present with just a few samples, but form tight sets which allow their possible identification as single batches of glass, potentially suggesting a special meaning of their acquisition. An attempt to study analytical glass groups in relation to particular ranges of vessel types demonstrates certain relationships between vessel morphology and techniques of manufacture, and primary raw glass composition, giving an insight into the different levels of secondary glass working. The well established stratigraphy of the site helps to see the changes in supply during the 5th and 6th centuries connected with general processes in the cultural and economic development. The first period of the settlement is remarkable for the diversity and quality of glass types (Roman blue-green, HIMT, HIT and Levantine I), while the second period is marked by a strong dominance of the dirtier sub-group of the Roman blue-green glass, and generally limited manufacturing skills.
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The fragment was analysed by OM and SEM-EDS, and LA-ICP-MS. The results demonstrate that the glass has a proper Roman composition with an excessive amount of iron oxide (ca. 9wt%) which gives it its distinct colour. A detailed study of the microstructure of the material allows an understanding of the way in which the iron has been added to the batch, with small iron oxide particles seen in the glass at the bottom of the crucible. The interpretation proposed here is that these particles are unlike naturally occurring material but seem to be flakes of hammer scale.
It can be assumed that such specific black glass was used for shaping small jewellery, such as beads and/or bangles. An attempt is made here to discuss that technology in comparison with a similar and contemporary find from another region of the Balkans.
Résumé
Les creusets utilisés pour la fabrication du verre sont rares dans les contextes archéologiques de l' Afrique sub-Saharienne. Des fouilles récentes du site d'Igbo Olokun à Ile-Ife (sud-ouest du Nigéria) ont révélé de nombreux fragments de creusets de verrerie provenant de dépôts des-siècles de notre ère, semblables aux exemples complets ou presque complets déjà connus. Cette contribution propose un examen approfondi de ces fragments de creusets pour documenter leurs caractéris-tiques matérielles, leur typologie et leur fonction dans le pro-cessus de fabrication du verre. Des analyses par microscopie optique et par / ont été conduites sur un échantillon de 10 fragments. La composition de la pâte céramique et celle des adhésions de verre sont présentées et discutées en lien avec leur fonction. Les creusets étaient produits à l'aide d'une argile sélectionnée spécifiquement pour ses qualités hautement réfractaire puis utilisés pour obtenir du verre à partir de matière brute. Des colorants étaient ajoutés au mélange dans les creusets.
Le volume utile des creusets variait de 1 à 7 litres, équivalent à une production de verre d’environ 2,5 à 17,5 kg. L’analyse de la composition d’un échantillon des milliers de perles en verre retrouvées lors des fouilles indique que la matière première utilisée pour produire ces dernières a bien été fondue dans ces creusets. C’est la première fois que l’on documente en Afrique de l’Ouest un assemblage archéologique illustrant la production de perles en verre à une telle échelle. Les creusets sont des témoignages uniques de l’existence dans l’Afrique sub-Saharienne de la première moitié du second millénaire de notre ère d’une industrie locale de production de verre et, probablement, de sa transformation en perles.
Es wird gezeigt, dass die mittelalterliche Glasproduktion offenkundig nicht in Kontinuität zur römischen Glasherstellung zu sehen ist, da die verwendeten Rohmaterialien und Organisationsformen zu unterschiedlich waren. Lediglich die Verarbeitungstechniken finden sich ungebrochen, teils aus der schieren Besonderheit des Werkstoffs Glas heraus, der nur ein beschränktes Repertoire an Methoden erlaubt, teils aber auch wohl durch eine tatsächliche Kontinuität in der Verarbeitung von Glas in Orten permanenter Siedlung wie Köln oder London.
The items are with one exception pieces from stained glass windows, with the individual fragments grozed into shape. Most fragments show at least one original grozed edge, and several are preserved completely. The chemical analysis of this glass identified four main compositional groups, including two lead-rich and two lime-rich groups. Due to the close matches found in the compositions of lead-rich glass used mostly in Germany and magnesia-rich HLLA and MLA glasses in northern France and Belgium. In addition to the surviving glass groups, it is probable that the fully weathered glass represents an entire additional category of glass with a different chemical composition that is now lost to time.
