Starinar 64 PDF
Starinar 64 PDF
UDK 902/904 (050) ISSN 0350-0241 ([tampano izd.) ISSN 2406-0739 (Online)
STARINAR LXIV/2014, 1270, BEOGRAD 2014.
INSTITUT ARCHOLOGIQUE BELGRADE
STARINAR
Nouvelle srie volume LXIV/2014
BELGRADE 2014
ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD
STARINAR
Nova serija kwiga LXIV/2014
BEOGRAD 2014.
STARINAR STARINAR
Nova serija kwiga LXIV/2014 Nouvelle srie volume LXIV/2014
IZDAVA^ EDITEUR
Arheolo{ki institut Institut archologique
Kneza Mihaila 35/IV Kneza Mihaila 35/IV
11000 Beograd, Srbija 11000 Belgrade, Serbie
e-mail: institut@ai.ac.rs e-mail: institut@ai.ac.rs
Tel. 381 11 2637191 Tl. 381 11 2637191
UREDNIK RDACTEUR
Slavi{a Peri}, direktor Arheolo{kog instituta Slavi{a Peri}, directeur de lInstitut archologique
REDAKCIONI ODBOR COMIT DE RDACTION
Miloje Vasi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Miloje Vasi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Rastko Vasi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Rastko Vasi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Noel Dival, Univerzitet Sorbona, Pariz Nol Duval, Universit Paris Sorbonne, Paris IV
Bojan \uri}, Univerzitet u Qubqani, Bojan \uri}, Universit de Ljubljana,
Filozofski fakultet, Qubqana Facult des Arts, Ljubljana
Mirjana @ivojinovi}, Srpska akademija nauka Mirjana @ivojinovi}, Acadmie serbe des sciences
i umetnosti, Beograd et des arts, Belgrade
Vasil Nikolov, Nacionalni arheolo{ki institut Vasil Nikolov, Institut archologique national et Muse,
i muzej, Bugarska akademija nauka, Sofija Acadmie bulgare des sciences, Sofia
@ivko Miki}, Univerzitet u Beogradu, @ivko Miki}, Universit de Belgrade,
Filozofski fakultet, Beograd Facult des Arts, Belgrade
Ivana Popovi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Ivana Popovi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Marko Popovi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Marko Popovi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Nikola Tasi}, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd Nikola Tasi}, Acadmie serbe des sciences et des arts, Belgrade
SEKRETAR REDAKCIJE SECRTAIRE DE RDACTION
Jelena An|elkovi} Gra{ar, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Jelena An|elkovi} Gra{ar, Institut archologique, Belgrade
LEKTOR ZA SRPSKI JEZIK LE LECTEUR POUR LA LANGUE SERBE
Mirjana Radovanovi} Mirjana Radovanovi}
LEKTOR ZA ENGLESKI JEZIK LE LECTEUR POUR LA LANGUE ANGLAIS
Dejv Kalkat Dave Calcutt
GRAFI^KA OBRADA RALISATION GRAPHIQUE
Danijela Paracki Danijela Paracki
D_SIGN, Beograd D_SIGN, Belgrade
[TAMPA IMPRIMEUR
ALTA NOVA, Beograd ALTA NOVA, Belgrade
TIRA@ TIRAGE
400 primeraka 400 exemplaires
SEKUNDARNA PUBLIKACIJA PUBLICATION SECONDAIRE
COBISS COBISS
SCIndeks SCIndex
RASPRAVE ETUDES
Aleksandar P. Bulatovi} New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age
in the southern part of the Central Balkans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Aleksandar P. Bulatovi} Novi nalazi kao prilog prou~avawu ranog bronzanog doba
u ju`nom delu centralnog Balkana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Rastko Vasi} Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen . . . . 205
Rastko Vasi} Prilog PBF sveskama koje se odnose na centralni Balkan . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Abstract. The Vin~a culture sites of Belovode and Plo~nik have been attracting scholarly attention for decades now,
due to numerous discoveries indicative of copper mineral and metal use in these settlements, which are confirmed as, currently,
the earliest worldwide and very likely developed independently in Eurasia.1 The authors attempt to give an overview of already
published data along with new results stemming from the recently completed doctoral research of the primary author.2
All materials related to copper mineral use and pyrometallurgical activities are presented through the concept of metallurgical
chane opratoire, following the established sequence of operations,3 which is adjusted for this specific case study and divided
into three categories: copper mineral processing, (s)melting debris, and the making and working of finished metal objects.
The qualitative overview of available data is therefore focused mainly around the material side of the studied samples and
provides an insight into the technological choices for making copper mineral ornaments and copper metal artefacts in the sites
of Belovode and Plo~nik. Accordingly, it provides a model for the understanding of similar material assemblages
that occur in other Vin~a culture sites, or beyond.
Key words. Belovode, Plo~nik, Vin~a culture, malachite, copper metal, tin bronze,
malachite beads, chane opratoire, slag, Serbia.
V
in~a culture metallurgy has gained renewed All three sites have thus far yielded evidence that
interest through international scholarship in covers the entire chane opratoire of metallurgical
the past few years, owing to the productive activities: mining, production and consumption. The
publication activity of Serbian researchers.4 This archaeometallurgical assemblage originating from
activity recently led to one of the largest international Belovode and Plo~nik is reviewed here in light of the
collaborative archaeology research projects ever con-
ducted in Serbia. Funded by the UK government, the
partners come from three countries, the United King- 1 Radivojevi} et al. 2010.
dom, Germany and Serbia.5 Its main goal is to investi- 2 Radivojevi} 2012.
gate the rise of the earliest known metallurgy in Eurasia 3 cf. Ottaway 2001.
with specific focus on the earliest occurrence of this 4 e.g. Antonovi} 2002, 2006; [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}
technology at three Vin~a culture sites of Belovode, 2009; [ljivar et al. 2012; Radivojevi} et al. 2010, 2013.
5 http://www.ucl.ac.uk/rise-metallurgy-eurasia
Plo~nik and Jarmovac.
* Author is participating in the project Society, spiritual and material culture and communications in the prehistory and early history of the
Balkans (no. 177012), funded by The Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
7
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
recently completed analytical work.6 The Jarmovac production process represent variables prone to muta-
materials will be studied in detail in the future. The tion, replication and innovation within the transmission
focus of this paper is on a qualitative overview of the process, and significantly influence the final outcome
available evidence for activities related to copper mine- of the metal making activity. In order to address metal
ral use and archaeometallurgical activities at Belovode production in the Vin~a culture, activities related to
and Plo~nik. A detailed quantitative study is beyond copper mineral use and pyrometallurgical activities are
the scope of this paper, and will be attempted sepa- described here in three distinctive stages of the process:
rately elsewhere. copper mineral processing, (s)melting debris, and the
All materials considered here were discovered be- making and working of finished metal objects. All
fore 2009 at the sites of Belovode and Plo~nik. The technological analyses were carried out at the Wolfson
majority of them originate from detailed investigations Archaeological Science Laboratories at the UCL
carried out by the National Museum in Belgrade (D. Institute of Archaeology, by the primary author of this
[ljivar) and the Museum in Toplica (J. Kuzmanovi}- paper, and under the supervision of Professor Thilo
Cvetkovi}) from 1993 and 1996 respectively. The careful Rehren.
consideration of archaeometallurgical evidence from
these two sites has already been communicated through
national and international scholarship.7 To this, we now THE PROCESSING OF
add a set of 48 newly analysed materials, which pro- (ARCHAEOLOGICAL) COPPER MINERALS
vides a more nuanced picture of the chane opratoire
of early copper making at the sites of Belovode and All copper minerals studied here are recognised as
Plo~nik, and the Vin~a culture in general. archaeological since they are originating from archae-
The majority of the studied collection consists of ological sites (in contrast to geological minerals that
copper minerals and malachite beads, while the rest of come from the mines). Although bead minerals and ores
the assemblage includes individual slag samples, slag- in this study are typically malachite, the rationale for a
ged ceramic sherds and copper metal artefacts. In com- distinction between these has been developed in the
parison with the amount of technological debris (and previous study of material from Belovode,12 and refers
slags in particular) in later prehistoric periods, the sam- to their differentiation in the technological treatment that
ple size in this study appears small by any standard. was applied in their processing. Thus, minerals most
However, it targets the crucial period in the evolution likely used for bead making at the sites of Belovode
of metallurgy in Europe and, as a coherent assemblage, and Plo~nik (i.e. cold processing) (Fig. 1a) will be
is unprecedented in size, quality and resolution. In terms referred to as copper minerals only, while those most
of chronology, all metallurgical activities at the sites of likely used for copper smelting (or hot processed)
Belovode and Plo~nik are placed within the first half of will be termed copper ores.
the 5th millennium BC. The suggested start of the occu- In this study, copper ores are assumed to contain
pation of Belovode is c. 150 years earlier than in Plo~nik, significant manganese content, as first indicated by the
which is set at c. 5350 BC and c. 5200 BC respectively. analyses of copper production evidence from Belo-
Both sites were abandoned at about c. 4650 BC.8 vode.13 Macroscopically, these ores appear green and
The chane opratoire of metallurgical activities black, where green comes from the colour of a secon-
consists of complex operations that altogether provide
information on solutions shaped by three different
spheres: the physical, social and environmental worlds.9
In order to assess how and why some particular tech- 6 Radivojevi} et al. 2010; Radivojevi} 2012; Radivojevi} et al.
nological choices in the metal production process were 2013.
7 [ljivar 1996; [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996b; [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-
made over others, this process needs to be deconstructed
Cvetkovi} 1998a; [ljivar 2006; [ljivar et al. 2006 (to cite just a few).
into distinctive components.10 Furthermore, these com- 8 Bori} 2009.
ponents require additional division due to differences in 9 Roux 2003.
the temperature treatment they underwent, which helps 10 Ottaway 2001; Ottaway, Roberts 2008.
us distinguish cold from hot (extractive) metallurgy, 11 Radivojevi} et al. 2010, 27792780.
use and pyrometallurgy.11 All components of the metal 13 Radivojevi} et al. 2010.
8
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
dary copper mineral (malachite) and black from the their wider cultural, environmental and physical sur-
manganese content (Fig. 1b). roundings (Fig. 3).
culture, as the variety allows the investigation of diffe- 22 [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996b; Arsenijevi}, @ivkovi} 1998.
9
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b
Fig. 1. a) Malachite bead from Belovode (23). Note the pure green colour of this sample in comparison
with the Mn-rich one on the right; b) Typically green-and-black Mn-rich copper mineral from Belovode
Sl. 1. a) Malahitna perla sa Belovoda (23). Primetiti ~isto zelenu boju ovog uzorka u pore|ewu
sa mineralom (desno) koji je oboga}en manganom; b) Tipi~an zeleno-crni bakarni mineral sa Belovoda
oboga}en manganom
a b
Fig. 2. a) A slagged ceramic sherd from Belovode (31b); b) An individual slag sample from Belovode (134)
Sl. 2. a) Kerami~ki fragment sa zgurom sa Belovoda (31b); b) Individualni uzorak zgure sa Belovoda (134)
a b
Fig. 3. a) Folded copper metal sheet (Plo~nik 75); b) massive copper implement (Plo~nik 143)
Sl. 3. a) Presavijeni bakarni lim (Plo~nik 75); b) Masivna bakarna alatka (Plo~nik 143)
10
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
included here sample M12 (Table 1) after careful mining activities in Rudna Glava, also from around c.
examination of its firm contextualisation within the 5000 BC.26
Vin~a culture occupation. By 2009, c. 400 m had been However, Rudna Glava does not appear to have
excavated through 14 trenches, usually 25 m in size, been exploited by the inhabitants of Belovode as
all of which are concentrated in the southern part of another copper source, discovered in @drelo (Fig. 5), c.
this settlement. 10 km from Belovode, makes the most likely candi-
The site of Belovode has recently received nine date according to lead isotope analysis.27 Nine Vin~a
accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dates, culture settlements in total have been found in this
obtained from animal bones from Belovode, which area, prompting scholars to propose their association
confirmed the expected Vin~a culture chronological with the mining and metallurgical activities in the
span.24 The probability distribution for the beginning area,28 although this remains to be explored in future
of the Vin~a occupation in Belovode indicates a date of research.
c. 5350 BC, while the boundary for the end of the
Vin~a culture use of the site is set at c. 4650 BC. Of
particular significance here is the dating of the earliest 24 Glser 1996; Bori} 2009.
stratigraphic evidence for extractive metallurgy in Belo- 25 Radivojevi} et al. 2010.
vode, which starts at around 5000 BC; this is currently 26 Bori} 2009, 206.
the earliest secure date for copper metal production any- 27 Radivojevi} et al. 2010, 2781, Fig. 10.
where.25 Importantly, it coincides with the intensive 28 [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996b.
11
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b
Fig. 5. a) Open-cast mine (?) at @drelo; b) Entrance to the shaft in @drelo (photos by M. Radivojevi})
Sl. 5. a) Povr{inski rudnik (?) u @drelu; b) Ulaz u okno na @drelu (fotografije: M. Radivojevi})
that they were beneficiated, or in other words crushed 35 [ljivar et al. 2006, 259, Pl. I/3.
to facilitate smelting. Two stone mallets with a groove 36 [ljivar et al. 2006, 253, 260, Pl. II/4.
37 [ljivar 2006; [ljivar et al. 2006, 253.
in the middle, discovered in the context of workshops in
38 The investigation with portable XRF carried out by Prof.
Trenches 1 and 7,32 could offer clues about tools used
Thilo Rehren (UCL Qatar) and the primary author of this paper did
for this process. Such tools may have been used for
not show remains of potentially adhering slag, copper contamination
mining as well, according to the analogy with similar or excessive vitrification of these cylindrical objects and is, thus,
finds from Rudna Glava.33 considered as not related to the archaeometallurgical process.
12
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
B1 building horizon, are identified as early furnaces by with traces of convincing remains are yet to be discov-
the excavator.36 Elongated cylindrical ceramic forms ered at the site of Belovode.38
(so-called chimneys) with a diameter of about 20 cm Pyrometallurgical activities at the site of Belovode
and a reconstructed height of up to 80 cm and open at are only represented by eight individual copper slag
both ends (Figure 6), have been tentatively linked to samples in total and four slagged ceramic sherds from
the rimmed pits in the ground and, thus, the smelting Trench No. 3, all of which demonstrate sustained
operation.37 Nevertheless, true smelting installations smelting activities on the outskirts of this site. Another
Table 1: The newly studied collection from Belovode, arranged by analytical numbers.
Samples No. 2329 have already been studied and presented in Radivojevi} (2007)
Tabla 1: Nova analizirana kolekcija materijala sa Belovoda, ure|ena prema analiti~kim brojevima.
Uzorci 2329 su prethodno analizirani i prezentovani u Radivojevi} (2007)
No. Analytical No. Excavation Field label Field context Results: type of material
year
1 Belovode 3 2007 Trench 13, spit 14 Household Copper mineral
2 Belovode 9 1995 Trench 3, spit 12 Household Malachite bead
3 Belovode 10 2001 Trench 8, spit 22 Household Malachite bead
4 Belovode 12 2007 Trench 13, spit 10 Household- workshop? Malachite bead
5 Belovode 13 2003 Trench 10, spit 27 Household Malachite bead
6 Belovode 18 2007 Trench 13, spit 10 Household Copper mineral
7 Belovode 23 2001 Trench 8, spit 23 Household Malachite bead
8 Belovode 30a, 30c 1995 Trench 3, spit 5 (Building ) waste pit Slagged ceramic sherd
9 Belovode 31a, 31b 1995 Trench 3, spit 6 (Building ) waste pit Slagged ceramic sherd
Trench 14, spit 15,
10 Belovode 33b 2008 surface 4 Household Copper mineral
11 Belovode 34a (1,2,3) 2008 Trench 14, spit 3 Household Copper minerals from an
amphora
12 Belovode 40 2002 Trench 9, spit 18 Household-pits Lead-based slag cake
13 Belovode 131 1995 Trench 3, spit 6 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
14 Belovode 134 1995 Trench 3, spit 7 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
15 Belovode 136 1995 Trench 3, spit 5 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
16 Belovode 154 1999 Trench 7, spit 6 Household-workshop? Malachite bead
17 Belovode M3 1995 Trench 3, spit 8 (Building ) waste pit Copper mineral
18 Belovode M6 1995 Trench 3, spit 10 (Building ) waste pit Copper metal droplet
19 Belovode M10 1995 Trench 3, spit 19 Household Copper mineral
20 Belovode M14 2002 Trench 9, spit 11 Household Copper metal droplet
21 Belovode M32 1995 Trench 3, spit not Household Malachite bead
known
22 Belovode M35 1995 Trench 3, spit 17 Household Copper mineral
23 Belovode M12 1998 Trench 6, spit 10 Household Copper mineral
24 Belovode M13 2000 Trench 7, spit 18 Household Copper mineral
25 Belovode M17 2004 Trench 10, spit 8 Household Copper mineral
26 Belovode M20 1995 Trench 3, spit 2 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
27 Belovode M21 1995 Trench 3, spit 4 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
28 Belovode M22 (a,b) 1995 Trench 3, spit 5 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
29 Belovode M23 1995 Trench 3, spit 7 (Building ) waste pit Copper slag
13
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b
Fig. 6. a) Reconstructed ceramic chimneys from Belovode (after [ljivar et al. 2006, Plate II/3);
b) Tentative reconstruction of the smelting installation at Belovode (after [ljivar et al., 2006, Plate II/5)
Sl. 6. a) Rekonstruisani kerami~ki dimwak sa Belovoda (prema: [ljivar et al. 2006, Tabla II/3);
b) Pretpostavqena rekonstrukcija instalacije za topqewe sa Belovoda (prema: [ljivar et al. 2006, Tabla II/5)
pyrometallurgical situation has been recovered in Trench rior, or tri- and four-partite vessels with a cone-shaped
No. 9; both will be presented in more detail below. neck and protruding shoulder, usually accompanied by
These materials were usually discovered in areas filled typically incised ribbon decorative ornaments.43
with ash, charcoal, charred wood or stone construc- The slag pieces collected from this trench are vit-
tions and mainly represent an outdoor activity. rified, strongly magnetic and green-stained droplets,
not exceeding 1 cm in length (example in Fig. 2b).
Trench No. 3 They appear to have been highly viscous and very rich
Trench No. 3 (dimensions 8 x 2 m) yielded evidence in copper metal, however with no signs of crushing in
for copper smelting activities throughout the final, D pursuit of copper metal prills. This may well have been
horizon of occupation of the site of Belovode, which due to their small size and weight, since all samples in
coincides with the entire Gradac Phase sequence start- total weigh less than 4 g. Given that, in appearance,
ing in c. 5000 BC.39 This phase of the Vin~a culture is these slag pieces resemble (green) malachite, as a result
known to have lasted longer in the Morava Valley settle- of the corrosion of the copper metal prills entrapped in
ments than in those situated nearer to the Danube,40 and, them, it is possible that the green colour facilitated
at this site, most likely covers the late Vin~a culture their recognition in the field excavations, leading to a
sequence, dated to c. 50004650 BC.41
The Belovode D horizon, represented in this Trench
by materials from a waste pit,42 includes all finds com-
39 Bori} 2009, 206; Radivojevi} et al. 2010.
ing from spits 111, and amongst others various archae- 40 Jovanovi} 1994.
ometallurgical debris. Thousands of ceramic finds were 41 Jacanovi}, [ljivar 1995.
unearthed in this horizon alone, many of which are 42 [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996a.
diagnostic of the Gradac Phase in general, like the coni- 43 Arsenijevi}, @ivkovi} 1998; see also Schier 1996; Schier
cal bowls with a thickened rim channelled on the inte- 2000.