Main web page: https://place-itn.cyi.ac.cy/
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The wreaths were made to a high standard of craftsmanship, using often high quality material: ample gold leaf, cinnabar pigment and a pure kaolinite gesso. This use of high quality raw materials matches the relative scarcity of the wreaths among the
overall number of tombs excavated: only about one percent yielded remains of these ornamental items. However, despite their relative scarcity, they appear to have been made on a regular scale, using standardised methods and primary raw materials rather than merely recycling circulating metal and working on a semiskilled ad-hoc level of craftsmanship.
The project is based on the study of 117 objects decorated with metal threads obtained from several Greek and European Institutions. The Greek objects are mainly embroidered ecclesiastical textiles used by the Greek Orthodox Church across a large region and covering the 14th to 19th centuries. The objects from European institutions are primarily woven secular objects of European and Middle Eastern origins which are dated from the 13th century onwards.
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In summary, there is not only evidence for the use of gold foil at ancient Ruhuna, but also for the melting and probably refining of gold. Some of the foils appear to be made from native gold, probably from placer deposits, sintered and hammered together in solid state, while two other foil samples are clearly of an artificial (copper-enriched) composition. The molten gold is of a similar artificial composition, judged from the elevated copper concentrations. It must remain open whether the copper content was added deliberately to facilitate melting and casting, whether it was recognized at all, or whether it was considered a reason for a refining action, probably prior to gold foil manufacture.
The identification of a single example of a gilt organic strip, gilded by folding a strip of very thin gold foil around a pre-cut organic strip, adds to our knowledge a variant of metal thread production previously unknown from Tang Dynasty China; the careful selection of well-refined gold for this particular type of thread clearly shows the high level of metallurgical understanding and competence of the Tang craftspeople, in keeping with the other examples of exquisite metalwork from the Famen Temple, and the Tang period in general.
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This paper focuses on the physical remains of the ore as found within the washeries in an attempt to elucidate the mineralogical nature of the primary ore, some operational details of the beneficiation process, and the quality of the concentrate. To this end, published data from a number of excavations in the Lavriotiki is combined with information accumulated over the last few decades during regional field surveys, two dedicated study seasons in 1996 and '97, and analyses of selected samples from several ore washeries. It is demonstrated that the ore was mined in Antiquity as galena, which since then has weathered almost completely to cerussite. The characterisation of the ore samples made it possible to identify two different ore types, with about 1000 and 2000 grams silver per ton of lead, respectively. In addition, the processing of cupellation residue in several of the washeries could be demonstrated. The system of channels, platforms and basins which make up most of the ore washeries is shown to serve exclusively the water management, with the beneficiation activity proper being restricted to a device, probably made of wood and now lost, situated in front of the water tanks.
Thirty years ago, the Huelva Archaeo-Metallurgical Project recorded the ancient metallurgical sites in the area and within them the site of Corta Lago, currently unsafe and not accessible. The site of Corta Lago is a section of metallurgical debris, mainly slags, several meters deep, dated from the Late Bronze Age to the 2nd century AD. Changes in the technology and organisation of silver extraction as recorded in this section are the focus of this paper.
The understanding of the metallurgical process based on mineralogical and chemical analyses is complemented by isotope and thermo-luminescence analyses. The latter two are used respectively for the understanding of the origin of lead and the dating of the slags, and also for a better characterisation of the system and the material. This paper will focus on the changes during the Roman period from continuous metal production to a discontinuous process, and back to large-scale continuous extraction. Possible economic and political explanations for these changes are offered based on the metallurgical and isotopic data.
Recent archaeological work conducted by Proyecto Arqueológico Porco-Potosí has indicated that at least three different styles of furnaces were in use during the colonial period. This paper will discuss the archaeo-metallurgical analyses carried out on samples from European-style furnaces at a site near the village of Porco. It will highlight the types of metals produced in these furnaces and their place within the range of metal production technologies in the area. The analysis of this assemblage will contribute to a better overall understanding of the complex metallurgical history of this region, particularly the co-existence of European and Andean technologies during the colonial period.
The much wider aim of this project is to use the ethnographic material as a comparable basis upon which archaeological material can be understood, and the influence of European methodology on indigenous smelting can be established. This paper will present data from current-day silver production: it will comment on the technological efficiency of the process and its relationship to the archaeological debris. Little is known about pre-colonial metallurgy, especially in the Porco-Potosí region, and the analysis of the current-day materials may lead to some interesting parallels between the historical and archaeological information.
The entire volume is freely available here: https://tobias-lib.uni-tuebingen.de/xmlui/handle/10900/109816
The metallurgical remains presented in this chapter show that the entire production sequence from the smelting of sulphidic ore to metal was carried out at the Almyras workshop. According to the archaeological evidence available, it was a small-scale copper production site where no evidence for metal refining or manufacture of finished objects has been documented; raw impure copper seems to be the final product of the metallurgical process carried out at Almyras.
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Starting a new approach, three Neolithic copper-based artifacts from recent excavations were selected for further investigation. Before introducing the study of these artifacts, a brief overview will be presented of evidence for early metallurgy in Anatolia in order to contextualize the finds from Çatalhöyük. The finds from Mellaart’s excavations will be reviewed before introducing those resulting from recent excavations. Finally, the preliminary investigation into the three copper-based artifacts will be presented with a discussion of the results.
The paper reports compositional and metallographic data on a selection of finds. They are mostly copper with minor amounts of arsenic, and consistent with an origin from the Sinai.
The original LIA data are provided as a separate Excel spread sheet.
The identification of these coatings is important both for conservation treatment of the surviving material, and for their aesthetic reconstruction and archaeological interpretation. We have not been able to find analytical studies of contemporary copper-based phiales, and hence do not know which alloy composition was most widely used. However, the high-tin bronze covering these iron phiales would have given them a striking golden to white colour and generally much brighter appearance than a normal bronze would exhibit. Whether they were meant to emulate gold or silver vessels, or were adored in their own right for what they were, namely skilfully produced objects made from a new and rare metal, is beyond our focus for this paper. Ongoing research is now aiming to identify further instances of plating among the remaining iron finds of the Voulokaliva Tomb and indeed elsewhere in Iron Age Greece, using the portable XRF at the 13th EPCA conservation laboratory in Volos and metallographic investigation of selected objects. In parallel, experimental reconstructions are in hand to learn more about the practicalities of coating such thin and relatively small iron objects with high-tin bronze.
We hope this study has shown the potential of metal ingots to illuminate questions of trade and metalworking practice and will encourage further study of the increasing numbers of visually similar ingots now being found.
The vessels perfectly fit S. Mossman’s description of such vessels, such as the vessels found in the area of ancient Mycenae as well as in Midea.
The corrosion products as shown from XRD analyses are mainly lead carbonate salts, cerussite and hydrocerussite, as well as lead oxide which has corroded the majority of the surface in both vessels. Despite its better morphological preservation, Vessel A is internally badly corroded and does not preserve much metal core. Vessel B, in contrast, is internally in better condition and preserves a good metal core.
There are no traces of repair and there is no decoration visible on these vessels. They were possibly used for the collection or storage of water, and may have been set into a block of clay or soil to give them the necessary mechanical stability when full.
The lead isotope signature of the metal, in all cases but two, is compatible with their origin from a single source, Laurion. Those samples with a higher 207Pb / 206Pb ratio may either indicate that the Laurion field is indeed more complex than previously thought, or that these samples come from a different source, such as the Chalkidiki (Stos pers.com 2004). This further underlines that the mining district of Laurion continued to be the dominant provider of metal even during the Hellenistic period, when we have little historical evidence for ongoing mining there. The potentially more complex lead isotope signature of the Laurion region, and the overall pattern of lead provision and trade in Hellenistic central Greece, requires further work in order to confirm the above results and conclusions. The full evidence from a wider range of materials and archaeological features has to be considered, and we hope to make a contribution to the ongoing research in this area.
- Abstracts and queries should be submitted to iron@biea.ac.uk by 5th May 2023.
- Participants should be available to be in Nairobi from 5th – 11th November inclusive.
- Participants will be expected to submit their papers for publication by summer 2024.
- Full and partial funding is available to support participation in some instances. Requirements can be indicated on the Abstract submission form.
The translation was organized by Jane Humphris and funded by UCL Qatar. A number of people worked on this, including: Rebecca Bradshaw, Tohamy Abulgasim, Basil Kamal Bushra and Shaima Sherif.
A link for free OA download of the whole volume is on the 2nd page of the PDF here.
It seems these beams were used initially as support structures in (some) Roman baths, and some were later re-used as counter weights in the circus etc., to open the gates.