14
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 7. Veliki komad zgure sa Belovoda, datiran u posledwe vekove 6. milenijuma pre n. e. (foto: M. Radivojevi})
Fig. 7. Large slag cake from Belovode, dated to the last centuries of the 6th millennium BC (photo by M. Radivojevi})
biased recovery in favour of more copper-rich pieces The use of copper minerals occurred regularly thro-
and overlooking those without green staining.44 ughout building horizons Belovode AC, excluding
The green staining on fragmented slagged sherds Belovode D and the successive, not yet well-defined,
comes from the contact of these samples with the met- horizon. Of particular interest here is spit 11, which
allurgical process. The slagged mass is followed by yielded a copper metal droplet. The copper metal droplet
heavily vitrified areas, which appear along the edges (M14) was discovered in the context of the regular
of the studied samples (Fig. 2a), but also extend across appearance of ceramic pedestal bowls, typical of the
their cross-sections. The latter implies that these Vin~a A to Gradac Phase. Chronologically, and in rela-
sherds were most likely used fragmented during the tive stratigraphic terms, it can be seen as correlated with
metallurgical process. All metallurgy-related materials the early Gradac Phase and, effectively, with the start
were discovered sealed with building waste, such as of metallurgical activities in Trench No. 3, dated to c.
the remains of house daub, domestic pottery and animal 5000 BC.47 Interestingly, early Belovode horizons in this
bones. Notably, in spit 10, which belongs to this building trench yielded Vin~a culture figurines with modelled
horizon, two shallow rock-lined constructions, indicated appliques: necklaces with perforated disc-pendants,48
as fireplaces, were identified as potentially linked with resembling gold applications from the late 5th millen-
metallurgical debris in excavation records. The strati- nium BC burials and settlements in Bulgaria and Ukraine.
graphic evidence related to the earliest slag piece is Similar examples have been discovered at the site of
dated to c. 5000 BC; the smelting evidence, according Vin~aBelo Brdo as well.49
to the excavation reports, continued until the abandon- An unusually large round slag cake was unearthed
ment of the site, in c. 4650 BC. in spit 18 (Belovode 40, Fig. 7), and argued as being
Trench No. 9
Pyrometallurgical activities are recorded in Trench
No. 9 as well (dimensions 5x5 m).45 In this trench, 44 Radivojevi} et al. 2010, 2779.
spits 217 yielded typical Vin~a culture material that 45 Jacanovi}, [ljivar 2003.
corresponds with all four building horizons in Belo- 46 cf. Jovanovi} 1994.
vode (AD). Archaeological materials found in spits 47 cf. Radivojevi} et al. 2010.
61 belonged, most probably, to the latest manifesta- 48 [ljivar et al. 2012, 31, Pl. III/14.
tion of the Vin~a D phase.46 49 Tasi} 2008, 151, Fig. 58.
15
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
firmly contextualised within the Vin~a B1 phase.50 sites with archaeometallurgical installations have been
Preliminary analyses conducted by the primary author identified around toponymic places like Suvo Rudi{te
of this paper revealed that this artefact has significant (in Serbian: Dry Mine) or Bakarnja~a (in Serbian:
concentrations of lead, which may suggest the produc- Copper-rich), indicating intensive metallurgical activ-
tion of this metal. However, future analysis is expected ities in the past.
to shed more light on this unusual archaeometallurgical The archaeological settlement of Plo~nik was first
evidence. In terms of absolute dating, a metal droplet identified in 1926, when the first group of metal arte-
(M14) could be dated to c. 5000 BC, while the slag cake facts was discovered during the building of the Yugoslav
(Belovode 40) may be ascribed the date of c. 5200 BC, railway. Excavation campaigns commenced in 1927,
since it is argued to come from an undisturbed context and then continued 19601978, under the jurisdiction
of spit 18.51 of M. Grbi} and B. Stalio respectively, both of the
National Museum Belgrade.58 Most recently, field ex-
cavation resumed in 1996 under the joint supervision
COPPER MINERAL of D. [ljivar (National Museum Belgrade) and J. Kuz-
AND COPPER METAL ARTEFACTS manovi}-Cvetkovi} (Homeland Museum in Toplica,
Prokuplje),59 and are still ongoing.
Malachite beads occur throughout all horizons in Grbi}s and Stalios campaigns uncovered an area
Belovode and vary in size, from 4 mm to 1.5 cm in of c. 1800 m which, when added to another c. 550 m
diameter, with the exception in size and form (deltoid from an ongoing campaign, adds up to a total of c. 0.2 ha
pendant with perforation) being the one found in explored thus far. The estimated size of the Vin~a village
Trench No.1, Vin~a A1 horizon.52 Beads selected for in Plo~nik is c. 100 ha, which refers to the size of the top
this study were recovered as related to various copper cultural horizon.60 The unique and abundant ceramic
minerals, slag pieces, workshop activities or dwelling finds in the site inspired Gara{anin to name the late
structures (here Belovode 9, 10, 12, 13, 23, 154, M32). Vin~a culture after Plo~nik (I, IIa and IIb),61 which
All beads are present as finished artefacts only, either as corresponds to Vin~a C, D1 and D262.
fragmented or whole pieces (see example in Fig. 1a). Twenty massive copper implements, discovered by
Some Belovode beads have undergone mineralogical chance in two groups during the 1927 campaign, promp-
study, which confirmed the presence of malachite, with ted Grbi}63 to title the first site publication: Plo~nik, eine
traces of tenorite and kolwezite.53 Prhistorische Ansiedlung aus der Kupferzeit (Plo~nik,
The only copper metal artefacts in Belovode were
found in the vicinity of the site: a copper metal chisel
and a bun-shaped metal ingot.54 Their cultural prove-
nance is only assumed to be of the Vin~a culture due to 50 [ljivar et al. 2012, 3334, Pl. VIII/1.
the vicinity of the site. However, one needs to bear in 51 Bori} 2009, 207209; [ljivar et al. 2012, 3334.
mind the Late Chalcolithic occupation by the bearers 52 [ljivar et al. 2006, Pl. II/1.
of the Kostolac culture, also detected in Belovode.55 53 Jovi} 1996.
54 [ljivar et al. 2006, 252, 269, Pl. I/12.
is surrounded by good quality agricultural land and Cvetkovi} 1997; [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a; [ljivar,
Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998b; [ljivar et al. 2006; Kuzmanovi}-
thermal springs, but also with good communication
Cvetkovi} 1998.
routes along the Toplica, the major river stream in this 60 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998b, 80.
part of Serbia. It springs from Kopaonik, a mountain c. 61 Gara{anin 1951, 12.
50 km from the site, whose rich iron veins were explo- 62 cf. Miloj~i} 1949.
16
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a prehistoric settlement of the Copper Age, in of three building horizons were identified, all of which
German). He assumed that Plo~nik was an important belonged solely to the Vin~a culture.68 Horizon III (the
metallurgical centre which existed at the dawn of the Gradac Phase) yielded a well-contextualised copper
Copper Age and maintained rich exchange networks chisel typologically resembling some of the previous
with other contemporary settlements in the region, such chance metal finds from Plo~nik.69 This, and the chisel
as Vin~aBelo Brdo, Gradac or Butmir.64 Nevertheless, from year 197870 demonstrated the Vin~a culture ori-
these copper implements, having been unique and iso- gins for metallurgical activities in Plo~nik.
lated finds from a location remote from the Near East, The site of Plo~nik has recently received its first
did not appeal to Gara{anin as being of genuinely AMS dates.71 The probability distribution for the start of
Vin~a culture origin.65 He referred to them as intrusive the Vin~a culture occupation in Plo~nik was 52905140
hoards belonging to the Middle Eneolithic/Chalcolithic cal BC, with the highest probability around 5200 BC.
BubanjHum culture which, in his opinion, succeeded As for the boundary end, the highest probability is at c.
the Vin~a culture sequence at the site of Plo~nik. Stalio, 4650 BC, suggesting the use of the settlement for c. 600
coming across two more groups of massive metal arte-
facts in Plo~nik, also agreed that they belonged to the
BubanjHum culture.66
64 Grbi} 1929, 7, 18.
In 1978, a single well-contextualised copper imple- 65 Gara{anin 1951; Gara{anin 1973.
ment was discovered associated with the Gradac Phase 66 Stalio 1960, 35; Stalio 1964, 3940.
feature (house?), but was published almost two decades 67 [ljivar 1996; [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1997.
later.67 The resumed excavation campaign (from 68 [ljivar 1996, 94.
1996) brought more evidence for dating metallurgical 69 [ljivar et al. 2006, 255, Pl. VIII/3.
activities at Plo~nik firmly within the Vin~a culture 70 [ljivar 1996.
sequence, which was uninterrupted at this site. A total 71 Bori} 2009, 211215.
17
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
years.72 Significantly, one of the AMS dates is closely The materials selected for this study originate
related to the copper chisel (here Plo~nik 216);73 the from campaigns in 19982009, and come from 7
preceding context is dated between 50404860 BC trenches in total (see Table 2). The most extensively
(95% probability) thus marking the terminus ante quem sampled is Trench No. 20, which in the Gradac Phase
for this and other metal artefacts in Plo~nik, along with occupation unveiled exceptional evidence for the
the start of the Gradac Phase at this site. This is con- Vin~a culture metallurgy.79
sistent with the beginning of the Gradac Phase at other
sites as well (Belovode, Rudna Glava).74
Three building horizons in Plo~nik correspond COPPER MINERAL USE
with Vin~a A, B1 and B2 respectively.75 Horizons I
and II (c. 2.5 m thick altogether) bore massive remains The use of copper minerals is evident from the
of dwelling structures (up to 6.5 m in length) and related early formation of this site: green lumps are found
postholes, including wide pits filled with ash, charcoal scattered across the settlement in the same manner as
and bone fragments in the top layers, and ceramic frag- in Belovode, usually outside potential dwelling fea-
ments characteristic for Vin~a A and B1 phases.76 The tures in so-called workshop areas. These workshops
Gradac Phase is represented with a c. 1 m thick cultural usually consisted of stone structures and amorphous
layer at the site of Plo~nik which, at c. 0.4 m.77 Here, remains of floors for which insufficient evidence is
dwelling structures are intersected with wide pits filled present to ascribe them to either economic or dwelling
with charcoal and ash in several successive layers, structures. [ljivar and collaborators reported finds of
some with bone and ceramic fragments in the upper lumps of copper minerals of varying sizes, with an
layers (Figs. 9, 10).78 altered structure which was porous and mixed with
No. Analytical No. Excavation Field label Field context Result: type of Material
year
1 Plo~nik 43 2007 Trench 20, spit 10 Workshop Malachite bead
2 Plo~nik 51 2006 Trench 19, spit 23 Household Copper mineral
3 Plo~nik 52 2000 Trench 14, spit 10 Household Copper metal droplet
Copper mineral and a
4 Plo~nik 54 (b, m) 2002 Trench 16, spit 19 Household malachite bead (blank)
5 Plo~nik 57 2006 Trench 19, spit 13 Household Copper mineral
6 Plo~nik 63 2008 Trench 21, spit 5 Dwelling structure Tin bronze foil
7 Plo~nik 65 2008 Trench 21, spit 6 Dwelling structure Malachite bead
8 Plo~nik 66 2004 Trench 18, spit 7 Stone structure Malachite bead
9 Plo~nik 67 2007 Trench 20, spit 7 Workshop Copper metal artefact
10 Plo~nik 69 2007 Trench 20, spit 4 Workshop Copper metal droplet
11 Plo~nik 71 2007 Trench 20, spit 7 Workshop Copper mineral
Copper mineral and
12 Plo~nik 72 (b, m) 2007 Trench 20, spit 3 Workshop malachite bead
13 Plo~nik 73 2007 Trench 20, spit 7 Workshop Copper metal artefact
14 Plo~nik 75 2007 Trench 20, spit 7 Workshop Copper metal artefact
15 Plo~nik 143 2004 Trench 18, spit 7 Stone structure Copper metal artefact
16 Plo~nik 145 2007 Trench 20, spit 7 Workshop Copper metal artefact
17 Plo~nik 207 2009 Trench 22, spit 17 Household Malachite bead
18 Plo~nik 209 2009 Trench 22, spit 15 Household Copper mineral
19 Plo~nik 216 2000 Trench 14, spit 7 Stone structure Copper metal chisel
18
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
charcoal, hence assuming its association with metal- metal objects in the same structure could indirectly
lurgical activities.80 imply its use for casting or melting, for example.
Six copper minerals in total have been selected for
this study (Plo~nik 51, 54 m, 57, 71, 72, 209, see Table
2), two of which come from Trench No. 20 (71 and 72), COPPER MINERAL
which covers the entire Gradac Phase section. Other AND METAL ARTEFACTS
copper mineral finds were sampled in order to provide
information on their use in earlier phases of Plo~nik The most significant discoveries in Plo~nik were
occupation. All minerals (barring 72) are black and four groups of exceptionally massive copper metal
green Mn- rich copper minerals. implements, 34 in total.85 To this, four more implements
are added, all well-contextualised within the Gradac
Phase occupation of this settlement.86 The term hoard
METALLURGICAL ACTIVITIES was introduced by Grbi}87; however, to avoid confusion
they will be referred to here as groups.88
Stalio81 discusses the appearance of bronze and Group I was a donation of the Directorate of Yugo-
various metallurgical debris from the latest building slav Railways in 1926, discovered during the building
horizon as being related to the production of Plo~nik works for the railway station in Plo~nik, at a depth of
metal. Regrettably, no such archaeometallurgical debris c. 0.81 m.89 He also noticed that the find originated
was found in the archives of the National Museum in from the close proximity of an oven; however, he did
Belgrade. Nevertheless, the most recently uncovered not elaborate further on this. The find consisted of nine
situation in Trench 20 yielded evidence of a potential objects, seven of which were made of copper metal: two
metallurgical workshop in Plo~nik, which is described hammer axes (Plo~nik type), two chisels, two complete
in more detail below. and one fragmented bracelet and two stone axes made
of magnesite (Fig. 14).
Trench No. 20 Group II consisted of 18 objects, 13 of which were
A structure whose contours were followed over a copper metal tools: one hammer-axe (Plo~nik type), 12
6 x 6 m area appeared at a relative depth of 0.8 m, with chisels and five stone axes made of magnesite (Fig. 14).
a surface filled with rubble, stones, numerous pottery Grbi}90 reported that they were found in the vicinity of
fragments and several metal artefacts and metal casting a destroyed furnace, scattered over an area 5 m wide,
debris82 (Fig. 11). A rectangular fireplace (possibly a at a depth of c. 1 m.91
furnace), measuring 1.4 x 1.4 m dominated this struc-
ture, with massive walls preserved up to 0.5 m in height,
visibly repaired several times (several clay layers), and
72 Bori} 2009, 212.
traces of intense firing.83 73 [ljivar et al. 2006, 255, Pl. VIII/3.
This, along with the discovery of a massive copper 74 Bori} 2009, 214.
chisel (Plo~nik 145), a fragment of a tool or ornament 75 [ljivar 1996.
(Plo~nik 67), a fragmented bracelet (?) (Plo~nik 73), a 76 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1997, 106.
77
folded metal sheet (Plo~nik 75) and copper minerals [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1997, 104.
78 [ljivar. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a, 56.
(Plo~nik 71 and 72) (Table 2), led excavators to assume
79 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009.
that the structure represented a metallurgical workshop 80 [ljivar et al. 2006, 256 ff.
(see Fig. 12).84 81 Stalio 1960, 34.
Other finds in this structure included stone tools 82 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009, 59.
and large ceramic vessels, such as amphorae, jugs and 83 See figures in: [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009, 58.
84
similar liquid containers. Particularly interesting were [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009, 61.
85 Grbi} 1929; Stalio 1964; [ljivar 1999; [ljivar et al. 2006.
ceramic tubes, which did not contain indications of
86 [ljivar 1996.
use in metallurgical processes, but resembled the shape 87 Grbi} 1929.
of the chimneys from Belovode (Figs. 6, 13). The 88 Radivojevi} 2006.
potential furnace remains, although impressive, did 89 Grbi} 1929.
not offer sufficient data to assume its metallurgical 90 Grbi} 1929, 89.
function; however, the conjunction with fragmented 91 [ljivar et al. 2006, 255.
19
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Fig. 9. The profile of the site of Plo~nik facing the river (November 2012).
Note the massive cultural layer bearing remains of pits (photo by J. Pendi})
Sl. 9. Profil lokaliteta Plo~nik prema reci (novembar 2012).
Primetiti masivni kulturni sloj sa ostacima jama (foto: J. Pendi})
Fig. 10. Southeast profile of Plo~nik: a) dark brown soil; b) light brown soil;
c) sterile soil; d) daub; e) ash (after [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a, 4)
Sl. 10. Jugoisto~ni profil Plo~nika: a) tamnobraon zemqa; b) svetlobraon zemqa;
c) zdravica; d) lep; e) pepeo (prema: [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a, 4)
20
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Similar conditions were recorded for Group III, metal: one hammer-axe (Plo~nik type), five chisels, a
where copper and stone tools were uncovered, scat- bracelet, a pin with a forked end, a copper ingot bar and
tered in an area 5 x 0.5 m, at a depth of 0.7 m.92 The find two stone axes made of magnesite (Fig. 14). The resu-
consisted of 11 objects, 9 of which were made of copper med excavation in 1996 took place in the area of the
Fig. 11. Dwelling structure in Trench No. 20, Plo~nik (excavations in 2007)
Sl. 11. Naseobinska struktura u sondi 20, Plo~nik (istra`ivawa iz 2007. godine)
Fig. 12. A copper chisel (Plo~nik 145) in Trench No. 20 in situ (photo by J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi})
Fig. 13. A ceramic tube (far left) from Trench 20 (photo by J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi})
Sl. 12. Bakarno dleto (Plo~nik 145) iz sonde 20 in situ (foto: J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi})
Sl. 13. Kerami~ka tuba (levo) iz sonde 20 (foto: J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi})
21
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Fig. 14. Four Plo~nik groups (clockwise): Group I (complete), Group II (only 13 metal implements),
Group IV (complete) and Group III (complete) (after [ljivar et al. 2006, 261265)
Sl. 14. ^etiri grupe nalaza sa Plo~nika (u smeru kazaqke na satu): Grupa I (cela),
Grupa II (samo 13 metalnih alatki), Grupa IV (cela) i Grupa III (cela) (prema: [ljivar et al. 2006, 261265)
22
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Group III discovery and unearthed dozens of ceramic tools. All these were discovered scattered across the
materials belonging to the early Gradac Phase, a small same surface, in spit 7 and in the vicinity of a potential
rectangular stone structure and one stone axe made of rectangular furnace (see Figs. 9, 10).100 Plo~nik 216 is
magnesite, identical to the one accompanying metal a small fragmented chisel discovered within a stone
objects in Group III.93 The owner of the excavated land structure outside the potential dwelling feature, and
on this occasion donated a copper chisel to the National chronologically falls close to the date obtained from
Museum in Belgrade which he found, during the build- the preceding context of a collapsed burnt structure in
ing of his family house, in the vicinity of the Group III spits 1011 at c. 50404840 BC.101 These metal arte-
location. facts were made of pure copper, with only traces of
Group IV was found in 1968 during the building of other impurities.102
the NisPri{tina railway, at a depth of c. 0.3 m. It in- Malachite beads of different sizes and shapes were
cludes 14 objects, 5 of which are copper chisels, eight recovered throughout all horizons of occupation in Plo~-
stone axes made of magnesite and one miniature pottery nik, six of which have been selected for this study (Table
vessel (a casting pot?) (Fig. 14).94 The casting (?) pot, 2, Fig. 16). A bead roughout (72) and a whole bead (43)
however, did not show assumed traces of metalworking were discovered in Trench 20, and together with two
upon inspection by the primary author at the National other whole beads (65, 66) can be dated within the
Museum in Belgrade. Gradac Phase occupation in Plo~nik. Bead blank (54)
Four Plo~nik groups of metal finds in total amount to: and two whole beads (43, 207) can also be dated to the
4 Plo~nik type hammer-axes, 25 chisels, four bracelets, Gradac Phase occupation at this site.
a copper ingot bar and a pin, all together weighing c. A tin bronze foil (Plo~nik 63) was excavated from
16 kg.95 As such, they are a unique and exceptional find an undisturbed context, on the floor of a dwelling
of copper artefacts and, according to the most recent structure next to the copper metal workshop at the site,
AMS dating, one of the earliest in this part of Eurasia.96 about 1 m from a fireplace and was enclosed in several
Seventeen copper metal tools from Plo~nik were studied late Vin~a culture pottery vessels.103 Compositional
earlier for their chemical composition and lead isotopes, analysis demonstrated that this metal foil was made of
which revealed an unexpected complexity of ore/metal a complex alloy of copper and tin, along with signifi-
exchange networks: at least three different copper de- cant concentrations of elements like As, Sb, Co, Ni, Pb
posits from east Serbia, Macedonia and across Bulgaria and Fe. This securely contextualised find comes from
provided metal for their production.97 Significantly, all a single and undisturbed occupation horizon at the site
finds originated from a single area in Plo~nik, which of Plo~nik, dated to c. 4650 BC. This date is, according
excavators also call the industrial zone due to the to the field evidence, terminus ante quem for the Plo~-
thick ash-and-charcoal deposit frequently encountered nik foil. The tin bronze foil from the site of Plo~nik is,
in Horizon III. An excellently preserved figurine head therefore, the earliest known tin bronze artefact any-
from the industry zone was discovered with half of the where in the world.104
face painted lengthwise with a light grey slip (Fig. 15).