The 22 papers assembled here give both an overview and fine detail. They are arranged in a broad geographical sweep across Europe and finishing with a few more technical and less geographically-focused papers. Taking Hüttenberg as the starting point, this sweep first goes north with three papers on early iron in Germany, then on through the Netherlands into France, moving back south to Switzerland and into Italy. A second sweep starts in Great Britain and takes in Scandinavia as well, before the book then finishes with the technical papers on smithing wastes and the role of manganese oxide in bloomery iron smelting, bringing the circle to a full close back to Hüttenberg and the famous ferrum Noricum.
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The object consists predominantly of a two-part body made from magnesium alloyed with small amounts of aluminium and zinc, and a trace of manganese. In the centre of this is set a smaller and more elongated composite cylindrical part, consisting primarily of a high-zinc brass tube and an iron spring-cum-nail part, the latter supported at the bottom by a thin aluminium plate and pointing with the blade of the nail to a pure copper piece embedded in the heart of the brass tube.
The Thwing cylindrical artefact most likely represents a part of the Merlin engine of the Halifax bomber that crashed into the field near Thwing in April 1942. Its precise function is unknown, but its presence among the survey material serves to underline that all sites can contain material of quite unexpected origin.
The novodel issues, produced by the Russian mint at the end of the century to satisfy demand from collectors, and using the original dies, are apparently of a considerably higher purity than even the best genuine coins for a number of critical elements, among them gold, iridium, copper, nickel and iron. At present, we are only able to give data for a single novodel coin which may not be characteristic of the whole issue. A marked improvement in the quality of the refining operations is to be expected over the fifty years between the production of the original and the novodel issues. The Russian 1977 Olympic medal in contrast, analysed as an example of modern platinum used for commemorative coins and medals, is almost pure platinum with only minute concentrations of iron, palladium, rhodium and copper. It is very obviously different from the nineteenth century metal.
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Inclusions from oxhide ingots found on Crete were characterized by up to 3% Se, but only .5% Te, while those in samples from
Sardinia reached values as high as 12% Se and 10% Te. The total
content of both elements was found to depend on the amount of
inclusions present, and a stable ratio Se/Te for each sample or
group of samples with more than ca. 1% Se and Te exists.
Se and Te contents in sulphide inclusions are neither affected by
other minor elements such as Fe, As, and Sb, nor by their position in the solidification order.
The influence of ore composition and smelting technology on the
selenium and tellurium content of sulphide inclusions in primary copper ingots is discussed.
ore provenancing and trade patterns
smelting and melting technology
homogeneity of hoards of ingot fragments.
Using suitable analytical and data processing methodologies, it is possible to obtain an insight into the metallurgical processes carried out in cupels, and the knowledge and skill of the craftspeople involved. Furthermore, we can also discern the specific raw materials used for manufacturing the cupels themselves, including varying mixtures of bone and wood ash. The variety of cupel-making recipes raises questions as to the versatility of craftspeople and the material properties and performance of different cupels. Can we assess the efficiency of different cupels? Are these variations the results of different technological traditions, saving needs or peculiar perceptions of matter?
This paper tries to do that, with a study of some (random...) crucible fragments and their contents. For the much further developed variant of this, see the later papers by Marcos Martinon-Torres (see https://ucl.academia.edu/MarcosMartinonTorres )
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They are almost cylindrical in shape. The fabric was a local Nile
clay (Vienna Nile E) without much visible temper. Most fragments
are coated on the inside with a white layer. The crucibles resemble finds from Tell el-Amarna, also attributed to New
Kingdom glass-working. They also relate to a solid glass ingot fitting precisely into the reconstructed crucibles. The crucible fragments from Qantir allow us to deduce their original mode of operation, and give new insight into the organisation of Egyptian glass-making and high temperature industries.
primarily to the 19th century. The metallurgical process used for the actual steel-making operation is in the autochthonous sites always the carburization of bloomery iron using organic matter; some later exceptions from India and China, probably influenced by European technology and involving pig iron, are discussed in the text.
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The archaeological context is incomplete (inner-city excavation...), but the stratigraphy seems to indicate a date for the material prior to AD 1200, and possibly several centuries prior. Also, the scale of the operation appears to have been considerable.
Compiled by Peter Crew and Jiří Hošek. Contributions by Szymon Orzechowski, Elzbieta Nosek, Vladimir Zavyalov, Henry Cleere, Thilo Rehren, Henriette Lyngstrøm, Brian G. Scott, Věra Souchopová, János Gömöri, Lars F. Stenvik, Michel Mangin, Philippe Fluzin, Eva Hjärthner-Holdar, Christina Risberg, Peter and Susan Crew, Philippe Andrieux, Jiří Hošek, Vincent Serneels, Brian Gilmour, Janet Lang.
This question still comes up quite often, three years after we were first established as an academic department of UCL. And it is important to remind ourselves occasionally why we chose to establish this campus in the first place. There are many reasons one can mention, depending on one’s perspective and priorities. Here I highlight a few which are of particular importance and validity, and are at the core of our daily operations.
Providing educational opportunities. This is something that UCL has stood for since its very beginning.
Research. For many years, the Institute had identified Islamic Archaeology as a major lacuna in its global coverage, and despite a strong tradition in Middle Eastern archaeology, the Institute was limited by many factors in its ability to conduct fieldwork and other research in the wider region.
But as importantly, we take community outreach very seriously as part of our research, not only creating knowledge, but making it relevant for, and sharing it with, our partners outside the academy.
Shaping a new profession. This is probably the most ambitious and most long-term of our aims. We cannot simply take the handbook of the National Trust, or the best practice of the Victoria and Albert Museum, and apply it to museums in China or Qatar. Instead, we aim to work with the current and future cultural heritage professionals in the wider Gulf region to develop a mind-set and professional practices that are relevant and meaningful for the complex and rapidly changing social context here.
Abstract acceptance within a week of submission, to facilitate visa and travel planning. First come - first serve.
ICAS-EMME 4: https://icasemme.cyi.ac.cy/
The fourth edition of the ICAS-EMME conference will be held at The Cyprus Institute in Nicosia, Cyprus, from May 15-18, 2024. The conference will cover a wide range of topics, including:
Archaeometry: The study of ancient materials and technology using scientific methods.
Bioarchaeology: The study of human remains from archaeological sites.
Environmental archaeology: The study of human - environmental interactions.
Geoarchaeology: The study of the geological and geomorphological context of archaeological sites.
Isotope and elemental analysis: The use of isotopes and elements to study human diet, mobility, and environment.
Computational methods: The use of computers to analyze archaeological data.
The conference will feature a mix of oral presentations, poster sessions, and workshops. There will also be a social program that will give participants a chance to network and socialize.
The 1st Call for Abstracts will be published soon!
Looking forward seeing you all next May,
Thilo
The successful candidate will advance the research agenda of the Science and Technology in Archaeology and Culture Reseearch Center (STARC) in close collaboration with the A.G. Leventis Professor for Archaeological Sciences. They will conduct and publish high-impact research in archaeological materials science, with an emphasis on ancient metallurgy and / or ceramics in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East (EMME); demonstrable additional expertise in another inorganic material will be of advantage.
N.B. Closing date is 31 January 2021, NOT 3 January as stated on the web page!
https://jobboard.cyi.ac.cy/?q=1857904371
challenges and materials, numerous career paths are available that lead to specialisations within the sub-fields of archaeological science and conservation science.
Complete crucible examples are rarely found and it is often difficult to reconstruct full crucible profiles based on the fragmented remains. This in turn means that process variability within a single crucible can be hard to assess. Crucible slag is often highly heterogeneous, even within single fragments, enticing analysts to lose themselves in details. Furthermore, the abundance of remains is highly variable, depending on the scale of activity, as well as archaeological recovery and preservation, while technological variation within an assemblage can only be detected through study of multiple samples.
Drawing on the analysis of several crucible assemblages (as part of ongoing PhD research), some difficulties and opportunities for technological reconstructions are discussed. Issues related to crucible heterogeneity and inherent process variability are illustrated and a number of interpretative problems arising therefrom are examined. Following a deconstruction of these interpretative issues, some examples are given of how, despite methodological difficulties, archaeologically relevant results are obtained where one tries to see the forest for the trees.
This paper discusses the detailed study of these fragmented crucible remains recovered from Serdica, Nicopolis ad Istrum, Philippopolis and Augusta Traiana. On the one hand, it aims to contribute to our understanding of metallurgical practices in the eastern provinces of the (late) Roman Empire, which have received relatively little attention compared to the western provinces. Despite the fragmented nature of the remains, some broader observations concerning metal use, alloy production and workshop organisation can be made. Furthermore, a comparison of the various fabrics sheds light on the ceramic technology applied in metallurgy, ranging from reused domestic pottery to specialised refractories. On the other hand, this paper features a discussion of methodological difficulties faced in the technological study of crucible remains, in particular when faced with very limited samples. The ensuing limitations on broader interpretation are weighed against possible research questions.