The excavators believe that the colour effect on its face
symbolised the light (surface) and dark (underground)
environments of early miners lives in Plo~nik.98 92 Stalio 1964, 35.
For this study two out of the four most recently 93 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998b, 82.
discovered and well-contextualised copper artefacts 94 Stalio 1964.
were sampled, labelled as Plo~nik 143 and 145 (see 95 [ljivar et al. 2006, 255.
Table 2). Plo~nik 143 was discovered within a stone 96 Bori} 2009, 214.
97 Pernicka et al. 1997, 9394, T. 3.
structure, together with a stone axe made of magnesite
98 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a; [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-
and a small pottery vessel, all of which again correspond
Cvetkovi} 1998b.
with the beginning of the Gradac Phase in Plo~nik.99 A 99 [ljivar et al. 2006, 255256.
massive copper chisel (Plo~nik 145) was unearthed in 100 [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009, 5859.
a similar workshop setting in Trench 20 (Fig. 10), along 101 Bori} 2009, 213214, Fig. 24.
with two fragmented pieces of a tool and a bracelet re- 102 Radivojevi} 2012.
spectively (Plo~nik 67, 73), a folded metal sheet (Plo~- 103 Radivojevi} et al. 2013, 1033, Fig. 2.
nik 75), a copper mineral (Plo~nik 71) and several stone 104 Radivojevi} et al. 2013, 1032.
23
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
CONCLUSIONS
24
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b c
Fig. 16. All stages of malachite bead processing at the site of Plo~nik:
a) Bead roughout (72); b) bead blank (54); c) whole bead (66)
Sl. 16. Sve faze procesuirawa malahitnih perlica na lokalitetu Plo~nik:
a) roughout jezgro (72); b) blank nedovr{eno (54); c) cela perlica (66)
(Plo~nik 54, Fig. 16b) from another trench (No. 16) a chane opratoire. Although more nuanced discussions
few meters from the metal workshop in Trench 20, may on this process remain to be published, this qualitative
suggest the presence of yet another bead making work- and macroscopic overview of the present evidence pro-
shop. Significantly, the assumption on the presence of vides a good foundation for understanding the metal pro-
several workshop areas at the site of Plo~nik does not duction process in the 5th millennium BC Vin~a culture.
exclude the possibility of their part-time use by Plo~nik Despite the fact that both Belovode and Plo~nik
craftsmen. The concept of a specialised metallurgical were carefully excavated, information on their forma-
workshop appears later in prehistory (e.g. Bronze Age), tion processes is not always clear, as already pointed
and earlier suggestions of specialised workshops need out above. Since the majority of field documentation
to be treated with caution until they are supported by a remains unpublished, relevant contexts for this study
more detailed publication on site formation, which is are limited to relative spits within individual trenches.
currently beyond the scope of this paper. This has provided only restricted information on the
The chane opratoire of copper mineral use and spatial distribution of metallurgical debris and its rela-
metallurgical activities at the sites of Belovode and tion to the spatially closest settlement features. Impor-
Plo~nik, despite the overlap in copper mineral selection, tantly, most of these features originated from arbitrary
differs when it comes to production (which is identified units, where the relationships are obscured and not
in Belovode only) and consumption activities (detected always straightforward. Thus, this paper focused on
in Plo~nik only). Nonetheless, the suggestion of the the material properties of a variety of excavated arte-
potential existence of smelting activities in the site of facts, attempting to point to important connections
Plo~nik based on the presence of black and green mine- among them from this particular perspective, rather
rals, as well as a few (insufficiently contextualised) metal than to rely on a plan of distribution of small-sized
artefacts from the catchment area of Belovode may trenches scattered across both Belovode and Plo~nik.
prove this division on the production and consumption Another problem in relation to the sites of Belo-
site as unsubstantiated in future investigations. Thus vode and Plo~nik arises with the lack of AMS data on
far, it appears that present materials from these two sites specific contexts related to diverse metallurgical acti-
complement each other: the first step of the process, vities. Bori}109 made a detailed study on the relation of
primary metal production, was conducted in Belovode, metallurgical activities and the newly available AMS
while the second, casting and finishing of metal arte- data. Nevertheless, these dates are not sufficient for the
facts, took place at the site of Plo~nik. We still lack evi- fine separation of copper mineral use and pyrometal-
dence of the (re)melting of primary produced copper, lurgical processes in the Vin~a culture settlements, nor
and a crucible that was most likely used during this
particular process.
Evidence from the two different sites, however, can
still help to reconstruct the Vin~a culture metallurgy 109 Bori} 2009.
25
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
do they provide direct dating evidence for the majority products, cover nearly a complete chane opratoire of
of metallurgy-related finds. Therefore, the temporal ana- metallurgy. This production chain comes across as suf-
lysis of metallurgical activities here has been mainly ficiently elaborate in the earliest known stage of
dependant on the relative chronology, based on specific pyrometallurgical activity in this part of the world,
pottery forms and the conventional periodisation of the implying that it had probably developed a few genera-
Vin~a culture across the entire region. Such an approach, tions earlier from the moment we spotted it in archae-
although not without errors, currently provides the ological records. Also, the cultural transmission of this
only feasible resolution for the context of the majority once precious skill seems to take place across two rela-
of metallurgy-related samples presented here. tively distant settlements, implying close economic and
The relation of the Gradac Phase to the rise of metal- potentially social connections among their inhabitants.
lurgy is undoubtedly crucial for our understanding of this The craftsmen from Belovode and Plo~nik were, based
process in the Vin~a culture: the earliest stratigraphic on current evidence, covering different ends of the same
evidence for copper smelting is discovered at the begin- metal making process, which strengthens the likeli-
ning of this phase. It is also contemporary with the hood of their potential collaboration. The lead isotope
intensified activities in Rudna Glava, as well as the match of Belovode slag samples with the Plo~nik cop-
earliest dated copper implement from Plo~nik. The per chisel (216) strengthens this assumption;113 this will
changes in material culture that follow this phase are a be explored in detail in future publications. Finally, the
phenomenon common for the Balkans in general,110 and quantity and quality of collected and sampled materials
require particular attention in interpreting the origins of is currently unprecedented in academic work, and pro-
metallurgy in this part of Eurasia in future discussions. vides an excellent case for studying the emergence, evo-
The introduction of metallurgy evidently influenced lution and transmission of metallurgical skills within
other aspects of material culture at the time. The most the Vin~a culture, and across the Balkans.
important association is, beyond doubt, pottery produc-
tion, such as the appearance of black burnished ware, Acknowledgements
whose conjunction with the emergence of metallurgy This paper represents a part of M. Radivojevi}s
has been discussed at length;111 nevertheless, not yet PhD thesis, conducted at the UCL Institute of
sufficiently studied. A valuable observation comes from Archaeology and funded generously under the UKs
Belovode, where modelled applications on figurines EPSRC Dorothy Hodgkin Postgraduate Award Scheme,
resemble contemporaneous metal jewellery from sites Freeport McMoRan Gold and Copper Foundation (via
situated along the lower Danube, and further towards the the Institute for Archaeo-Metallurgical Studies in Lon-
northern Black Sea coast.112 This analogy highlights don), Serbian Ministry of Culture and Fund for Young
the importance of the Danubian communication route Talents, British Federation of Women Graduates, Soros
for the spread of metallurgy across the Balkans. Foundation, Prokuplje City Council and Planinka Kur-
However, the main point of the contextual and quali- {umlija. M. Radivojevi} is indebted to her supervisors
tative survey of available artefacts in this overview is Professors Th. Rehren, S. Shennan and E. Pernicka for
the diversity of metallurgical debris identified across their immense help during her research, as well as to
the sites of Belovode and Plo~nik. Various technologi- B. Jovanovi} for encouragement. Both authors remain
cal sequences, indicated by crushed minerals, fragments grateful to D. [ljivar for his kind help with the field
of installations, smelting slags, casting debris or final documentation.
26
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Antonovi} 2002 D. Antonovi}, Copper processing Gimbutas 1976 M. Gimbutas, Neolithic Macedonia
in Vin~a: new contributions to the thesis about metallur- as Reflected by Excavations at Anza, Los Angeles 1976.
gical character of the Vin~a culture, Starinar LII, 2002, Glser 1996 R. Glser, Zur absoluten Datierung
2745. der Vin~a-Kultur anhand von C-Daten, in: Draovean,
Antonovi} 2006 D. Antonovi}, Malachite finds in F. (ed.), The Vin~a culture, Its Role and Cultural Conne-
the Vin~a culture: evidence for early copper metallurgy ctions, Timisoara 1966, 141162.
in Serbia, Metalurgija Journal of Metallurgy 12, 2006, Grbi} 1929 M. Grbi}, Plo~nik, eine Prhistorische
8592. Ansiedlung aus der Kupferzeit, Belgrade 1929.
Arsenijevi}, @ivkovi} 1998 M. Arsenijevi}, J. Jacanovi}, [ljivar 1995 D. Jacanovi}, D. [ljivar,
@ivkovi}, Methodology and the results of statistical-typo- Rezultati arheolo{kih istra`ivanje neolitskog naselja
logical analysis of pottery from the Vin~a culture settle- Konju{ica u Vite`evu, Glasnik Srpskog Arheolo{kog
ment of Belovode, near Petrovac-upon-Mlava, Glasnik Dru{tva 10, 1995, 181185.
Srpskog Arheolo{kog Dru{tva 14, 1998, 281291. Jacanovi}, [ljivar 2003 D. Jacanovi}, D. [ljivar,
Bar-Yosef Mayer, Porat 2008 D. E. Bar-Yosef Preliminarni izve{taj sa arheolo{kog istra`ivanja od 1998
Mayer, N. Porat, Green stone beads at the dawn of agri- do 2002, Veliko Laole, Belovode, Viminacium 1314,
culture, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 2003, 297302.
105, 2008, 85488551. Jovanovi} 1982 B. Jovanovi}, Rudna Glava, naj-
Bogosavljevi}-Petrovi} 1995 V. Bogosavljevi}- starije rudarstvo bakra na centralnom Balkanu, Beo-
Petrovi}, Arheometalur{ki kompleksi na Kopaoniku, grad, Bor 1982.
Glasnik Srpskog Arheolo{kog Dru{tva 10, 1995, 5871. Jovanovi} 1994 B. Jovanovi}, Gradac Phase in
Bogosavljevi}-Petrovi}, Tomovi} 1994 V. the relative chronology of the late Vin~a culture, Starinar
Bogosavljevi}-Petrovi}, M. Tomovi}, Kasnoanti~ki XLIIIXLIV, 1994, 112.
rudarsko-metalur{ki kompleks na zapadnom Kopaoniku, Jovi} 1996 V. Jovi}, Mineralogical study of mala-
Glasnik Srpskog Arheolo{kog Dru{tva 9, 1994, 236240. chite and azurite from the Belovode locality (Veliko
Bogosavljevi} 1989 V. Bogosavljevi}, Uvod u ru- Laole), Prhistorie Europene 8, 1996, 191196.
darsku arheologiju na Kopaoniku (oblici starog rudar- Krajnovi}, Jankovi} 1995 D. Krajnovi}, S. Jan-
stva i metalurgije), Glasnik Srpskog Arheolo{kog Dru{tva kovi}, Copper mineralisation as potential raw material
9, 1989, 8693. source of ancient copper metallurgy in Serbia, in: Jova-
Bogosavljevi} et al. 1988 V. Bogosavljevi}, D. novi}, B. (ed.) Ancient Mining and Metallurgy in South-
Mrkobrad, D. Bogosavljevi}, Istra`ivanje srednjove- east Europe, Donji Milanovac, Belgrade, Bor 1995,
kovnog rudarstva na zapadnom Kopaoniku (okolina 2128.
Ki`evaka), Na{a Pro{lost 3, 1988, 948. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998 Prokuplje, grad
Bori} 2009 D. Bori}, Absolute dating of metallur- sv. Prokopija, Prokuplje 1998.
gical innovations in the Vin~a culture of the Balkans, in: Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, [ljivar 1998 J. Kuzma-
T. L. Kienlin, B. W. Roberts (eds.), Metals and Societies. novi}-Cvetkovi}, D. [ljivar, Die Gttin aus Plo~nik,
Studies in honour of Barbara S. Ottaway, Verlag Dr. Starinar XLIX, 1998, 173178.
Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 2009, 191245. Lankton et al. 2003 J. W. Lankton, J. Diamanti,
Dumitrescu 1961 H. Dumitrescu, Connections J. M. Kenoyer, A Bead Timeline: A Resource for Identifi-
between the CucuteniTripolie cultural complex and cation, Classification and Dating, Washington D.C. 2003.
the neighbouring Eneolithic cultures in the light of the Miloj~i} 1949 V. Miloj~i}, Chronologie der Jnge-
utilization of golden pendants, Dacia 5, 1961, 6993. ren Steinzeit Mittel- und Sdosteuropas, Berlin 1949.
Gara{anin 1951 M. Gara{anin, Hronologija vin- Mrkobrad 1989 D. Mrkobrad, Istra`ivanje
~anske grupe, Ljubljana 1951. rudarske topionice u Donjoj Zaplanini, Glasnik Dru{tva
Gara{anin 1973 M. Gara{anin, Praistorija na tlu Konzervatora Srbije 13, 1989, 9192.
Srbije, Beograd 1973. Mrkobrad et al. 1989 D. Mrkobrad, V. Bogosav-
Gara{anin 1995 M. Gara{anin, Die Gradac-Stufe ljevi}, D. Bogosavljevi}, Prilog istra`ivanju kopaoni~kog
der Vin~a-Gruppe und der Beginn des Aeneolithikums, rudarstva, Glasnik Dru{tva Konzervatora Srbije 13, 1989,
Dacia 3839, 1995, 917. 9395.
27
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Ottaway 2001 B. S. Ottaway, Innovation, pro- Schier 2000 W. Schier, Measuring change: the
duction and specialisation in early prehistoric copper Neolithic pottery sequence of Vin~aBelo Brdo,
metallurgy, European Journal of Archaeology 4, 2001, Documenta Praehistorica 27, 2000, 187197.
87112. Sergeev 1963 G. P. Sergeev, Rannetripolskii klad
Ottaway, Roberts 2008 B. S. Ottaway, B. Roberts, u s. Karbuna. Sovetskaja arheologija 1, 1963, 135151.
The emergence of metalworking, in: Jones, A. (ed.) Pre- [ljivar 1996. D. [ljivar, The Eastern settlement
historic Europe: Theory and Practice, Chichester 2008, of the Vin~a culture at Plo~nik: a relationship of its
193225. stratigraphy to the hoards of copper objects, Starinar
Pernicka et al. 1997 E. Pernicka, F. Begemann, XLVII, 1996, 8598.
S. Schmitt-Strecker, H. Todorova, I. Kuleff, Prehistoric [ljivar 1999 D. [ljivar, Plo~nik, Naselje vin~an-
copper in Bulgaria. Its composition and provenance, ske kulture i problem najranije metalurgije bakra, in:
Eurasia Antiqua 3, 1997, 41180. Marinkovi}, D. (ed.) Prokuplje u Praistoriji, Antici i
Radivojevi} 2006 M. Radivojevi}, A contribu- Srednjem veku, Prokuplje 1999, 3144.
tion to the typology and distribution of hammer axes of [ljivar 2006 D. [ljivar, The earliest copper met-
Plo~nik type in southeast Europe, Journal of Serbian allurgy in the Balkans, Metalurgija-Journal of Metal-
Archaeological Society 22, 2006, 211224. lurgy 12, 2006, 93104.
Radivojevi} 2007 M. Radivojevi}, Evidence for [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996a D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi},
early copper smelting in Belovode, a Vin~a culture set- Veliko LaoleBelovode, the settlement of the culture of
tlement in Eastern Serbia, Unpublished MSc Thesis, Vin~a, Journal of Serbian Archaeological Society 12,
UCL Institute of Archaeology, London 2007. 1996, 5560.
Radivojevi} 2012 M. Radivojevi}, On the [ljivar, Jacanovi}, 1996b D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi},
Origins of Metallurgy in Europe: Metal Production in Veliko Laole, Belovode Vin~a culture settlement in
the Vin~a Culture. Unpublished PhD Thesis, UCL northeastern Serbia, Prhistorie Europene 8, 1996,
Institute of Archaeology, London 2012. 175188.
Radivojevi} et al. 2013 M. Radivojevi}, Th. [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1997 D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi},
Rehren, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, M. Jovanovi}, J. P. Veliko Laole Belovode, the settlement of the Vin~a
Northover, Tainted ores and the rise of tin bronze met- culture, Journal of Serbian Archaeological Society 13,
allurgy, c. 6500 years ago, Antiquity 87, 2013, 1997, 115125.
10301045. [ljivar et al. 2006 D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi}, J.
Radivojevi} et al. 2010 M. Radivojevi}, Th. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, New contributions regarding
Rehren, E. Pernicka, D. [ljivar, M. Brauns, D. Bori}, the copper metallurgy in the Vin~a culture, in: Tasi}, N.
Origins of extractive metallurgy: new evidence from and Grozdanov, C. (eds.) Homage to Milutin Gara{anin,
Europe, Journal of Archaeological Science 37, 2010, Belgrade 2006, 251266.
27752787. [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, 1997 D. [ljivar,
Rehren 2003 Th. Rehren, Crucibles as reaction J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Plo~nik near Prokuplje, the
vessels in ancient metallurgy, in P. T. Craddock & J. Vin~a culture settlement, Journal of the Serbian Archa-
Lang (eds.) Mining and Metal Production Through the eological Society 13, 1997, Beograd, 103113.
Ages, London 2003, 207215. [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 1998a D. [lji-
Renfrew 1969 C. Renfrew, The autonomy of the var, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Najstarija metalurgija
south-east European Copper Age, Proceedings of the bakra na Plo~niku kod Prokuplja, naselju vin~anske
Prehistoric Society 35, 1969, 1247. kulture, Arheometalurgija 6, Beograd 1998, 118.
Roux 2003 V. Roux, A dynamic systems frame- [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, 1998b D. [lji-
work for studying technological change: application to var, J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Plo~nik near Prokuplje,
the emergence of the potters wheel in the southern excavation in 1997, Journal of the Serbian Archaeolo-
Levant, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory gical Society 14, 1998, Beograd, 7985.
10, 1969, 130. [ljivar, Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi} 2009 D. [ljivar,
Schier 1996 W. Schier, The relative and absolute J. Kuzmanovi}-Cvetkovi}, Plo~nik, archaeology and
chronology of Vin~a: new evidence from the type site, conservation, Diana 13, 2009, 5661.
in: Draovean, F. (ed.) The Vin~a Culture, its Role and [ljivar et al. 2012 D. [ljivar, J. Kuzmanovi}-
Cultural Connections, Timioara 1996, 141162. Cvetkovi}, J. @ivkovi}, Belovode, Plo~nik: on copper
28
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
metallurgy in the Vin~a culture, Zbornik Narodnog Stalio 1973 B. Stalio, ^etvrti nalaz bakarnog i
Muzeja 20, 2012, 2746. kamenog oru|a sa Plo~nika kod Prokuplja, Zbornik
Stalio 1960 B. Stalio, Plo~nikProkuplje naselje, Narodnog Muzeja 7, 1973, 157161.
Arheolo{ki pregled 2, 1960, 3336. Tasi} 2008 N. Tasi}, Nemi svedoci jednog vreme-
Stalio 1962 B. Stalio, Plo~nik, Prokuplje naselje na: figuralna umetnost Vin~e, in: Nikoli}, D. (ed.) Sto
vin~anske grupe, Arheolo{ki pregled 4, 1962, 1925. godina istra`ivanja arheolo{kog lokaliteta Vin~aBelo
Stalio 1964 B. Stalio, Novi metalni nalaz iz Plo~- Brdo, Belgrade 2008, 139163.
nika kod Prokuplja, Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja 4, 1962,
3541.
Belovode i Plo~nik, lokaliteti vin~anske kulture koji se li, koji su se koristili za pravqewe malahitnih perlica,
nalaze u isto~noj i ju`noj Srbiji, ve} decenijama privla~e i druge, kojoj pripadaju crno-zeleni, tj. bogati manganom, i
pa`wu {iroke akademske javnosti zbog otkri}a jedinstve- za koji je prethodna studija ve} pokazala da su topqeni kako
nih nalaza koji potvr|uju postojawe metalur{ke aktivnosti bi se dobio metal. Ova druga vrsta minerala je nazvana ruda-
u ovoj kulturi. Ovi nalazi datiraju sa po~etka 5. mileni- ma, za razliku od prve, koju i daqe nazivamo mineralima, a
juma pre n.e., {to ih ~ini trenutno najstarijim poznatim razlikujemo ih po temperaturnom tretmanu. Obe vrste mine-
dokazima prerade metala u svetu, koji ujedno i o`ivqavaju rala na|ene su na oba lokaliteta. Ostaci proizvodwe meta-
teoriju o nezavisnom nastanku metalurgije na Balkanu. Sa la su na|eni samo na Belovodama i to najvi{e u jednoj son-
novim podacima se nametnula potreba da se sa~ini pregled di, br. 3 koja je iznedrila ukupno 8 nalaza bakarnih zgura i
dostupnih informacija o na~inu proizvodwe metala i o teh- 4 nalaza keramike sa zalepqenom zgurom (tako|e od topqe-
nolo{kim izborima vin~anskih kova~a tokom tog procesa. wa bakra). Za ove analize je ve} potvr|eno da pripadaju pri-
Autori su sastavili kvalitativan pregled iskopanog mate- marnoj produkciji metala. Isti zakqu~ak va`i i za veliki
rijala koji je u vezi sa upotrebom bakarnih minerala i sa komad zgure iz sonde br. 9 na Belovodama, za koji su anali-
arheometalur{kim aktivnostima na ova dva lokaliteta. Za ze pokazale da ima zna~ajnu koncentraciju olova. Iako na
ovu priliku je napravqen pregled materijala koji je ve} pu- lokalitetu Plo~nik nisu prona|eni ostaci proizvodwe
blikovan, ali i onog ~ije su analize skoro zavr{ene u sklo- metala, prisustvo zeleno-crnih ruda bakra bogatih manga-
pu doktorske teze primarnog autora (ukupno 48 analiziranih nom, koje su se na Belovodama topile, ukazuju na mogu}nost
uzoraka). Sav materijal je podeqen u tri glavne kategorije: da }e mo`da sli~an dokaz biti prona|en i na Plo~niku u
arheolo{ki minerali, ostaci (primarne) proizvodwe meta- budu}im istra`ivawima. Ono ~ega na Belovodama nema jesu
la i izrada i obrada gotovih metalnih artefakata, koji gotovi proizvodi od bakra, koji su prona|eni u zna~ajnom
zajedno ~ine lanac metalur{ke proizvodwe. broju na lokalitetu Plo~nik. Radionica iz sonde 20 sadr-
Rezultati studije ukazuju na prisustvo raznovrsnih na- `ala je uzorke savijenog lima, fragmentovanih alatki ili
laza koji se zajednouklapaju u jedan skoro kompletan meta- nakita, kao i gotove metalne alatke, {to ukazuje da se u woj
lur{ki lanac operacija. Ovaj lanac po~iwe odabirom ba- najverovatnije obra|ivao metal. Ovaj metal je primarno pro-
karnih minerala i wihovom pripremom (usitwavawe) za izveden negde drugde, po{to su izotopske analize pokazale
proces topqewa. Primetili smo da su vin~anski metalurzi da se zgure sa Belovoda i bakarno dleto sa Plo~nika sla`u
znali da razlikuju materijalne kvalitete dveju vrsta bakar- po mestu porekla rude bakra od koje su napravqeni. Radioni-
nih minerala: jedne kojoj pripadaju ~isto zeleni minera- ca u sondi 20 na Plo~niku tako|e je iznedrila nezavr{ene
29
RADIVOJEVI], KUZMANOVI]-CVETKOVI], Copper minerals and archaeometallurgical (730) STARINAR LXIV/2014
komade bakarnih perli, {to je defini{e kao radionicu za sti obrade metala bakra. Ova vrsta tehnolo{kog pristupa
hladnu obradu bakarnih minerala, naspram visokotempe- u izu~avawu procesa proizvodwe metala pokazala se kao je-
raturnog tretmana koji je primewivan za izradu metalnih deina koja u datom trenutku mo`e da izvede zakqu~ke o ovoj
alatki. Na lokalitetu Plo~nik je prona|en i lim na~iwen aktivnosti na lokalitetima Belovode i Plo~nik. Terenska
od prirodne bronze, tj.topqewem kompleksne rude bakra i dokumentacija, koja je samo parcijalno publikovana i koja
kalaja, a ne legurom ta dva metala. Ovaj izvanredan nalaz je se oslawa na specifi~ne kontekste u okviru malih sondi,
trenutno najstariji nalaz ovakve vrste na svetu. jo{ ne pru`a zadovoqavaju}u sliku o prostornom odnosu
Lanac metalur{kih operacija sa lokaliteta Belovode analiziranog materijala, pa je stoga analiti~ki pristup
i Plo~nik se stoga me|usobno dopuwavao dok se na Belo- jedini koji trenutno mo`e me|usobno da pove`e bakarne
vodama ekstrahovao metal, na Plo~niku se on kovao i obra- minerale, rude, zgure i metalne predmete u generalnu sli-
|ivao. Iako ovaj lanac operacija nije kompletan, ova stu- ku razvoja metalurgije na ovim vin~anskim naseqima.
dija je demonstrirala da on postoji u razvijenoj formi, sa Kolekcija nalaza, iako mala po uobi~ajenim standar-
tehnolo{kim izborima koji odra`avaju odli~no poznavawe dima predstavqa najvredniju kolekciju te vrste u svetu, jer
hemijskih i fizi~kih karakteristika razli~itih minera- je po kvalitetu unikatna u hronolo{kim okvirima u koji-
la, kontrole procesa topqewa metala i tehni~kih mogu}no- ma se pojavila.
30
MARIO GAVRANOVI], Berlin
ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN, Archaeologisches Institut, Belgrad
Abstract. Im Rahmen der Vorbereitung fr die Gesamtdarstellung der bronzenen Beile aus Serbien konnten einige lokale
Formen mit einem begrenzten Verbreitungsradius verzeichnet werden. Es handelt sich in erster Linie um mehrere Varianten
der Tllenbeile mit einer arkadenfrmigen Facettierung auf dem Beilkrper, einer seitlichen se und einem verstrkten
Tllenwulst mit horizontalen Rippen darunter. Im Bezug auf die Typologie, Verbreitung und den kultur-historischen Kontext
sind die meisten der hier prsentierten Funde bislang unzureichend beschrieben. Die charakteristischen Tllenbeile lassen
sich vermutlich als Produkte der Werksttte im Zentralbalkan interpretieren. Wichtig in diesem Zusammenhang sind
noch prhistorische Kupferbergwerke, die im Verbreitungsraum der umschriebenen Beile liegen.
Key words. Tllenbeile aus Bronze, Sptbronzezeit, Zentralbalkan, Hortfunde, Belegi{ II Gava, Metallurgie.
I
m Laufe der Fundaufnahme fr das Sammelband im Bezug auf die horizontale Rippen und Wulstprofi-
ber die bronzezeitlichen Beile Serbiens lieen lierung sowie durch zustzliche dekorative Elemente
sich mehrere Typen und Varianten der sptbronze- als eigenstndige lokale Varianten aufzufassen sind.
zeitlichen Tllenbeile lokalen Charakters erkennen, Tllenbeile mit arkadenfrmigen Feld kommen zahl-
deren Verbreitungsraum hauptschlich Serbien umfasst reich in den Regionen an der unteren Donau vor, mit
(Karten 13). In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird der einer besonders starken Konzentration im bulgarischen
Schwerpunkt auf die Tllenbeile mit einem verdickten Raum zwischen den Flssen Iskar und Jantra.2 Doch,
Mndungswulst mit Horizontalrippen und einem facet- trotz der groen Anzahl an Typen und Varianten sind
tierten arkadenfrmigen oder dreieckfrmigen Feld auf die ostbalkanischen Tllenbeile in der Regel nicht mit
dem Krper. Auch wenn einige der hier prsentierten einer seitlichen se ausgestattet. Die fr Serbien charak-
Funde bereits publiziert sind, steht eine typologisch- teristische Kombination aus einem durch horizontale
chronologische Gliederung dieser Beilgruppe fr
Serbien noch immer aus. Dabei lassen sich durchaus
hnlichkeiten mit den Varianten C6 bis C10 der
siebenbrgischen Tllenbeile nach der Typologie M. 1 Rusu 1966, 27.
Rusu1 feststellen, obwohl die Exemplare aus Serbien 2 ^ernh 1978, 187; Derga~ev 2011, Sl. 5.
* Die Arbeit resultiert aus dem Projekt: Archologie Serbiens: Kulturidentitt, Integrationsfaktoren, technologische Prozesse und die Rolle des
Mittelbalkans in der Entwicklung europischer Vorgeschichte (Nr. OI 177020), des Ministeriums fr Bildung, Wissenschaft und Technolo-
gische Entwicklung der Republik Serbien.
31
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Rippen profilierten Tllenrand, einem arkadenfrmigen oberen Ende regelhaft an den etwas verdickten
Feld und einer se ist unter der Masse der bulgarischen Mndungswulst ansetzt. Gelegentlich kommen auch
Funde so gut wie nicht vorhanden. Erschwerend bei unregelmige Rippen vor, die sich vorzugsweise
der chronologischen Einordnung der hier definierten zwischen dem Tllenmund und dem facettieren Feld
Varianten ist die Tatsache, dass die meisten Beile ohne befinden. In Serbien ist dieser Typ durch mehrere
entsprechenden Kontext bzw. als Einzelfunde berliefert Exemplare aus dem Depot Urovica12 sowie in den
sind. Deshalb wird man auf die Vergleiche mit den Horten Mesi}[upaja13, Leskovo14 in Se~anj III15
geschlossenen Funden, in erster Linie mit den Depots vertreten. Hinzu kommen noch zwei Einzelfunde aus
aus Serbien und benachbarten Lndern Sdosteuropas, der Umgebung der Stadt Jagodina.16 Folgt man die
nicht verzichten knnen. Datierung der genannten Horte, so kann eine lange
Nutzungszeit angenommen werden. Die Depots aus
Mesi} und Urovica stammen aus dem zweiten Horizont
TYPOLOGISCHE GLIEDERUNG der serbischen Hortfunde nach Vasi} (Ha A1), whrend
Leskovo und Se~anj deutlich jnger sind und in die
Betrachtet man alle Tllenbeile mit einem arkaden- Zeit der Stufen Ha A2 bis Ha B1 datieren.17
frmigen Feld aus Serbien, so lassen sich zunchst Tllenbeile mit krftigem Mndungswulst und
einige Grundtypen aussondern, die den Funden aus einer mandelfrmigen Zier innerhalb des arkaden-
Rumnien oder Bulgarien mehr oder weniger ent- frmigen Feldes. Der einzige Fund aus Serbien liegt
sprechen und die in der bisherigen Literatur ausfhr- im Depot Mali Izvor bei Zaje~ar vor. Dieses Beil wurde
lich behandelt worden sind. Sie werden in dieser bei Derga~ev dem Typ Verbica A, Variante B zuge-
Arbeit nicht detailliert dargestellt, dennoch sollen sie schrieben,18 obwohl die meisten Vergleichsfunde aus
zwecks besserer bersicht kurz erwhnt werden. Bulgarien keine seitliche se aufweisen.19 Die Tllen-
Die erste grere Gruppe umfasst die Tllenbeile beile vom Typ Verbica A, Variante B kommen in den
mit einem leicht verdickten Mndungswulst ohne Hortfunden der Zeit Ha A1 und Ha A2 vor.20 Der Fund
jegliche Horizontalrippen. Unter den Funden aus Ser- aus Zaje~ar stellt derzeit den westlichsten Verbreitungs-
bien sind drei unterschiedliche Typen zu erkennen: punkt dieser ostbalkanischen Form dar, die vor allem
Tllenbeile ohne se mit einem dreieckigen bzw. fr dem Raum Nordbulgariens charakteristisch ist.
arkadenfrmigen Feld auf dem Beilkrper. Typische Die zweite Gruppe der bislang ausfhrlich
Vertreter sind die Funde aus Futog3, [etonje4 (mit drei- umschriebenen Beile setzt sich aus den Funden
eckigem Feld) oder aus Privina Glava5, Dobrinci6, Du- zusammen, die den Varianten C1 bis C10 der
bravica7 oder Mali Izvor8 (mit arkadenfrmigen Feld). siebenbrgischen Tllenbeile nach der Klassifikation
Die Funde aus Serbien wurden in der umfangreichen
Monographie V. Derga~evs ber die Tllenbeile der
unteren Donau mitbercksichtigt und dem Typ Oknia
3 Bori} 1997, T. 4/35.
zugeschrieben.9 Dieser Typ zeichnet sich durch eine 4 Jacanovi}, Radoj~i} 2003, br. 2.
geringe Lnge, die selten 10 cm bertrifft. Der Typ 5 Gara{anin 1975, T. 63/4.
Oknia tritt in Serbien, Ungarn, Rumnien und Bulga- 6 Popovi} 1994, T. 8/3.
rien hauptschlich in den Hortfunden des Zeithorizontes 7 Gara{anin 1954, T. 36/4.
Ha A1 auf, obwohl Exemplare aus deutlich jngeren 8 Vasi} 1982, Abb. 3/2.
Zusammenhngen (Ha B2/3) ebenfalls bekannt sind.10 9 Derga~ev 2011, 94, Sl. 5152 und Karte 3 im Katalog.
se. Der einzige Unterschied zu dem vorherigen Typ 19 Ibid., Sl. 41 B/18.19.
ist die seitlich angebrachte vertikale se, die mit dem 20 Ibid., Sl. 46.
32
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
von M. Rusu angehren.21 Das wesentliche Merkmal kommen schon in den Depots der zweiten Stufe nach
aller C-Varianten ist eben die arkadenfrmige, Vasi} (Ha A1 Mali Izvor) vor, erscheinen jedoch, wie
facettierte Flche auf dem Beilkrper. Die Varianten z. B. in Se~anj III, offenbar auch in den jngeren
C1 bis C4 umfassen Exemplare ohne besondere Stufen (Ha A2 Ha B1).30
Verdickung am Tllenwulst und ohne ausgeprgte Zu erwhnen ist noch, dass die hier definierte
Profilierung darunter, whrend die Varianten C5 bis Variante F letztlich identische Verzierung wie die
C10 Beile mit horizontalen Rippen unter dem mehr siebenbrgische Variante C5 besitzt.31 Der einzige
oder weniger verstrkten Wulst einschlieen. Unter Unterschied ist die strkere Rippenprofilierung unter
Bercksichtigung der in dieser Arbeit vorgestellten dem Tllenwulst bei den serbischen Funden, weswegen
Varianten, sollten in erster Linie die Funde der sie als eine eigenstndige Variante aufzufassen sind.
Varianten C5 bis C10 (falls vorhanden) aus Serbien Ebenfalls, die Tllenbeile der Variante E entsprechen
kurz angefhrt werden: mehr oder weniger den siebenbrgischen Varianten C9
Die Variante C6 umschreibt Beile mit einem und C10, auch wenn es auch hier gewisse Abweichun-
verstrkten Tllenmund, der an den beiden Enden gen hinsichtlich der Tllenprofilierung gibt, die eine
bogenfrmige bzw. hornartige Zipfeln aufweist. Der Umschreibung der eigenen Varianten gestatten.
Gesamtumriss ist meistens dreieckig mit einem Neben den aufgezhlten Tllenbeilen mit einem
sanften bergang zwischen der Schmal- und Breit- arkadenfrmigen Feld, bietet der Fundstoff aus Serbien
seite. Die Schneide ist in der Regel breit fcherfrmig, die Mglichkeit auch weitere Varianten zu unter-
whrend die se unter den Verstrkungen sitzt. scheiden. Da die meisten von ihnen in der Regel einen
Typische Vertreter der Variante C6 in Serbien sind die kleinen Verbreitungsradius aufweisen, ist ihre
Funde aus Vin~a22, zwei Beile aus dem Hort Boljetin Entstehung wahrscheinlich auf die Entwicklung einer
bei Donji Milanovac23 so wie die Beile aus den ost- lokal orientierten Metallurgie mit sehr begrenztem
serbischen Horten Alun bei Brza Palanka24 und Mali Distributionsraum zurckzufhren. Insgesamt werden
Izvor bei Zaje~ar.25 Alle Exemplare aus Serbien sieben Varianten definiert, die mit groen lateinischen
weisen recht einheitliche Maen mit einer Lnge Buchstaben (A bis G) gekennzeichnet sind. Die
zwischen 9,5 und 10,5 cm auf. Auffllig bei der Voraussetzung fr eine eigenstndige Variante ist, dass
Verbreitung ist, dass alle bislang bekannten Tllen- es mindestens zwei Funde gibt, die sich durch die
beile der Variante C6 stlich der Velika Morava bzw. Grundform oder die spezifische Verzierung sehr hneln.
in Ostserbien verzeichnet wurden. Die serbischen Bei einigen Varianten gibt es noch einzelne Beile, die
Funde widerlegen somit die Annahme Rusus ber die nicht jedes Kriterium erfllen, dennoch aber der
ausschlieliche Verbreitung der Variante C6 in den Variante offenbar sehr nahe stehen. Bei jeder Variante
Regionen nrdlich der Donau (Muntenien, Oltenien, erfolgt zunchst die Beschreibung mit den wichtigsten
Banat). Ausgehend von den Hortfunden Boljetin, Alun typologischen und morphologischen Merkmalen.
und Mali Izvor, lsst sich die Variante C6 in Serbien in Danach werden die bekannten Exemplare aufgelistet.
eine lange Zeitspanne zwischen Ha A1 und Ha B2 Abschlieend folgen die Anmerkungen ber die
datieren.26 chronologische Einordnung, die Verbreitungstendenzen
Der Variante C7 nach Rusu knnen aus Serbien sowie mgliche Vergleichsfunde.
ein Beil aus dem Hort Mali Izvor27, ein Einzelfund aus
Dobrnje bei Petrovac na Mlavi28 sowie ein Exemplar
aus dem Hort Se~anj III im Banat29 zugeordnet werden.
Es handelt sich um Tllenbeile mit einem krftigen, 21 Rusu 1966, 1011.
gerundeten Mndungswulst und einer horizontalen 22 Vukmanovi}, Radoj~i} 1995, 87, Sl. 153.
Rippe direkt darunter. Die vertikale se setzt mit dem 23 Ibid., 168, Sl. 333, 335.
oberen Ende an den verdickten Wulst an, whrend das
24 Srejovi} 1975a, T. 30, 7.
25 Vasi} 1982, Abb. 3/7.
untere Ende unterhalb der horizontalen Rippe liegt. Im 26 Ibid., 268.