We would like to thank Patrick Degryse, Cyprian Broodbank, and Marcos Martinón-Torres, who helped for Promised to be so successful - and all contributors to this guide!
This Handbook is dedicated to Myrto Georgakopoulou, an invaluable colleague and a dear friend, who dedicated her life to promoting Archaeological Science in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East.
بيوأركيلوجي: دراسة البقايا العضوية مثل عظام الإنسان والحيوان ̨ وبقايا النباتات *
المواد الأثرية والثقافة المادية: دراسة الفخار والزجاج والمعادن *
سوف نقدم الفئة العمرية لكل نشاطات الطلاب في هذا الكتيب. يجب التنويه إن الفئات العمرية ليست سوى تقديرات تقريبية والأمر متروك للمعلم/ة لتحديد الطلاب الذين يمكنهم المشاركة في كل نشاط أو أجزاء من النشاط. إجابات كل الأنشطة موجودة في نهاية هذا الكتيب. نتوقع من الطلاب تطوير التالي من خلال ممارسة الأنشطة المقترحة:٠
فهم التقنيات المختلفة التي تستعمل لإعادة بناء أنماط الحياة البشرية في الماضي *
التفكير النقدي حول كيفية استخدام مناهج من مختلف التخصصات من أجل فهم طرق الحياة القديمة *
لتقديم الاقتراحات حول كيفية تحسين هذا الدليل او الكتيب ̨ يرجى التواصل مع:٠
e.nikita@cyi.ac.cy ١) باللغة الإنجليزية: الدكتورة إيفثيميا نيكيتا
m.mardini@cyi.ac.cy ٢) باللغة العربية: محمود مارديني
The activities presented focus on familiarising students with basic methods in two broad fields:
• Bioarchaeology (the study of organic remains, such as human and animal bones, and plant remains)
• Archaeological materials and material culture (ceramics, glass, metals)
For each activity, we provide the age range of the students to be involved; however, these ranges are only general approximations and it is up to the teacher to determine which students can participate in each activity or parts of the activity. Basic information that the teachers/instructors should communicate to the students as part of each activity is provided, along with step-by-step instructions for the implementation of each activity, and forms to be copied and distributed to the class. In this way, the proposed activities can be used with minimal preparation and extra required materials. A key to selected activities is given at the end of this booklet.
Through the proposed activities, the students are expected to develop:
• an understanding of the various methods available for reconstructing the human past, and
• critical thinking on how approaches from different disciplines can be used in order to elucidate ancient lifeways.
The AUTHENTICO project, financed by the European Commission, DG Research, under the 6th Framework Programme, proposed multidisciplinary research to face this problem and provide a cost-effective science, technology and culture-based strategy for the authentication of movable cultural patrimony, in particular of metal artefacts (precious and non-precious).
The Consortium consisted of ten partners from eight countries: Belgium (EJTN GEIE), the Czech Republic (EDU-ART), Egypt (CULTNAT), France (C2RMF), Italy (CNR-IFAC, CSP, CR-SBAT), Poland (UMK), Tajikistan (SODESCO) and the United Kingdom (UCL IoA), involving research centres, academia, museums, conservation services, superintendencies, and SMEs. Direct support and interaction from Law Enforcement Agencies – the Italian Comando Carabinieri Tutela Patrimonio Culturale – and from Civil Protection representatives expanded and increased the validity, applicability and usefulness of the project.
The project started in June 2007, for a total duration of 30 months, specifically aiming to:
assess an innovative, shared and international protocol, for a set of non-invasive and non destructive authentication techniques and procedures on movable metal artefacts, integrating different approaches: experienced evaluation of the artefacts on the historical and morphological sides, description of manufacturing techniques and analysis of material composition with state-of-the-art diagnostic technologies, commonly used for the study of modern technological materials and practically never used for the study of ancient materials; develop portable instruments, integrating micro-topography performed with portable optical instruments, elemental analysis based on Laser induced breakdown spectroscopy and electronic-nose technology for the detection of selective molecular markers, for a simplified and non-invasive set of analyses and diagnostics to be carried out in situ, changing the perspective of authentication procedures for valuable objects, masterpieces, and large museum collections.
The main objectives of this research project were:
• Finding and mapping all quarry sites in the study area
• Documenting all quarries and their relevant features, such as spoil heaps, slipways, tool marks, graffiti etc.