Bezug auf die Grundform mit den leicht ausbreitenden 27 Ibid., Abb. 3,6.
Seiten und einer halbkreisfrmigen Schneide, sind 28 Kondi} (ur.) 1992, br. 24.
sich alle serbischen Funde sehr hnlich. Auch bei der 29 Marinkovi} 1991, T. I/5.
Lnge (zwischen 10 und 10,5 cm) gibt es wenig 30 Vasi} 1982, 268.
Abweichungen. Die Tllenbeile der Variante C7 31 Rusu 1966, fig. 3.
33
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
weitere Angaben (T. I/6). Der verdickte Tllenwulst ist 42 ^ernh 1978, 188, T. 31/46.
34
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Karte 1.
1) Atenica; 2) Mali izvor;
3) Unberkannt; 4) Svinji{te; 5) Pirot;
6) Se~anj III; 7) Gornji Ra~nik;
8) Jagodina; 9) Juhor
Karta 1.
1) Atenica; 2) Mali izvor;
3) Unberkant; 4) Sviwi{te;
5) Pirot; 6) Se~aw III; 7) Gorwi
Ra~nik; 8) Jagodina; 9) Juhor
Fund aus der Siedlung Svinji{te wurde von den Autoren Variante B
in die Zeitspanne Ha A2 Ha B1 datiert.44 Das gleiche Variante B zeichnet sich durch zwei typologische
gilt auch fr das sehr hnliche Beil aus dem National- Merkmale aus: zwei Rippen am Tllenrand mit einer
museum in Belgrad. In die Zeit Ha A2 Ha B1 bzw. in zwischen diesen Verstrkungen platzierten se und
den dritten Horizont der Depotfunde gehrt auch Vertikalrippen innerhalb der arkadenfrmigen Facet-
Se~anj III.45 Das der Variante A nahe stehende Beil aus tierung. Die obere Horizontalrippe stellt gleichzeitig
diesem Hort entspricht im Groem und Ganzen (bis die Verstrkung des Tllenwulstes dar. Auch wenn die
auf vertikale Rippen) der Variante C9 nach Russu, die vertikalen Rippen am Beilkrper eine hnlichkeit mit
in Rumnien hauptschlich in den Horten der Stufe der Variante A suggerieren, haben die Beile der Variante
Miograd (Ha B1) vorkommt.46 B nicht nur einen andersartigen Tllenbereich, sondern
Es kann demnach konstatiert werden, dass die Beile auch einen unterschiedlichen Umriss mit nahezu gerade
der Variante A in eine lange Zeitspanne zwischen Ha A1
und Ha B1 datieren. Die kleineren, gedrungenen Exem-
plare der bergangszeit Ha A2 Ha B1 scheinen sich im
Raum Ost- und Sdserbiens zu konzentrieren, obwohl 44 Bulatovi}, Kapuran 2007, 8.
die Zahl der bekannten Stcke eigentlich zu gering ist 45 Vasi} 1982, 268.
um die Rckschlsse ber die spezifische Verbreitung 46 Rusu 1966, 27, vergleiche PetrescuDmbovia 1978,Taf.
35
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
abfallenden Seiten und einer nur mig ausbreitenden Smbta Nou I in Dobrudscha, der schon in die Depot-
Schneide. Hinzu kommt noch, dass die Beile der stufe Miograd (Ha B1) datiert.60
Variante A nicht ber 10 cm Lnge hinausgehen, Ausgehend von den Analogien lsst sich annehmen,
whrend die der Variante B in der Regel 10 cm oder dass die Beile der Variante B sptestens seit der Zeit
lnger sind. des zweiten Hortfundhorizonts (Ha A1) erscheinen. Die
1. Gornji Ra~nik, Gde. Jagodina, Zentralserbien. Vergleichsfunde aus Rumnien weisen allerdings darauf
Einzelfund aus dem Jahr 1966 (Finder Mom~ilo Kosti}) hin, dass die Hauptzeit dieser Beile in die Zeitspanne
(T. I/7). Lnge: 10 cm. Zavi~ajni Muzej Jagodina (inv. Ha A2 Ha B1 bzw. ins 12. und 11. Jh. v. Chr. fllt.61 Im
412).47 Hinblick auf die Verbreitung ist die relative Nhe der drei
2. Jagodina, Gde. Jagodina, Zentralserbien. Ein- bislang gefundenen Exemplare nicht zu bersehen. Alle
zelfund ohne nhere Angaben (T. I/8). Die Schneide drei Beiel kommen aus einem 30 km groen Radius
weist einen Bruch auf. Zwischen den zwei Rippenver- zwischen den Flssen Velika und Zapadna Morava
strkungen am Tllenrand befindet sich eine eingeritzte (Karte 1). Es handelt sich wahrscheinlich um eine lokale
Zickzack Linie. ber der se sind noch Materialreste, Form, die zwar auf Anregung der bulgarischen/ sieben-
entstanden wahrscheinlich beim Gieen. Lnge: 12,2 brgischen Produktionssttten entstanden ist, aber dem
cm. Zavi~ajni Muzej Jagodina (ohne inv.) rtlichen Trend mit einer Seitense angepasst wurde.
3. Juhor, Gde. Para}in, Zentralserbien. Einzelfund,
entdeckt auf dem Berg Juhor ohne weitere Beschreibung Variante C
(T. I/9). Lnge: 11,5 cm. Narodni Muzej Beograd.48 Einen identischen Tllenbereich mit zwei Rippen
(ohne inv.) und einer dazwischen verbindenden se wie bei der
Bei alle drei Beilen der Variante B handelt es sich Variante B, besitzen auch alle Vertreter der Tllenbeil-
um Einzelfunde ohne berlieferten Fundkontext. Die variante C. Der einzige wesentliche Unterscheid ist das
Grundkonturen der Variante B mit geraden Seiten und Fehlen der Vertikalrippen und jeglicher zustzlichen
einer leicht ausbreitenden Schneide entsprechen gut den Verzierungen. Die Verstrkung am Tllenmund ist
Tllenbeilen aus den nordbulgarischen Horten Verbica dabei etwas krftiger als die zweite, darunter liegende
I/II und Stra`ica, die in der Derga~evs Studie als Typ Horizontalrippe. Die Seiten sind gerade und breiten
Verbica zusammengefasst worden sind.49 Einige der sich bei der Schneide etwas aus. Die Schneide selbst ist
bulgarischen Funde zeigen auch eine hnliche Ver- leicht bogenfrmig. Alle bisher bekannten Exemplare
strkung mit einer zweiten Rippe unter dem Tllen- der Variante C haben eine vergleichbare Lnge zwischen
wulst, wobei der Bereich dazwischen mit kurzen 9,5 und 10,5 cm.
schrgen oder vertikalen Ornamenten in Manier der 1. Dvori{te, Gde. ]uprija, Zentralserbien. Tllen-
falschen Tordierung verziert ist. Die Verwandtschaft beil aus einem zerstrten Depotfund, gefunden zusam-
der Variante B und der bulgarischen Beile unterstreicht men mit einer Sichel (T. II/1). Weitere Angaben fehlen.
auch ein Exemplar aus dem Hort Verbica I mit einer Lnge: 9,6 cm. Narodni Muzej Beograd (inv. 22821).62
identischen Zickzackzier50 wie beim Fund aus Jagodina.
Die Horte Verbica I/II und Stra`ica datieren in den
zweiten Hortfundhorizont nach Hnsel51 bzw. in die 47 Stoji} 1986, 55, T. 21/1.
Zeit der Horizonte KisaptiLengyeltti im Karpaten- 48 Idem 2003, 26/3.
becken52, Suseni im Siebenbrgen53, der Phasen II in 49 Derga~ev 2011, 8384, Variante E und besonders F.
Kroatien54 und Bosnien55 und schlielich des zweiten 50 Ibid., Sl. 43/4.
Horizontes der serbischen Horte nach der Chronologie 51 Hnsel 1976, 3839.
Vasi}s.56 In Bulgarien dauern die Beile des Typs Verbica 52 v. Brunn 1968, 38.
53 PetrescuDmbovia 1978, 88.
offenbar bis in die Zeit des dritten Horizonts bzw. bis
54 Vinski-Gasparini 1973, 125.
in die Zeit Ha A2 Ha B1 an.57 Im Unterschied zur 55 Knig 2004, Tabelle 2.
Variante B sind die bulgarischen Funde jedoch nicht 56 Vasi} 1982, 268.
mit einer seitlichen se ausgestattet. Vergleichbare, 57 Derga~ev 2011, Sl. 56.
Exemplare mit se sind noch in den siebenbrgischen 58 PetrescuDmbovia 1978, Taf. 104/3435.
Depots Guteria II (Horizont Susueni)58 und Predeal II 59 Ibid., Taf. 221A/2.
aus dem darauf folgenden Horizont Jupalnic (Ha A2)59 60 Ibid., Taf. 252/13.
bekannt. Ein hnliches Beil findet sich auch im Hort 61 Knig 2004, 23.
36
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
mit trapezfrmigen Facettierung aus Medojevac bei 71 ^ernh 1978, 200, T. 39/47.
Jagodina70 sowie ein Exemplar der hier umschriebenen 72 Stoji} 1986, 55; T. 21/5.
37
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Karte 2.
1) ]uprija; 2) Donje [tiplje;
3) Kopaonik; 4) Sekuri};
5) Belica; 6) Trnjane;
7) Hisar; 8) Stari Kostolac;
9) Vojilovo; 10) Se~anj
Karta 2.
1) ]uprija; 2) Dowe [tipqe;
3) Kopaonik; 4) Sekuri};
5) Belica; 6) Trwane;
7) Hisar; 8) Stari Kostolac;
9) Vojilovo; 10) Se~aw
2 in Troja.74 Es handelt sich um eine Form fr ein Die geringe Zahl der bekannten Exemplare ist nicht
Tllenbeil mit se, einem verstrkten Mndungswulst ausreichend um generelle Verbreitungstendenzen der
und einem arkadenfrmigen Feld. Zwischen dem Rand Variante D erkennen zu knnen (Karte 2). Auch hier
und der Facettierung befinden sich unregelmige handelt es sich vermutlich um eine lokale Interpretation
Zickzacklinien. Aus der gleichen Region stammt wohl und Anpassung einer offenbar nicht hufigen, aber geo-
noch eine Gussform fr ein sehr hnliches Beil.75 Falls graphisch weit verbreiteten Zierweise.
die Funde aus Kleinasien tatschlich in einem Zusam-
menhang mit den balkanischen Tllenbeilen stehen Variante E
(K48 in Bulgarien und Variante D in Serbien), so Umfasst mit der Variante E sind die Tllenbeile mit
wrde keine chronologische Diskrepanz dazwischen einem verstrkten Tllenmund und zwei horizontalen
liegen, da die erwhnte Schicht in Troja ins 11. Jh. v. Rippen gleich darunter. Der einzige Unterschied zur
Chr. datiert. Hinzuweisen ist noch auf die vergleichbar
verzierte Tllenbeile aus den siebenbrgischen Depots
plnaca II76 i Aiud77 (Horizont Suseni) sowie auf ein 74 ^ernh 1978, 200; Wanzek 1989, Taf. 3/3.
Beil unbekannten Fundortes aus dem Museum in Brati- 75 Wanzek 1989, Taf. 3/7.
slava.78 Die genannten Beispiele haben jedoch keine 76 PetrescuDmbovia 1978, Taf. 144/136.
zustzliche Verstrkung des Tllenmundes, wie dies 77 PetrescuDmbovia 1977, Pl. 101/4.
bei der Variante D der Fall ist. 78 Novotn 1978, Taf. 43/788.
38
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Tllenprofilierung der Varianten B, C und D ist also Vergleichsfunde aus Rumnien stammen vor allem aus
eine zustzliche Horizontalrippe. Der obere Ansatz der den Depotfunden der Stufe Miograd (Ha B1).86
se schliet sich an den verstrkten Wulst an, whrend Vereinzelt lassen sie sich noch in dem darauf folgenden
das untere Ende bei der letzten Rippe angebracht ist. Horizont Fizeu Gherlii nachweisen.87 Eine hnliche
Gemeinsame Merkmale der Variante E sind relativ chronologische Stellung nehmen die vergleichbaren
geringe Mae zwischen 8 und 9,5 cm sowie leicht Beile auch in der von Metzner-Nebelsick dargelegten
bogenfrmig abgesetzte Breitseiten. Entwicklungsschema ein.88
1. Hisar, Gde. Leskovac, Sdserbien. Tllenbeil Die Tllenbeile der Variante E knnen demnach in
aus der mehrschichtigen Siedlung Hisar, gefunden im Ha A2 Ha B1 datiert werden, mit der Tendenz zum
Sektor III (T. II/7). Lnge: 9,4 cm. Narodni Muzej jngeren Abschnitt. Die Hauptunterschiede zu den
Leskovac.79 siebenbrgischen Varianten gleicher Zeitstellung (C9
2. Stari Kostolac, Gde. Kostolac, Nordostserbien und C10) sind eine grere Rippenzahl und andersartige
Brani~evo. Einzelfund, aufgelesen bei der Fundstelle Profilierung des Tllenwulstes.
^air (T. II/8). Lnge: 9,5 cm. Narodni Muzej Po`arevac Im Hinblick auf die Gesamtverbreitung der
(inv. 860). Tllenbeile mit mehreren Rippen unter dem Rand und
3. Vojilovo, Gde. Golubac, Nordostserbien Brani- arkadenfrmigen Feld stellen die Funde aus Serbien
~evo. Tllenbeil aus dem Depot, entdeckt im Jahr 1952 den sdwestlichen Randbereich dar. Die bisherigen
(T. II/9). Unter den sonstigen Funden befanden sich u. Funde aus Serbien konzentrieren sich im stlichen Teil
a. noch ein Tllenbeil der siebenbrgischen Variante des Landes bzw. stlich der Linie Thei Donau
C6 nach Rusu sowie ein trapezfrmiges, lngliches Velika Morava (Karte 2).
Tllenbeil. Das Tllenbeil der Variante E war nahezu
unversehrt. Lnge: 8,5 cm. Narodni Muzej Po`arevac Variante F
(inv. 59).80 Bezeichnend fr die Variante F sind zwei bis drei
4. Unbekannte Fundstelle, Serbien. Einzelfund horizontale Rippen unter dem verstrkten Tllenmund
ohne weitere Angaben (T. II/10). Ohne merkliche und eine Vertikalrippe, die vom Scheitelpunkt der
Beschdigungen. Lnge: 8 cm. Muzej Grada Beograda arkadenfrmigen Flche nach unten fllt. Zwei Exem-
(inv. 4164). plare weisen noch eine zustzliche Seitenverzierung
5. Unbekannte Fundstelle, Serbien. Sammlung mit lappenfrmig angeordneten Rippen auf. Die se
Dunji}. Ohne Angaben ber den genauen Fundort befindet sich zwischen dem verdickten Tllenmund
(T. II/11). Narodni Muzej Kraljevo (A1268). und der untersten Horizontalrippe. Trotz der kleineren
Abweichungen in der Lnge (zwischen 8 und 10,8 cm),
Variante E nahe stehend zeigen alle vier Beile der Variante F eine hnliche Form
6. Se~anj, Gde. Zrenjanin, Banat. Tllenbeil aus mit gerade oder leicht bogenfrmig abfallenden Seiten
dem im Jahr 1957 entdeckten Depot in der Ziegelfabrik und einer fcherfrmig verbreiteten Schneide.
Radovanov. Teile des Depots sind zerstrt bzw. 1. Banatski Karlovci, Gde. Vr{ac, Banat. Tllen-
verschollen. Unter den anderen Funden konnte noch beil aus dem im Jahr 1896 entdeckten Depotfund (T.
ein Tllenbeil mit Y frmigen Rippen identifiziert III/1). Im Depot wurden noch 16 andere Tllenbeile,
werden. Das Tllenbeil der Variante E ist stark abgenutzt
mit kleineren Bruchstellen an der Schneide (T. II/12).
Lnge: 10 cm. Narodni Muzej Zrenjanin (inv. 4559).81 79 Stoji} 2011.
Nach der chronologischen Einteilung Vasi}s 80 Todorovi} 1956/1957, Sl. 1A; Idem 1975a, 75, T. 70/1.
datieren die Depots Vojilovo und Se~anj in den dritten 81 Radi{i} 1958, T. 1/4.
weiteren Exemplare der Variante E.85 Zahlreiche 88 Metzner-Nebelsick 2002, 6263, Abb. 14.
39
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Fu- und Armringe, Lanzenspitzen und Helmteile Rippenzier im arkadenfrmigen Feld aus dem
gefunden. Ein Teil des Hortfundes, einschlielich das ostserbischen Depot Leskovo zu erwhnen. Dieser
Tllenbeil der Variante F, befindet sich im Musuem in Fund datiert in den dritten Hortfundhorizont Serbiens
Timioara, whrend der Rest im Musuem in Vr{ac auf- (Ha A2 Ha B1).99
bewahrt wird. Lnge: 10,8 cm. Museul regional al Angesichts der verhltnismig geringen Zahl der
Banatului Timioara (1488).89 Vergleichsfunde aus Siebenbrgen stellt sich die Frage,
2. Futog, Gde. Novi Sad, Ba~ka. Tllenbeil aus ob diese Form tatschlich aus diesem Raum stammt,
einem Depot, entdeckt im Jahr 1913. Im Hort wurden wie von den meisten Autoren angenommen. Die gleiche
insgesamt 193 Bronzegegenstnde verzeichnet, darunter Anzahl der rumnischen und serbischen Funde deutet
auch ein Tllenbeil vom Typ Oknia sowie mehrere eher darauf hin, dass es sich um eine regionale Variante
Exemplare der siebenbrgischen Varianten A und B nach handelt, die zwischen Donau im Westen, Siebenbrgen
Rusu. Das Beil der hier umschriebenen Variante F im Osten und Brani~evo im Sden verbreitet ist (Karte 3).
besitzt zwei bogenfrmige Seitenrippen, die zusammen
einen Lappendekor ergeben (T. III/2). Lnge: 10,9 cm. Variante G
Muzej Vojvodine Novi Sad (inv. 3303).90 Das wesentliche Merkmal der Variante G sind
3. Klenje, Gde. Golubac, Nordostserbien Brani- mehrfache arkadenfrmige Rippen um den Schneiden-
~evo. Das Tllenbeil stammt aus einem 1982 teil. Der Tllenrand mit der vertikalen se ist durch
entdeckten Depot mit 129 Objekten, darunter auch ein Wulstverstrkungen und Rippen profiliert. ber dem
weiteres Beil der gleichen Variante sowie hnliche oberen senende und auf der gegenberliegenden
Exemplare mit einer trapezfrmigen Facettierung auf Tllenmundseite lassen sich kleine, zipfelfrmige Ver-
dem Beilkrper. Das Beil aus Klenje ist, wie das Stck strkungen erkennen. Das Beil aus @agubica ist
aus Futog, ebenfalls mit seitlichen Bogenrippen in Form zustzlich mit einem tropfenfrmigen Ornament inner-
eines Lappens versehen (T. III/3). Lnge: 9,8 cm. halb der des arkadenfrmigen Feldes verziert. Beide
Narodni Muzej Po`arevac (inv. 1008).91 bislang bekannte Exemplare der Variante G haben nahezu
4. Klenje, Gde. Golubac, Nordostserbien Brani- identische Konturen mit einem profilierten Tllen-
~evo. Aus dem Hort mit 129 Bronzeobjekten (s. o). Das rand, gerade abfallenden Seiten im Mittelteil und einer
Tllenbeil ist etwas kleiner als der andere Vertreter der fcherfrmigen Schneide. Die Tatsache, dass die beiden
Variante F und besitzt keine bogenfrmige Seitenrippen Beile nicht nur eine sehr hnliche Kontur, sondern auch
(T. III/4). Lnge: 8 cm. Narodni Muzej Po`arevac (inv. fast identische Lnge aufweisen, spricht fr die Um-
1007).92 schreibung einer eigenstndigen Variante.
Beile der Variante F stammen aus den Depotfunden, 1. Banatski Karlovci, Gde. Vr{ac, Banat. Tllen-
die bei ihrer Verffentlichung in die Zeit Bz D Ha A1 beil aus dem 1896 entdeckten Hort (siehe oben) (T. III/5).
datiert wurden.93 Abweichend davon haben R. Ra{ajski Lnge 10,8 cm. Narodni Muzej Vr{ac (inv. 926).100
und M. Gara{nin die Funde aus Banatski Karlovci und 2. @agubica, Gde. @agubica, Nordostserbien
Futog etwas jnger eingestuft und in die Zeit der Stufe Brani~evo. Angeblich stammt das Tllenbeil aus einem
Ha A2 datiert.94
Bei der Auflistung der Vergleichfunde fr Tllen-
beile aus Klenj und Futog wurden einige Funde aus 89 Ra{ajski 1975a, T. 72/5
Nordostungarn und Siebenbrgen angefhrt, die 90 Bori} 1997, T. 4/40.
entweder gar kein arkadenfrmiges Feld oder einen 91 Jacanovi} 1986, T. I/7.
nicht profilierten Tllenrandbereich aufweisen.95 Viel 92 Ibid. 1986, T. I/6.
nher der Variante F stehen die Beile aus sieben- 93 Vasi} 1982, 268; Jacanovi} 1986, 171; Bori} 1997, 71.
brgischen Depots Taut96, Criana I97 i Bdeni98, die 94 M. Gara{anin 1973, 431; Ibid. 1983, 685; Ra{ajski 1975a,
eine Zeit zwischen Ha A1 (Taut ) und Ha A2 Ha B1 90.
95 Jacanovi} 1986, 168; Bori} 1997, 64. Vergleiche Petrescu
(Criana I i Bdeni) umspannen.
Dmbovia 1977, Pl. 101/115; 148/9; 193/10.
Folglich ist anzunehmen, dass die Tllenbeile der 96 PetrescuDmbovia 1978, Taf. 159A/1.
Variante F sptestens in der Stufe Ha A1 auftauchen 97 PetrescuDmbovia 1977, Pl. 288/6.
(Funde aus Futog und Banatski Karlovci) und offen- 98 Ibid., Pl. 299/12.
sichtlich mindestens bis Ha A2 fortdauern. In diesem 99 Todorovi} 1975, T. 71/3; Vasi} 1982, 268.
Zusammenhang ist noch ein Beil mit sehr hnlicher 100 Holste 1951, T. 17/15; Ra{ajski 1975a, T. 76/4.
40
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Karte 3.
1) Banatski Karlovci; 2) Futog;
34) Klenje; 5) Banatski Karlovci;
6) @agubica
Karta 3.
1) Banatski Karlovci; 2) Futog;
34) Klewe; 5) Banatski Karlovci;
6) @agubica
Hortfund, der in Suvi Do-Ponikve zu Tage kam. Die lassen sich bei dem nordbulgarischen Typ Pelovo (mit
brigen Objekte aus dem Depot sind nicht auffindbar. und ohne se) finden. Typ Pelovo erscheint haupt-
Die se des Beiles ist abgebrochen und die Schneide schlich in den Horten des zweiten Horizonts (Ha A1)
ist ebenfalls beschdigt (T. III/6). Lnge: 11,1 cm. mit vereinzelten jngeren Funden (Ha A2 Ha B1).102
Narodni Muzej Po`arevac (inv. 856). Es ist allerdings zu beachten, dass sich die Beile der
Bei der Vorlage des Depots aus Banatski Karlovci Variante F hinsichtlich der Grundform und Lnge
datierte Ra{ajski diesen Fund in die Stufe Ha A2. deutlich unterscheiden. Typ Pelovo umfasst nmlich
Dabei sttzte er sich auf die Datierung der Tllenbeile fast nur kleinere Beile mit einer Lnge zwischen 7 und
der siebenbrgischen Varianten B und C nach Rusu. 9 cm. Eine hnliche Zier wie der Variante F ist auch
Das Beil der hier umschriebenen Variante G (T. III/5) auf einem nur zur Hlfte erhaltenen Tllenbeil aus
wurde bei Ra{ajski als eine Sonderform der sieben- dem Depotfund Guteria II (Horizont Susueni Ha
brgischen Variante C bezeichnet. R. Vasic hingegen A1) in Siebenbrgen zu verzeichnen.103
datiert den Fund aus Banatski Karlovci in den ersten
Horizont der serbischen Hortfunde (Bz D).101 Ausschlag-
gebend war dabei ein groer, fr die entwickelte Mittel-
bronzezeit typischer, Armring mit Spirallenden. 101 Vasi} 1982, 274.
Gute Parallelen im Hinblick auf die Ornamentierung 102 Derga~ev 2011, 86, Sl 45.
der Beile mit mehrfachen arkadenfrmigen Rippen 103 PetrescuDmbovia 1978, Taf. 105/58.
41
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Unter den sonstigen Tllenbeilen aus Banatski Kar- Ausbreitung der Gruppe Belegi{ II Gava
lovci lassen sich tatschlich einige Formen erkennen, die im Raum Zentralbalkans
vor allem fr den ersten Hortfundhorizont (Bz D) in Im sdlichen und stlichen Banat wurden bislang
Siebenbrgen charakteristisch sind,104 aber auch solche 23 Fundstellen (Nekropolen und Siedlungspltze) der
Exemplare, die den zweiten Horizont bzw. die Zeit der Belegi{ II Gava Gruppe sowie 22 Hortfunde mit ber
Stufe Ha A1 reprsentieren.105 Folgt man der Regel, dass 1000 Bronzeobjekten aus der gleichen Periode (Ha A1)
geschlossene Funde immer nach dem jngsten Objekt registriert.113 In seiner Studie ber den Gava-Komplex
zu datieren sind, ist die Variante F chronologisch in die hat Lj. Bukvic fr den gesamten Banat 67 Fundstellen
Zeit der Stufe Ha A1 einzuordnen. und 34 Depotfunde aufgelistet.114 Im benachbarten
Beide Funde aus Serbien stammen aus dem stlichen syrmischen Raum ist die Zahl nicht wesentlich geringer.
Teil des Landes, einmal nrdlich und einmal sdlich der Insgesamt wurden dort bisher 51 Fundpltze der Belegi{
Donau (Karte 3). Sie lassen sich demnach vermutlich II Gava Gruppe festgestellt. Das typische Fund-
mit dem ostbalkanischen oder siebenbrgischen Tllen- material (kannelierte Keramik) fand sich noch in 13
beilkreis in Verbindung bringen, worauf auch die weiteren Siedlungen der sog. Bosut-Gruppe in
meisten Vergleichsfunde hinweisen. Syrmien.115 Die Fundstellen konzentrieren sich meis-
tens entlang der greren Flusslufe und im Gebiet
bergangsperiode zwischen der Bronze- von Fru{ka Gora. Im Norden Vojvodinas (Ba~ka)
und Eisenzeit im serbischen Donauraum scheint vor allem der Einzugsgebiet von Tami{ zum
und im Moravatal (Pomoravlje) bevorzugten Siedlungsraum zu gehren.116 Whrend
Die bergangsprozesse zwischen der Bronze- und man bei den Nekropolen im Hinblick auf die
Eisenzeit im Zentralbalkan lassen sich nur schwer Topographie bislang keinen Unterschied feststellen
durch das Prisma der mitteleuropischen Entwicklung kann, scheinen sich die Siedlungen der in der
erklren. Entscheidend bei dieser Transformation sind Forschung zusammengelegten Gruppen Gava und
vielfltige lokale, in der bronzezeitlichen Tradition Belegi{ doch voneinander abzusetzen.117 Eine Aus-
verwurzelte, Gruppen106 sowie das im Verhltnis zu nahme bilden lediglich die groen Tellsiedlungen wie
Mitteleuropa frher aufkommendes Eisen.107 Die Stufen Gomolava und Feudvar. Insgesamt kann man fr den
der lteren Urnenfelderzeit mit vielen Depotfunden Raum Vojvodinas whrend der Belegi{ II Gava
wurden jedoch auch in Serbien, vor allem in den Arbeiten Phase an der Donau eine Grenze erkennen mit strker
R. Vasi}s, als Sptbronzezeit aufgefasst.108 ausgeprgten mittelbronzezeitlichen Traditionen in
Die ersten urnenfelderzeitlichen Funde im ser- den Siedlungen sdlich des Flusses, whrend im
bischen Donauraum sind die Grberfelder und Sied- Norden die lteren Elemente offenbar nicht berliefert
lungen der Gruppe Belegi{ in der Vojvodina und das wurden.118
Auftreten des Gava-Komplexes in der Zone um das
Eiserne Tor (Karte 4).109
Nach N. Tasi} kann der Verbreitungsweg des
Gava-Komplexes bis in den serbischen Donauraum 104 Ra{ajski 1975a, T. 77/4.6; vergleiche Rusu 1966, Varijante
A5 i B3.
nicht genau skizziert werden, da hnliche Funde 105 Ra{ajski 1975a, T. 77/78; vergleiche Rusu 1966, Varijante
sowohl im Norden als auch im Sden bzw. im Raum B4 i B5.
der Flsse Morava i Ni{ava festzustellen sind.110 In 106 Gara{anin 1973, 403.
seiner Studie ber die Schalen mit einziehendem und 107 Vasi} 1982a, 1.
tordiertem Rand zeigte jedoch A. Bulatovi}, dass diese 108 Vasi} 1982a, 1.
typische Gefform sich von der Slowakei ber den 109 Tasi} 1983, 106.
110 Ibid., 104.
Karpatenbecken bis ins Moravatal und weiter sdlich
bis Makedonien in unterschiedlichen Etappen ver-
111 Bulatovi} 2010.
112 Gara{anin 1973, 409.
breitet hat.111 M. Gara{anin bezeichnete wiederum die 113 Uzelac 1996, 3536, Map 7.
gesamte urnenfelderzeitliche Periode provisorisch als 114 Bukvi} 2000, 102103, Karta 3/4.
Vojvodinische Gruppe der bergangsperiode, da 115 Popovi} 1994a, Karta 1/2.
man bis dahin weder verlssliche stratigraphische 116 Popovi} 1994a, Karta 1/2.
Kontexte noch ausgedehnte und aufgearbeitete Grber- 117 Bukvi} 2000, 96.
felder kannte.112 118 Medovi} 1994, 46.
42
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Karte 4.
Sptbronzezeitliche Gruppen
in Serbien und Zentren der
Erzverarbeitung
Karta 4.
Grupe kasnog bronzanog doba
u Srbiji i metalur{ki centri
u praistoriji
Im Raum um das Eiserne Tor sind auf den beiden mit Sicherheit ein besseres und vollstndigeres Bild
Seiten der Donau mehrere Siedlungen und Nekropolen der Zeit zwischen Ha A und Ha B fr die Region
mit charakteristischer Keramik der Belegi{ II Gava Ostserbiens darbieten. In diesem Zusammenhang sind
Gruppe registriert. Aufgrund einiger spezifischen Merk- noch vereinzelte Fragmente der schwarzen kannelierten
male der Keramik und Metallbeigaben aus den Brand- Keramik aus Ku~ajno bei Bor zu erwhnen.123
bestattungen, haben M. Jevti} und M. Vukmanovi} diese Weiter nach Sden lsst sich die kannelierte
Fundstellen als Gruppe Mala VrbicaHinovaBalta Keramik in erster Linie entlang der Flusses Velika
Verde zusammengefasst und ins 11. und frhe 10 Jh. v. Morava verfolgen, der in allen Perioden die Haupt-
Chr. datiert.119 Die wichtigsten Fundpltze auf der ser-
bischen Donauseite sind Mala VrbicaLivade120, Vajuga
Korobovo121 und VajugaPesak122. Im serbischen
Hinterland des Eisernen Tores knnen diesem Zeitraum 119 Jevti}, Vukmanovi} 1996, Map 3.
noch einige Bronzefunde (Nadeln, Messer) aus Zlotska 120 Vukmanovi}, Popovi} 1986.
Pe}ina zugeschrieben werden. Die noch ausstehende 121 Krsti} 1986.
Aufarbeitung und Prsentation des umfangreichen 122 Popovi}, Vukmanovi}, Radoj~i} 1986; Radoj~i} 1986.
Keramikmaterials aus diesem Hhlenfundplatz wird 123 Jevti} 2004, 141.
43
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
kommunikation durch den Zentralbalkan darstellte Hhensiedlung Hisar in Leskovac mit Siedlungsphasen
(Karte 4). Am Mittellauf der Velika Morava hat M. der spten Bronze- und frhen Eisenzeit. Bezeichnend
Stoji} 99 Siedlungspltze, 8 Nekropolen sowie 14 fr die jngere, frheisenzeitliche Phase sind die Funde
Einzelfunde (Tllenbeile und Meiel, Nadeln) und 1 der P{eni~evo-Gruppe. Aus Hisar stammen auch einige
Sammelfund aus der Zeit der Stufen Ha A und Ha B Bronzefunde, einschlielich ein Tllenbeil der Variante
aufgelistet.124 Die Grozahl der hier prsentierten E (T. II/7) sowie eine Gussform fr ein weiteres Tllen-
Tllenbeile aus Zentralserbien stammt ebenfalls aus beil.135 In der Region um die Stadt Vranje, im uersten
dieser Region.125 Die Fundkontexte sind jedoch meis- Sden Serbiens, hat A. Bulatovi} deutliche Unter-
tens nicht bekannt, weswegen die Beile vor allem als schiede in der Topographie der Pltze mit kannelierter
Zufallsfunde in die Museen kamen. Bei den Siedlungen Keramik und der alten, bronzezeitlichen Siedlungen
lsst sich nach Stoji} vor der Phase mit der kannelierten feststellen knnen.136 Wichtig fr diese Mikroregion
Keramik ein deutlicher Hiatus feststellen, der auf eine ist die befestigte Hhensiedlung Svinji{te in der u. a.
schwache Besiedlung hinweist. Die ersten Siedlung- zusammen mit der kannelierter Ware ein Tllenbeil der
spltze mit kannelierter Keramik befinden sich vor- Variante A gefunden wurde.137 Mit Hisar und Svinji{te
wiegend auf strategisch gut positionierten Stellen in liegen demnach fr Raum Sdserbiens zwei Tllen-
den Mndungsgebieten der kleineren Flsse in die beile aus einem Siedlungskontext vor.
Velika Morava, whrend etwas spter offensichtlich ber die bergangsperiode in Kosovo ist wenig
auch die Tler der Nebenflsse besiedelt wurden. Die bekannt. Reprsentativ sind nach wie vor die promi-
wichtigsten Siedlungen im Zusammenflussgebiet der nenten Nekropolen Donja Brnjica138, Gra{tica und
Zapadna und Ju`na Morava (vgl. Karten 23) sind Ulpijani139 sowie die Siedlungen Lju{ta i Gladnice.
Gologlava, Kru{evac i Konopljara.126 Die Einflsse
der Gruppen mit der kannelierten Keramik und Urnen-
bestattungen in Zentralserbien lassen sich auch in der BRONZEZEITLICHE METALLURGIE
Brandgrbernekropole ^itluk deutlich erkennen.127
Im Raum Westserbiens sind die Funde, die im Die Funde aus Kastanas und Troja140 weisen darauf
weiteren Sinne mit der Urnenfelderkultur zu verbinden hin, dass die kannelierte Keramik bis in den gischen
sind, nur sporadisch vertreten. Dennoch gibt es einige Raum entweder direkt durch die Anwesenheit der
Fundkomplexe, die auf einen Kontakt oder Austausch Bevlkerungselemente oder indirekt durch den Kontakt
hindeuten. Es handelt sich um einen Sammelfund aus mit den nrdlichen Regionen vermittelt wurde.
Konju{a (wahrscheinlich Grab)128, einen Tumuls in Vergleichbar gut erforschte Siedlungen aus dem Raum
Aluge bei U`ice und die befestigte Siedlung Likodra Zentralbalkans sind bislang nicht bekannt, so dass man
bei Krupanj.129 Gut erkennbar ist vor allem die ber die konomischen und sozialen Verhltnisse der
schwarze, polierte Keramikware aus Likodra, die besten
Vergleiche in den Urnengrber der Gruppe Belegi{ II
Gava besitzt130. Trotz der Tatsache, dass dies bislang
124 Stoji} 1986, 27.
der einzige Siedlungsplatz in Westserbien mit solcher
125 Ibid., 56.
Keramik ist, sind die deutlichen Beziehungen West- 126 Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006, 34.
serbiens mit dem Becken der Velika Morava nicht zu 127 Ibid.
bestreiten.131 128 Gara{anin 1973, 435438; Idem, T. CVIII.
In Sdserbien wurden die meisten fr Belegi{ II 129 Gara{anin 1983a, 779.
Gava typischen Funde in dem Siedlungsraum um die 130 Dmitrovi}, Lju{tina 2013, 159.
131
Mndung des Flusses Ni{ava in die Ju`na Morava mit Ibid.
bislang 36 bekannten Fundstellen festgestellt.132 An 132 Stoji}, Joci} 2006, 4445.
133 Gara{anin 1996, 211, 213.
besten erforscht ist Medijana bei Ni{ka Banja. Die Funde
134 Bulatovi}, Jovi} 2010, 45.
der Gava Gruppe (kannelierte Keramik und urnen- 135 Stoji} 2011, 17, Sl. 25/25.
frmige Gefe) sind nach M. Gara{anin vor allem fr 136 Bulatovi} 2007, 40/41.
den Horizont Medijana II charakteristisch.133 In dem 137 Bulatovi}, Kapuran 2007; Stoji} 2011.
benachbarten Becken um die Stadt Leskovac konnten 138 Gara{anin 1983b, 775.
noch 24 weitere Fundstellen mit vergleichbarer Keramik 139 Quci 1998, 134, 136, 138.
identifiziert werden.134 Hervorzuheben ist die befestigte 140 Stefanovich 1973; Hnsel 1982, 34.
44
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Gruppen mit charakteristischer kannelierter Ware und vermutlich mehr Informationen ber die Art und Weise
dem Brandbestattungsritus derzeit nur spekulieren kann. der Metallverarbeitung bringen und womglich den
Im Zusammenhang mit der groen Zahl der Depot- Zusammenhang mit der nahe liegenden Nekropolen in
funde und einer offensichtlich intensiven Bronze- Trnjane und bei Borsko Jezero besttigen.
produktion, stellt sich jedoch die Frage, inwiefern man Die genannten Beispiele zeigen deutlich, dass die
die sptbronzezeitlichen Gruppen mit den zahlreichen Tradition der Kupfererzverarbeitung im nordstlichen
Kupferlagersttten Serbiens bzw. deren Abbau in Ver- und sdwestlichen Serbien sowie in [umadija (Zentral-
bindung bringen kann. Viele von diesen Lagersttten serbien) noch vor dem Auftauchen der Gruppen mit der
waren bereits Jahrtausende zuvor bekannt und abge- kannelierten Keramik zurckreicht. Die Tllenbeil-
baut. Das bekannteste Bespiel ist Dnevni Kop in gussformen aus Boljetin151, Planinica bei Zaje~ar,
Rudna Glava bei Majdenpek mit 40 vorgeschichtlichen Medijana bei Ni{152, Hisar 153, Klinovac bei Vranje154
Stollen und Funden der Vin~a Kultur.141 Die natur- und aus Ra{ka bei Novi Pazar weisen darauf hin, dass
wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen haben darauf die lokale Metallverarbeitung auch in der Zeit der
hingewiesen, dass bei der Herstellung kupferzeitlicher Stufen Ha A und Ha B mit Sicherheit weiter betrieben
Objekte aus der Region sehr wahrscheinlich das Erz wurde.
aus den Lagersttten im Hinterland des Eisernen Tores
(Bor Majdanpek) verwendet wurde.142
Durch die Erforschung der letzten Jahrzehnte in den SCHLUSSWORT
erzreichen Regionen im sdwestlichen, nordstlichen
und zentralen Teil Serbiens, konnten auch einige neue Bezeichnend fr die bergangsperiode in Serbien ist
Erkenntnisse zur prhistorischen Metallurgie gewon- die groe Zahl der Depotfunde und die Ausbreitung der
nen werden. Erzverarbeitende Aktivitten whrend der verschiedenen Gruppen mit kannelierter Keramik, die
Zeitspanne zwischen der Kupferzeit und der Sptbronze- zusammenfassend als Belegi{ II Gava Komplex
zeit sind in den Fundstellen um die Stadt Bor wie z. B. bezeichnet werden. Es ist zu vermuten, dass diese zwei
Praurije (Majdanpek)143, in Zentralserbien in Prlju{a Phnomene mit verstrkten metallurgischen Aktivi-
Mali [turac bei Rudnik144 sowie in Jarmovac bei tten in den erzreichen Regionen in einen Zusammen-
Priboj145 im Sdwesten des Landes zu verzeichnen hang zu bringen sind. Die Existenz einer lokalen Metal-
(Karte 4). Zu nennen ist noch die Fundstelle Ravni lurgie wird u. a. durch die Gussformen und insbesondere
Kopaonik Suvo Rudi{te in Zentralserbien, wo man durch viele Formen mit einem kleinen Verbreitungs-
die Metallproduktion aufgrund der dort gefundenen radius (z. B. in dieser Arbeit umschriebene Tllenbeil-
Gertschaften annehmen kann.146 varianten) bekrftigt. Es bleibt zu hoffen, dass die
Einen guten Einblick in die Struktur einer primr
auf der Erz- und Metallverarbeitung basierenden
Gemeinschaft bieten die Untersuchungen um die Ort-
schaft Trnjane bei Brestova~ka Banja (Bor) im Hinter-
land des Eisernen Tores.147 Bei der Fundstelle Trnjane 141 Jovanovi} 1971; Idem 1984; Bori} 2009.