• Detailed survey and documentation of selected quarry sites
• Reconstructing the Meroitic quarrying technique
• Reconstructing as far as possible the organisation and infrastructure, such as ancient roads
• Exploring the possibility of provenancing sandstones
As the time in the field was limited to three seasons of five to six weeks each, it became necessary to develop innovative new methods of recording the sites and their various features, including standardised methods for recording tool marks. Modern survey methods such as aerial photography, photogrammetry and 3D modelling were used for the documentation of the 92 quarries that were identified in an area of approximately 175 km2 with the pyramids and the Royal City at its centre. The chaîne opératoire of Meroitic quarrying was reconstructed based on the surviving archaeological evidence, from prospecting for suitable sandstone, to opening a quarry and extracting blocks and column drums, and finally to modes of transportation. The study of 96 samples taken from the quarries resulted in a classification of the sandstones found in the study area, but also shows the difficulties in provenancing sandstones from such a relatively small area.
The quarryscape of ancient Meroe is a unique, an outstanding part of humankind’s heritage. These two volumes present an unparalleled insight into the sheer scale of building stone extraction, the sophisticated knowledge our ancestors had to locate the best quality rock for their purposes, the ingenious skills they used to extract huge volumes of sandstone – and a glimpse into the logistics behind running such operations at this scale in a landscape that can be described as challenging at best.
Over the course of the survey, 92 quarry sites, including the ones mentioned by Hinkel and Abdelrahman, have been recorded. They range in size from small test pits to largescale quarries. The majority of the quarries are opencast workings; eight sites also show underground workings (gallery quarries).
The results of that study prompted us to continue our research with the analyses of the metal artifacts found in the settlement. Seventy copper alloy objects have been examined initially non destructively with pXRF and then with optical microscope and SEM-EDS. Eight samples have been selected for lead isotope analyses in order to identify the provenance of the metal used.
From the analyses conducted so far we were able to understand the microstructure of the samples,their corrosion degree as well as the chemical composition of the alloy used for their manufacture. The results constitute a valuable contribution to the study of ancient metallurgy at Kastro-Palaia, as they allow us to understand how metalwork was developed in the area diachronically, if the local copper ores were used or the metal was imported as well as to better comprehend the cultural connections of the site, its role as a node within the Bronze Age world, and the development and diversity of metallurgy during prehistory.
The aim of the study is to explore the range of chemical operations carried out at the site of the first permanent British settlement
in America, for which little is known in the documents. The results show that the colonists used high-quality Hessian crucibles to
perform tests on different types of complex polymetallic sulphides. This was done to (1) prospect for potential silver and copper
ores and (2) to find suitable sources of zinc and tin to be alloyed into brass and bronze through cementation with imported copper
offcuts. This study makes a relevant contribution to the growing field of the archaeology of early chemistry and mineral
prospection as well as the archaeology of early European colonies in the New World. In particular, material culture can shed
fresh light on how European settlers reacted to the many challenges of a new and unfamiliar natural environment and how they
tried to make sense and exploit it for financial profit.
in technological systems hard set within deeply symbolic practices. The general belief in the
anthropology of sub-Saharan Africa is that metallurgy (male domain) and pottery (female domain) are
gendered technologies, regulated by strong taboos that exclude women from participating in male practices,
and vice versa. This has promoted the untested generalisation that, in conformity with these gender
dichotomies, taboos mandated that transformational stages of metallurgy such as smelting were always
carried on outside settlements, without the participation of women. These ideas were empirically tested
through a stylistic, petrographic and geochemical study of metallurgical crucibles from Mapungubwe,
which at this site resemble pottery. It emerged that pottery and crucibles are one and the same. Since
pottery was made by women, and men worked metal, the conclusion in this paper is that metallurgy
was neither hermetically sealed nor accessible exclusively to men. Furthermore, depending on context,
primary metal production was also practised within settlements. This demonstrates considerable fluidity
and improvisation, with women and men participating in each other’s technological domains, although
such participation may have been staggered so that they undertook different tasks of the same process,
at potentially different times and in different spaces.