142 Krajnovi} at all 1995; Begemann et al. 1995.
handelt es sich um einen Siedlungsplatz und die
143 Jovanovi} 1995;
dazugehrige Brandnekropole, die man der sog. Para}in
144 Jovanovi}, Mini}, Mrkobrad 1987; Jovanovi} 1988;
-Gruppe des spten 2. Jahrtausends v. Chr. zuschreiben
Bogosavqevi} 1989; Idem 2005; Antonovi}, Vukadinovi} 2012.
kann. Einen hohen Stellenwert der Erzverarbeitung 145 Daevies 1937; Bogosavqevi} 1989; Idem 2005; Deriko-
unterstreicht die Schlacke aus den Urnen in der wi} 2005.
Nekropole.148 Vergleichbare Grabbeigaben (Schlacke) 146 Bogosavqevi} 1989.
147 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 19871990; Idem 1996; Srejovi},
wurden auch im benachbarten Brandgrberfeld bei
Borsko Jezero festgestellt.149 Eine weitere Pro- Lazi} 1997.
148 Krajnovi} at all 1995; Kapuran, Miladinovi} 2011.
duktionssttte in dieser Region wurde vor kurzem in 149 Jankovi} et al. 1980, Fig. 11.
Ru`ane beim heutigen Dorf Banjsko Polje entdeckt.150 150 Kapuran, Jovanovi} 2013.
Die ltesten Funde aus Ru`ane stammen aus der 151 Jevti} 1982.
Sptbronzezeit, die Metallverarbeitung setzte sich 152 Gara{anin 1983, T. CVII/2
jedoch offenbar auch in der Eisenzeit und in der Antike 153 Stoji} 2011, Sl. 25.
fort. Die zuknftigen Analysen der Schlacke werden 154 Bulatovi} 2003.
45
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
rezenten Entdeckung der Kupferlagersttten und Pro- mit den Lagersttten knnen einen wichtigen Beitrag zur
duktionssttten auch eine entsprechende Intensivierung Argumentation ber die Verwendung der einheimischen
der archometallurgischen Analysen initiieren. Die Erzquellen leisten. Bis dahin bleibt es die bekannten
Erschaffung einer Datenbank mit der chemischen Bronzeformen lediglich stilistisch-typologisch zu ver-
Signatur der lokalen Formen, insbesondere im Hinblick gleichen und in einen chronologisch rumlichen
auf Kupfer und Zinn, sowie anschlieende Vergleiche Zusammenhang zu bringen.
46
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
LITERATURVERZEICHNIS:
47
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Gara{anin 1996 M. Gara{anin, Die kulturelle und Jovanovi} 1982 B. Jovanovi}, Rudna Glava, naj-
chronologishe stellung der Mediana-Gruppe, in N. Tasi} starije rudarstvo na podru~ju centralnog Balkana, Mu-
(ed.) The Yugoslav Danube Basin and the Neighbouring zej rudarstva i metalurgije u Boru i Arheolo{ki institut u
regions in the 2nd Millennium, SANU and Institute for Beogradu, Beograd 1982.
Balkan Studies, BelgradeVr{ac 1996, 201218. Jovanovi} 1988 B. Jovanovi}, Prqu{aMali
Hnsel 1976 B. Hnsel, Beitrge zur regionalen [turac, praistorijski rudnik bakra i gorskog kri-
und chronologischen Gliederung der lteren Hallstattzeit stala na Rudniku, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja
an der unteren Donau, Beitrge zur ur- und frhgeschicht- XVIII, 1988, 512.
lichen Archologie des Mittelmeer-Kulturraumes, Bonn Jovanovi} 1995 B. Jovanovi}, Continuity of the
1976, 1617. Praehistoric Minning in the Central Balkans, in B. Jova-
Hnsel 1982 B. Hnsel, Sudosteuropa zwischen novi} (ed.) Ancient minning and metalurgy in southeast
1600 und 1000 v. Chr., in B. Hnsel (ed.) Sdosteuropa Europe, International symposium in Bor, BorBelgrade
zwishen 1600 und 1000 v. Chr., Moreland editions-Band 1995, 2938.
Bramstedt, Berlin 1982, 138. Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 19871990 B. Jovanovi}, I.
Holste 1951 F. Holste, Hortfunde Sdosteuropas, Jankovi}, Nekropola para}inske grupe u Trnjanima kod
Marburg/Lahn 1951. Brestova~ke banje, Zbornik radova muzeja rudarstva i
Jankovi} et al. 1980 S. Jankovi}, M. Terzi}, S. metalurgije u Boru 5/6, 19871990, 120.
Karameta, T. Spaspv, M. Jovanovi}, M. Mili~i}, V. Mi{- Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 1996 B. Jovanovi}, I. Jan-
kovi}, A. Grubi}, I. Antonijevi}, Metallogenic features kovi}, Die Keramik der Nekropole der Para}in Kultur
of copper deposits in the Volcano-Intrisive complexes Trnjane bei Bor, in N. Tasi} (ed)., The Yugoslav Danube
of the Bor District, Yugoslavia, in S. Jankovi} and R. H. basin and the neighbouring regions in the 2nd Millenium
Sillitoe (eds.) European Copper Deposits, Society for B. C., International symposium in Vr{ac 1995, SANU
Geology Applied to Mineral Deposits, UNESCOIGCP Institute for Blakan studes, Beograd 1996, 185200.
Projects Nos 169 and 60, Copper Minning, Smelting and Jovanovi}, Mini}, Mrkobrad 1987 B. Jova-
Refining Corporation Bor, Department of Economic novi}, D. Mini}, D. Mrkobrad, Spomenici starog
Geology, Faculty of Minning and Geology Belgrade rudarstva i metalurgije na Rudniku, GSAD 4, 1987,
University, Belgrade 1980, 4248. 4755.
Jacanovi} 1986 D. Jacanovi}, Praistorijska Kapuran, Jovanovi} 2013 A. Kapuran, I. Jova-
ostava iz Klewa, Starinar XXXVII, 1986, 153173. novi}, Ru`ana new Bronze Age Metallurgical Center
Jacanovi}, Radoj~i} 2003 D. Jacanovi}, H. in North Eastern Serbia, in N. [trbac, D. @ivkovi} and
Radoj~i}, Praistorijska ostava metalnih predmeta S. Nestorovi} (eds.), Poroceedings of 45th International
iz sela [etowe kod Petrovca na Mlavi, Viminacivm October Conference on Mining and Metallurgy, 1619
1314, 2003, 745. October on Bor Lake, University of Belgrade, Technical
Jevti} 1982 M. Jevti}, praistorijsko naseqe Faculty in Bor and Mining and Metallurgical Institute
kod Boqetina, Starinar XXXII, 1982, 1930. in Bor, Bor 2013, 831834.
Jevti} 2004 M. Jevti}, Gvozdeno doba u Kapuran, Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011
okolini Bora, u M. Lazi} (ur.) Bor i okolina u A. Kapuran, N. Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, Nekro-
praistoriji, antici i sredwem veku, Muzej pola na Borskom jezeru, Novi prilozi o sahrawiva-
rudarstva i metalurgije u Boru i Centar za arheo- wu u bronzanom dobu, Starinar LXI, 2011, 114153.
lo{ka istra`ivawa Filozofskog fakulteta, Kondi} (ur.) 1992 V. Kondi} (ur.), Praisto-
BorBeograd 2004, 127164. rijski metal Pomoravqa, Arheolo{ki institut,
Jevti}, Vukmanovi} 1996 M. Jevti}, M. Vukma- Beograd 1992.
novi}, Late Bronze and Early Iron Age in the Danube Krajnovi} at all 1995 D. Krajnovi}, B. Jankovi},
Valley, in N. Tasi} (ed.) The Yugoslav Danube Basin and B. Jovanovi}, I. B. lorenz, M. K. Pavi}evi} and G. A.
the Neighbouring regions in the 2nd Millennium, SANU Wagner, in B. Jovanovi} (ed.) Ancient minning and me-
and Institute for Balkan Studies, BelgradeVr{ac 1996, talurgy in southeast Europe, International symposium
283291. in Bor, BorBelgrade 1995, 5967.
Jovanovi} 1971 B. Jovanovi}, Metalurgija ene- Krsti} 1986 D. Krsti}, VajugaKorbovo, Compte-
olitskog perioda Jugoslavije, Arheolo{ki institut, Beo- rendu des fouilles excutes en 1981, \erdapske sveske
grad 1971. III, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd 1986, 148167.
48
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Knig 2004 P. Knig, Sptbronzezeitliche Hort- Popovi}, Vukmanovi}, Radoj~i} 1986 P. Popovi},
funde aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina, Prhistorische M. Vukmanovi}, N. Radoj~i}, Fouilles de sondage sur la
Bronzefunde (PBF) XX, Band 11, 2004. localite VajugaPesak, \erdapske sveske III, Arheolo{ki
Lalovi} 1975 A. Lalovi}, Praistorijske institut, Beograd 1986, 168183.
ostave iz Narodnog Muzeja u Zaje~aru Starinar Radi{i} 1958 R. Radi{i}, Bronzani nalaz iz Se~nja,
XXVI, 1975, 143149. PMB 1213, Novi Sad 1958, 115122.
Quci 1998 K. Quci, Bronzano doba, u N. Radoj~i}, N. 1986 N. Radoj~i}, Les Fouilles du
Tasi} (ur.) Arheolo{ko blago Kosova i Metohije, od site Pesak a Korbovo en 1981, \erdapske sveske III,
neolita do ranog sredweg veka, SANU i Muzej u Beograd 1986, 133142.
Pri{tini 1998, 116147. Ra{ajski 1975 R. Ra{ajski, Ostava Mesi}
Marinkovi} 1991 S. Marinkovi}, Bronzana [upaja kod Vr{ca, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji
ostava iz Se~wa III, RVM 33, Novi Sad 1991, 1722. i Vojvodini I, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti,
Mayer 1977 E- F. Mayer, Die xte und Beile in Beograd 1975, 6368.
sterreich, Prhistorische Bronzefunde (PBF) IX, Ra{ajski 1975a R. Ra{ajski, Ostava iz Banat-
Band 9, 1977. skih Karlovaca, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji i
Medovi} 1994 P. Medovi}, Geneza kultura Vojvodini I, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti,
starijeg gvozdenog doba u Jugoslovenskom podunavqu, Beograd 1975, 8690.
u N. Tasi} (ur.) Kulture gvozdenog doba Jugosloven- Rusu 1966 M. Rusu, Depozitul de bronzuri de la
skog podunavqa, Balkanolo{ki institut SANU i Bala, Sargetia 4, 1966, 1740.
Gradski muzej u Somboru, Beograd 1994, 4550. Srejovi} 1975 D. Srejovi}, Ostava iz Urovi-
Mani} 2010 A. Mani}, Praistorijska nalazi{ta u ce, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji i Vojvodini I,
gornjem Poni{avlju, Habilitacioni rad za muzejsko zva- Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd 1975,
nje, nepublikovan, 2010. 96100.
Medovi} 1994 P. Medovi}, Geneza kultura Srejovi} 1975a D. Srejovi}, Ostava iz Aluna,
starijeg gvozdenog doba u Jugoslovenskom podunavqu, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji i Vojvodini I, Srpska
u N. Tasi} (ur.) Kulture gvozdenog doba Jugosloven- akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd 1975, 9396.
skog podunavqa, Balkanolo{ki institut SANU i Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997 D. Srejovi}, M. Lazi},
Gradski muzej u Somboru, Beograd 1994, 4550. Naseqa i nekropole bronzanog doba u Timo~koj kra-
Metzner-Nebelsick 2002 C. Metzner-Nebelsick, jini, u M. Lazi} (ur.), Arheologija Isto~ne Srbije,
Der Thrako-Kimmersiche Formenkreis aus der Sicht Centar za arheolo{ka istra`ivawa Filozofskog
der Urnenfelder- und Hallstattzeit im sdstlichen fakulteta, Beograd 1997, 225244.
Pannonien. Vorgeschichtliche Forschungen 23, 2002. Stefanovich 1973 R. Stefanovich, Some Balkan
Novotn 1978 M. Novotn, Die xte und Beile in Elements in the Aegeian Migration, in M. Gara{anin, A.
der Slowakei, Prhistorische Bronzefunde (PBF) IX, Benac and N. Tasi} (eds.) Actes du VIIIe congres Inter-
Band 3, 1978. national des Sciences Prehistoriques et protohistoriques,
Petrescu-Dmbovia 1977 M. Petrescu-Dmbo- Beograd 1973, 148162.
via, Depozitele de bronzuri din Romania, 1977. Stoji} 1986 M. Stoji}, Gvozdeno doba u basenu
Petrescu-Dmbovia 1978 M. Petrescu-Dmbo- Velike Morave, Centra za arheolo{ka istra`ivanja Filozof-
via, Die Sicheln in Rumnien mit Corpus der jung und skog fakulteta u Beogradu, BeogradSvetozarevo 1986.
sptbronzezeitlicher Horte Rumniens, Prhistorische Stoji} 2003 M. Stoji}, Veliki Vetren, Arheolo{ki
Bronzefunde (PBF), XVIII, Band 1, 1978. institut, Beograd 2003.
Popovi} 1994 D. Popovi}, Ostava iz Dobri- Stoji} 2011 M. Stoji}, Odnos sredweg Podu-
naca, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji i Vojvodini II, navqa i basena ju`ne Morave u gvozdeno doba I
Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd 1994, (pribli`no 13501100. Godine pre n. e.) na osnovu
825. metalnih nalaza sa lokaliteta Hisar u leskovcu,
Popovi} 1994a D. Popovi}, Novi nalazi sta- Leskova~ki zbornik LI, 2011, 930.
rijeg gvozdenog doba u Sremu, u N. Tasi} (ur.) Kultu- Stoji}, Joci} 2006 M. Stoji}, M. Joci}, Ni{,
re gvozdenog doba Jugoslovenskog podunavqa, Balkano- kulturna startigrafija praistorijskih lokalite-
lo{ki institut SANU i Gradski muzej u Somboru, ta u Ni{koj regiji, Arheolo{ki institut i Narodni
Beograd 1994, 6372. muzej u Ni{u, BeogradNi{ 2006.
49
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006 M. Stoji}, G. ^a|e- Danube Basin and the Neighbouring regions in the 2nd
novi}, Kru{evac, kulturna stratigrafija prais- Millennium, SANU and Institute for Balkan Studies,
torijskih lokaliteta u zoni sastava Zapadne i BelgradeVr{ac 1996, 2342.
Ju`ne Morave, Arheolo{ki institut i Narodni mu- Vasi} 1982 R. Vasi}, Sptbronzezeitliche und
zej u Kru{evcu, BeogradKru{evac 2006. lterhallstattzeitliche Hortfunde im stlichen Jugosla-
Tasi} 1983 N. Tasi}, Jugoslovensko Podunavqe wien. Sdosteuropa zwischen 1600 und 1000 v. Chr,
od Indoevropske seobe do prodora Skita, Matica Prhistorische Archologie in Sdosteuropa, Band 1,
Srpska i Balkanolo{ki institut, Beograd 1983. Berlin 1982, 267285.
Todorovi} 1956/1957 J. Todorovi}, Bronzana Vasi} 1982a R. Vasi}, O po~etku gvozdenog doba
ostava iz Vojilova, Strinar VIIVIII, 1956/1957, u Srbiji, Starinar XXXII, 1982, 17.
275278. Vinski-Gasparini 1973 K. Vinski-Gasparini, Kul-
Todorovi} 1975 J. Todorovi}, Bronzana osta- tura polja sa `arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, Zadar 1973.
va iz Leskova, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji i Vukmanovi}, Popovi} 1986 M. Vukmanovi}, P.
Vojvodini I, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Popovi}, Recherches archologiques sur la localit
Beograd 1975, 7879. Livade prs de Mala Vrbica. \erdapske sveske III,
Todorovi} 1975a J. Todorovi}, Bronzana osta- Beograd 1986, 713.
va iz Vojilova, Praistorijske ostave u Srbiji i Vukmanovi}, Radoj~i} 1995 M. Vukmanovi} i
Vojvodini I, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, N. Radoj~i}, Katalog metala II, Narodni muzej,
Beograd 1975, 7578. Beograd 1995.
Trbuhovi} 1960 V. Trbuhovi}, Iz praistori- Wanzek 1989 B. Wanzek, Die Gu{model fr
je doline Resave, Starinar HI, 1960, 181184. Tllenbeile im sdstlichen Europa, Universittsfor-
Uzelac 1996 J. Uzelac, Bronze Age in the South of schungen zur Prhistorischen Archologie (UPA) 2,
the Yugoslavian Banat, in N. Tasi} (ed.) The Yugoslav 1989.
50
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Tokom rada na sakupqawu gra|e za opse`nu publikaciju 1. Atenica (T. I/1). Du`ina: 10,6 cm. Muzej ^a~ak (A 61).
koja se bavi bronzanim sekirama na tlu Srbije, uo~eno je 2. Mali Izvor (T. I/2). Du`ina: 9 cm. Muzej Zaje~ar
nekoliko karakteristi~nih tipova i varijanti bronzanih (ib. 158).
sekira keltova sa specifi~nom, lokalno ograni~enom, 3. Nepoznato nalazi{te, Srbija (T. I/3). Du`ina: 8,4 cm.
prostornom redistribucijom (Karte 13). Ovom prilikom Narodni Muzej Beograd (ib. 7075).
}e biti detaqnije predstavqena grupa keltova koje odliku- 4. Sviwi{te (T. I/4). Du`ina: 7,7 cm. Muzej Vrawe.
je poja~ani ili, horizontalnim rebrom, profilisani obod,
i ~ije je se~ivo fasetirano u vidu arkade ili blago zaobqe- Bez u{ice
nog trougla. Mada je jedan deo nalaza prikazanih u ovom ra- Keltovi bez u{ice sa sli~nim zadebqanim zavr{etkom
du objavqen, jasna tipolo{ko-hronolo{ka kvalifikacija oboda i vertikalnim rebrima unutar arkadnog se~iva po-
ove vrste bronzanih sekira jo{ uvek nedostaje. znati su iz Bugarske, gde su opisani kao tip K10, odnosno
kao tip Vrbica A, Varijanta E.
Tipolo{ka podela 5. Pirot (T. I/6). Du`ina: 6 cm. Muzej Pirot (ib. 3).