Predynastic to Early Dynastic cemetery site of Kafr Hassan Dawood (KHD) in the Wadi
Tumilat has allowed seven phases of use to be identifi ed. Th is process has been greatly helped by the acquisition of further archival material of the 1989 to 1995 excavations. The assigning of these phases was also aided by the dating of tephra from a layer covering First Dynasty graves; it has provided a terminus post quem for certain graves dug into this layer in the south of the site that did not have any grave
goods and has also given a terminus ante quem for all the graves below this layer. Archaeometallurgical analysis of a copper bowl from grave 913 has shown that it was made of arsenical copper, which probably came from the Sinai. The large amount of copper artefacts found at KHD may indicate its function as a node on the interregional exchange network between the Sinai and the Memphite region
Šljivar and Borić (2014) challenge the validity of the archaeological context of the tin bronze foil found at the Vinča culture site of Pločnik and, therefore, its broader interpretation. The archaeological context, as described in Radivojević et al. (2013), is recorded in the original field journals, annual field reports and academic publications for Pločnik (all of which were co-authored by Dušan Šljivar); these records support our earlier description of the context. Their criticisms of the broader interpretation of the tin bronze foil appear to be based on a misunderstanding of the nature of ores and metallurgy. Here we respond in detail to the challenges levelled at our interpretation.
excavation campaigns of 2012 and 2013 in Pločnik
show similar characteristics to samples already
studied and published previously (Radivojević 2012,
2015; Radivojević and Kuzmanović Cvetković 2014;
Radivojević and Rehren 2016; Radivojević et al.
2013). They include, as for Belovode (Chapter 11),
predominantly malachite minerals and ores (Table 1),
that occur as roughly beneficiated pieces and without a
distinct spatial patterning in Trench 24. In comparison
to Belovode, they occur less frequently across all five
horizons, partially explained by the fact that most
of Trench 24 is a large rectangular feature – a house
(F1=F2=F4=F5=F6=F10), and there is very little economic
area surrounding it.
This monograph reviews the pre-existing scholarship on early metallurgy in the Balkans. It subsequently presents detailed results from the excavations, surveys and scientific analyses conducted at Belovode and Pločnik. These are followed by new and up-to-date regional syntheses by leading specialists on the Neolithic-Chalcolithic material culture, technologies, settlement and subsistence practices in the Central Balkans. Finally, the monograph places the project results in the context of major debates surrounding early metallurgy in Eurasia before proposing a new agenda for global early metallurgy studies.
Open access and fully downloadable from:
https://doi.org/10.32028/9781803270425
Εκτός από την χημική ανάλυση για τον προσδιορισμό της σύστασης του μετάλλου έγινε και ισοτοπική ανάλυση με MC-ICP-MS προκειμένου να προσδιοριστεί η πηγή προέλευσης του.
Καθώς ο μόλυβδος ήταν ένα χρήσιμο υλικό το οποίο εκμεταλλεύτηκαν οι αρχαίοι περισσότερο για τις φυσικές του ιδιότητες παρά για την αισθητική του παρουσίαση, η μελέτη είχε σαν στόχο να εντοπισθεί η προέλευση του μετάλλου, να μελετηθεί ο τρόπος κατασκευής των αντικειμένων και γενικά να κατανοηθεί η χρήση του στη Μαγνησία διαχρονικά.
Θεωρούμε ότι τα αποτελέσματα απαντούν σε όλα σχεδόν τα ερωτήματα που τέθηκαν εξ αρχής και δίνουν σημαντικές πληροφορίες ως προς τους δρόμους επικοινωνίας στην αρχαιότητα.
A series of salvage excavations unearthed a complex of 5 rooms, dentified as a secondary glass workshop, yielding more than 1500 glass fragments of objects (mainly rims and stems of glass goblets) and glass working debris (mainly test drops, chunks etc.). The glass and the architectural remains date to the 4th to 7th c. AD.
The glass is a typical soda lime silica glass, with close similarities between the chemical composition of the glass working debris and the objects found in the complex. The glass working debris can be divided in three main compositional groups, including the two well-known mineral-natron based groups Levantine I and Foy S´erie 2.1. The third compositional group of samples identified in the assemblage has a strong plant ash signature. This group, similar to one previously identified in Egypt, has been noticed here for the first time outside Egypt. There are only a few examples of Foy S´erie 3.2, a composition that circulated widely in the Mediterranean during the early Byzantine period. This differentiation into four compositional groups can be also broadly linked to object types, while the glass working debris covers all compositional groups.
Deadline for abstract submission: 30th of November 2021
Guidelines: https://icasemme.cyi.ac.cy/registration/abstracts-information
Congress website: https://icasemme.cyi.ac.cy/