Ako se posmatraju svi keltovi sa arkadno fasetiranim
se~ivom sa teritorije Srbije, mogu}e je definisati neko- Blisko varijanti A
liko osnovnih tipova, koji se, u ve}oj ili mawoj meri, po- Istaknuto zadebqawe na obodu i vertikalna rebra po-
dudaraju sa spomenutim nalazima, pre svega iz Rumunije i seduje i kelt iz ostave Se~aw III. Razliku od ostalih pri-
Bugarske. meraka varijante A predstavqaju dva, me|usobno blisko
Prvu ve}u grupu ~ine keltovi sa mawe ili vi{e izra- postavqena, horizontalna tanka rebra.
`enim zadebqawem oboda i bez dodatnih rebara ili ukra- 6. Se~aw III (T. I/5). Du`ina: 9 cm. Muzej Zrewanin
sa. Unutar ove grupe mogu se izdvojiti tri osnovna tipa, (ib. 2102).
koja su u dosada{wim radovima uglavnom dobro definisa-
na i iscrpno obra|ena, te ih ovde ne}emo detaqnije anali- Varijanta B
zirati. Radi se o slede}im tipovima: Varijantu B defini{u dva tipolo{ka obele`ja: obod
Keltovi bez u{ice sa trouglastim odnosno arkadnim sa dva horizontalna rebra i u{icom izlivenom upravo iz-
poqem na se~ivu. Tipi~ni predstavnici ovog tipa su kel- me|u ta dva poja~awa, i vertikalna rebra unutar arkadnog
tovi iz ostava Futog, [etowe (oba sa trouglastim poqem) poqa se~iva (Karta 1). Zadebqano gorwe rebro ujedno je i
ili Privina Glava, Dobrinci, Dubravica i Mali Izvor poja~awe ivice otvora.
(sa arkadnim poqem). 1. Gorwi Ra~nik (T. I/7). Du`ina: 10 cm. Muzej Jagodi-
Keltovi sa u{icom i sa trouglastim odnosno arkad- na (ib. 412).
nim poqem na se~ivu. Jedina su{tinska razlika u odnosu 2. Jagodina (T. I/8). Du`ina 12,2 cm. Muzej Jagodina.
na prethodne keltove je postojawe u{ice sa strane, ~iji se 3. Juhor (T. I/9). Du`ina 11,5 cm. Narodni Muzej Beo-
gorwi kraj gotovo uvek nastavqa na zadebqawe na obodu, te grad.
sporadi~na pojava nepravilnih i neujedna~enih ukrasa na
delu izme|u oboda i poqa se~iva. Varijanta C
Keltovi sa zadebqanim obodom i bademastim ukrasom Identi~an oblik oboda kao kod varijante B, sa dva ho-
na arkadnom poqu se~iva. rizontalna rebra i u{icom koja ih zatvara, poseduju i kel-
C6 po Rusu. tovi varijante C (Karta 2). Jedina zna~ajna razlika je nedo-
C7 po Rusu. statak vertikalnih rebara odnosno bilo kakvih dodatnih
ukrasa. Rebro na zavr{etku oboda je ne{to ja~e izra`eno
Varijanta A nego dowe rebro.
Prepoznatqive karakteristike ove varijante su prste- 1. Dvori{te, op{tina ]uprija (T. II/1). Du`ina: 9,6
nasto zadebqawe na rubu i vertikalna rebra unutar arkad- cm. Narodni Muzej Beograd (ib. 22821).
nog se~iva (Karta 1). Po~etak u{ice odnosno wen gorwi 2. Dowe [tipqe (T. II/2). Du`ina: 9,3 cm. Muzej Jago-
kraj izveden je iz zadebqawa na rubu. Dowi deo se~iva se dina (ib. 829).
kod svih primeraka pro{iruje i prelazi u lepezastu for- 3. Kopaonik (T. II/3). Du`ina: 10,5 cm. Narodni Muzej
mu. Sam rub se~ice je vi{e ili mawe zaobqen. Beograd (ib. 1685).
51
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
4. Sekuri} (T. II/4). Du`ina: 10 cm. Narodni Muzej Kra- u ju`noj Panoniji, s jedne strane, i Gava kompleksa u zoni
gujevac (ib. 3175). \erdapa, s druge (Karta 4). Tasi} smatra da za Gava kompleks
i daqe nije jasno da li je u Podunavqe do{ao sa severoza-
Varijanta D pada ili sa juga, odnosno Pomoravqa i Poni{avqa, mada je
Kao i dve prethodne varijante, keltovi varijante D ta- Bulatovi}, analizom pojave zdela sa uvu~enim i tordiranim
ko|e poseduju obod sa dva horizontalna rebra od kojih je obodom od mati~nih oblasti u Slova~koj, kroz Panoniju i
gorwe rebro, sme{teno na ivici otvora, nepravilno zade- Pomoravqe do Makedonije, odnosno, od wihove pojave u Br
bqano (Karta 2). Specifi~nost ove varijante su vertikal- D/Ha A1 pa do Ha BC, ukazao na mogu}nost obrnutog prav-
na rebra izme|u arkadnog poqa se~ice i horizontalnih re- ca kretawa. Zbog nedostatka sinteza kao i zbog odre|enih
bara na poja~anom obodu. Iako su dosada iz Srbije poznata nejasno}a u stratigrafiji vezanih za distribuciju naseqa
samo dva primerka ovog tipa, karakteristi~an raspored i nekropola tranzicionog perioda, M. Gara{anin je ceo
vertikalnih rebara u kombinaciji sa obodom i u{icom ovaj period nazvao Vojvo|anska grupa prelaznog perioda.
opravdava definisawe posebne varijante.
1. Bunar, Belica (T. II/5). Du`ina: 7,4 cm. Muzej Jago- Prostorna distribucija i pravci kretawa
dina (ib. 1095). nosilaca kulture Belegi{ II Gava
2. Trwane (T. II/6). Du`ina: 8,8 cm. Narodni Muzej Po- kroz centralni Balkan
`arevac (ib. 407). Na prostoru ju`nog i isto~nog Banata otkriveno je vi-
{e naseqa i nekoliko nekropola Belegi{ II Gava kultur-
Varijanta E nog kompleksa (ukupno 23), kao i 25 ostava, sa preko 1000
Varijanta E obuhvata neukra{ene keltove sa arkadnim bronzanih predmeta, koje su u najve}em broju publikovane
ili trouglasto zaobqenim poqem, koji ispod zadebqane ivi- i, sem tri, sve pripadaju periodu Na A1. Me|utim, nakon
ce otvora poseduju jo{ dva horizontalna rebra (Karta 2). studije Q. Bukvi}a o Gava kulturnom kompleksu, ovaj broj
1. Hisar, op{tina Leskovac (T. II/7). Du`ina: 9,4 cm. se znatno uve}ao, tako da obuhvata 67 lokaliteta i 34 osta-
Narodni Muzej Leskovac. ve. Tako|e se i u Sremu nalazi ve}i broj naseqa i nekropo-
2. Stari Kostolac (T. II/8). Du`ina: 9,5 cm. Narodni la (kulturno homogenih 51 i 13 onih koji se poklapaju sa
Muzej Po`arevac (ib. 860). Bosutskim naseqima), a koncentrisani su uz obale velikih
3. Vojilovo (T. II/9). Du`ina 8,5 cm. Narodni Muzej reka i na Fru{koj Gori, dok se u Ba~koj najvi{e javqaju oko
Po`arevac (ib. 59). Tami{a. Zanimqiva je pojava da se pozicije naseqa Bele-
4. Nepoznato nalazi{te, Srbija (T. II/10). Du`ina: 8 cm. gi{ I i Gava kulture ne poklapaju, iako je to slu~aj sa ne-
Muzej Grada Beograda (ib. 4164). kropolama. Ovo jedino ne va`i za velika telska naseqa po-
5. Nepoznato nalazi{te, Srbija (T. II/11). Muzej Kra- put Gomolave i Feudvara.
qevo (A 1268). Na podru~ju \erdapske klisure konstatovano je vi{e
naseqa i nekoliko nekropola Gava kulture koje su pozici-
Blisko varijanti E onirane sa obe strane Dunava. Analiziraju}i tipove kane-
6. Se~aw (T. II/12). Du`ina: 10 cm. Narodni Muzej Zre- lovanih posuda i metalnih nalaza iz grobova, M. Jevti} i
wanin (ib. 4559). M. Vukmanovi} su ovu grupu nazvali Mala Vrbica Hino-
vaBalta Verde, i datovali je u 11. vek i po~etak 10. veka
Varijanta F pre n. e. Najzna~ajnije lokalitete na srpskoj strani \erda-
Keltovi sa vi{e horizontalnih rebara na obodu i jed- pa predstavqaju Mala Vrbica Livade, VajugaKorbovo i
nim vertikalnim rebrom na arkadnom se~ivu (Karta 3). VajugaPesak.
1. Banatski Karlovci (T. III/1). Du`ina: 10,8 cm. Mu- Prodor kulture kanelovane keramike na jug najverovat-
seul regional al Banatului Timioara (1488). nije je i{ao glavnom transferzalom kroz centralni Bal-
2. Futog (T. III/2). Du`ina: 10,9 cmm. Muzej Vojvodine, kan, dolinom Velike Morave (Karta 4). M. Stoji} je u regio-
Novi Sad (ib. 3303). nu centralne Morave konstatovao 99 naseqa i 8 nekropola,
3. Klewe (T. III/3). Du`ina: 9,8 cm. Narodni Muzej Po- 1 grupni nalaz i 14 pojedina~nih nalaza (bronzanih sekira
`arevac (ib. 1008). i dleta, igala itd.). Bronzane sekire su prete`no dospeva-
4. Klewe (T. III/4). Du`ina: 8 cm. Narodni Muzej Po- le u Muzeje bez jasne lokacije nalaza, a datuju se u Na AV.
`arevac (ib. 1007). Stoji} tako|e zakqu~uje da je nastanak ovih naseqa izuzetno
va`an zbog ~iwenice da je ova teritorija dugo bila nena-
Varijanta G stawena. Dok su u po~etku naseqavane iskqu~ivo strate{ki
Keltovi sa horizontalnim rebrima na obodu i vi{e- lako odbrawive lokacije na u{}ima mawih reka u Veliku
strukim arkadnim rebrima na se~ivu (Karta 3). Moravu, u kasnijim fazama naseqa se {ire i na wene pri-
1. Banatski Karlovci (T. III/5). Du`ina: 10,4 cm. Na- toke. Na podru~ju sastava Zapadne i Ju`ne Morave tokom
rodni Muzej Vr{ac (ib. 926). prelaznog perioda iz bronzanog u starije gvozdeno doba kon-
2. @agubica (T. III/6). Du`ina: 11,1 cm. Narodni Mu- statovan je mawi broj naseqa, od kojih su najva`nija Golo-
zej Po`arevac (ib. 856). glava, Kru{evac i Konopqara. Uticaji nosilaca kulture
kanelovane keramike naro~ito se vide na nekropoli spa-
Prelazni period iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba qenih pokojnika u ^itluku.
u srpskom Podunavqu i Pomoravqu Uvre`eno je mi{qewe da je na teritoriji zapadne Srbi-
Kao po~etak dominacije urnenfelder kulture u srp- je uticaj poqa sa urnama sporadi~an, mada jedan skupni na-
skom Podunavqu smatra se formirawe Belegi{ II ab faze laz, jedna sahrana pod tumulom i jedan gradinski lokalitet
52
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
jasno pokazuju da je do wega ipak do{lo. Radi se o, verovat- do bronzanog doba, identifikovani su lokaliteti u okviru
no, grobnom prilogu iz Kowu{e, tumulu u Alugama i gra- Borskog revira i Praurije (Majdanpek), lokaliteti Prqu-
dinskom utvr|ewu Likodra. {a Mali {turac (Rudnik) i Jarmovac (Priboj na Limu).
[to se ti~e prodora kulture Gava daqe na jug, izgleda Postoje odre|ene indikacije koje ukazuju da se i Ravni Kopa-
da se oko u{}a Ni{ave u Ju`nu Moravu formirao kompleks onik Suvo rudi{te tako|e mo`e ukqu~iti u listu praisto-
naseqa, kojih ima oko 36. Od najva`nijih naseqa u ovoj re- rijskih metalur{kih centara, s obzirom na izvesna otkri-
giji svakako se izdvaja Medijana kod Ni{ke Bawe. Prema }a praistorijskih alatki koje poti~u sa ovog lokaliteta.
M. Gara{aninu, nalazi Gava kulture na ovom lokalitetu Istra`ivawa praistorijske nekropole i naseqa Trwa-
vezuju se za horizont Medijana II, u kome se nalazi odre|en ne kod Brestova~ke bawe, dovelo je do novih saznawa o `i-
broj urni i drugih posuda sa kanelovanim ornamentom. U votu metalur{kih zajednica Para}inske kulture poznog
susednoj Leskova~koj kotlini identifikovana su 24 loka- bronzanog i ranog gvozdenog doba u zale|u \erdapa. Ostaci
liteta na kojima je otkrivena kanelovana keramika sa metali~nih {qaka koji su se mogli na}i u urnama na Trwa-
odlikama Belegi{ II Gava kulturnog kompleksa. Me|u nima i na susednoj nekropoli sa spaqenim pokojnicima na
wima najzna~ajnije mesto zauzima gradinsko utvr|ewe Hi- Boskom jezeru, dovoqno govore o primarnim privrednim
sar u Leskovcu, na kojem se izdvajaju dve faze starijeg gvo- aktivnostima koje su se odvijale u toj izrazito rudonosnoj
zdenog doba, od kojih mla|a faza najverovatnije pripada oblasti krajem II milenijuma pre n. e. U prilog ovome govo-
P{eni~evo kulturnoj grupi. Nalazi bronzanih predmeta ri najnovije otkri}e metalur{kog centra Ru`ana, koji se
otkriveni na ovom lokalitetu, kao i jedan kalup za sekire nalazi u neposrednoj blizini Trwana, na prostoru dana-
keltove, datovani su u period Na A. {weg naseqa Bawsko Poqe kod Brestova~ke Bawe. Ovaj me-
Daqe ka jugu, u Vrawskoj regiji Ju`ne Morave, A. Bu- talur{ki centar je nastao krajem bronzanog doba i `iveo
latovi} je, prema stilsko-tipolo{kim karakteristikama je tokom celog gvozdenog doba, i u kasnoj antici. Analize
kanelovane keramike koja je otkrivena tokom istra`iva- metali~nih {qaka tek treba da poka`u kakve su se sve me-
wa, konstatovao promene u topografiji naseqa domoroda~- talur{ke aktivnosti odvijale na obalama potoka Ru`ana.
kih i novoprido{lih zajednica. Prilikom istra`ivawa U svakom slu~aju, na prostorima severoisto~ne i jugoza-
gradinskog naseqa u Sviwi{tu, kod Pre{eva, na podnici padne Srbije, kao i [umadije pre dolaska kultura kanelo-
ku}e je in situ otkrivena jedna bronzana sekira koja, zajedno vane keramike ve} je postojala hiqadugodi{wa rudarsko-
sa onom otkrivenom na Hisaru, predstavqa retke nalaze metalur{ka tradicija eksploatacije i prerade bakra. O
koji poti~u sa arheolo{kih istra`ivawa i iz zatvorenih ovome svedo~e i nalazi liva~kih kalupa koji pripadaju ra-
celina. znim tipovima {upqih bronzanih sekira otkrivenih na
O tranzicionom periodu iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba Boqetinu, Planinici kod Zaje~ara, Medijani kod Ni{a,
na Kosovu nema mnogo podataka, i on je predstavqen prven- Hisaru u Leskovcu, Klinovcu kod Vrawa i u okolini Ra-
stveno nekropolama u Dowoj Brwici, Gra{tici i Ulpijani, {ke kod Novog Pazara.
kao i naseqima Qu{ta i Gladnice.
Zakqu~ak
Metalurgija bakra i bronze Pojava velikog broja ostava bronzanih predmeta koje
Uticaji nosilaca kulture kanelovane keramike {irili se vezuju za tranzicioni period iz bronzanog u starije gvo-
su se na prostoru izme|u centralne Evrope sve do Egeje, gde zdeno doba i za dominaciju kultura Belegi{ II Gava, mo-
su identifikovani na nalazima sa Kastanasa i Troje. Ma- rala je imati vezu sa tradicionalnom eksploatacijom i
li stepen istra`enosti naseqa u kojima su oni `iveli ni- metalurgijom bakra na teritoriji centralnog Balkana. O
je dovoqan da rekonstrui{emo kulturno-ekonomske prio- postojawu metalurgije za sada svedo~e jedino nalazi kalupa
ritete na kojima se zasnivao `ivot tih zajednica. Za wih za livewe, kao i posebne varijante bronzane sekire karak-
se vezuje pojava velike koncentracije ostava sa bronzanim teristi~ne za ovo podru~je. Nakon du`eg perioda, ponovo se
predmetima na na{em prostoru, i zbog toga smatramo da se javio interes za prou~avawe arheometalurgije u praisto-
mogu dovesti u vezu sa metalurgijom bakra koja je u Srbiji riji na tlu Srbije. Zbog toga verujemo da }e otkri}a novih
ve} postojala nekoliko milenijuma pre wihovog dolaska. rudnih okana i metalur{kih centara inicirati projekte
Predistorija rudarstva i metalurgije bakra na teritoriji koji }e se baviti strukturalnim, fizi~kim i hemijskim
centralnog Balkana vezuje se za kraj VI i po~etak V mile- analizama predmeta od bronze, naro~ito izotopa bakra i ka-
nijuma pre n. e. laja, a koje bi mogle da doka`u eksploataciju mineralnih
Tokom posledwih nekoliko decenija do{lo se do novih sirovina na teritoriji Srbije. Do tada se mo`emo jedino
saznawa o praistorijskoj metalurgiji, prvenstveno zahvaqu- osloniti na stilsko-tipolo{ke analize postoje}ih proiz-
ju}i istra`ivawima u okvirima metalogenetskih zona na voda od bronze, na koje nailazimo re|e tokom arheolo{kih
jugozapadu, severoistoku i u centralnoj Srbiji. Kao prime- istra`ivawa a ~e{}e van arheolo{kog konteksta, u zbirka-
ri rudarskih i metalur{kih aktivnosti od ranog eneolita ma muzeja i privatnih kolekcija.
53
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Variante A
1 2 3
4 5 6
Variante B
7 8 9
54
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Variante C
1 2 3
Variante D
4 5 6
Variante E
7 8 9
10 11 12
55
GAVRANOVI], KAPURAN, ber einige Tllenbeilvarianten im Zentralbalkan (3156) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Variante F
1 2 3
Variante G
4 5 6
56
ALEKSANDAR P. BULATOVI]
Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade
Abstract. In this paper, new sites are presented which were explored throughout the protective excavations conducted along
the E 75 motorway, as well as new indicative finds from the sites in north-eastern Macedonia. These results will complete
the picture of life in the Early Bronze Age communities of the territory of Southern Pomoravlje and Gornja P~inja, as well as
that of their relationship with the neighbouring populations. Of particular importance are the results of the investigation of this
territorys first explored necropolis from this period, which enriched our knowledge of the spiritual life of these communities.
Key words. Early Bronze Age, Southern Pomoravlje, Gornja P~inja, Armenochori culture,
BubanjHum III culture.
T
he south-eastern part of Serbia, comprising the
basin of the upper course and middle course Shortly after that, however, during the protective explo-
of the South Morava was, for a long time, con- rations of the sites endangered by the construction of
sidered to be a mainly unexplored area, at least in terms the E 75 motorway, a few very significant sites were
of sites from the Early Bronze Age. A small number of discovered on the LeskovacBujanovac section of the
explored sites were known, such as Bubanj in Novo road,3 which offer extremely important information
Selo, Velika Humska ^uka in Hum and ^esma in about the material and spiritual culture of the communi-
Vrti{te, whilst the majority of the finds from this period ties who, in the Early Bronze Age, populated the South
consisted of accidental or individual finds registered at Morava basin and the P~inja valley, as well as their
unexplored sites, or at unmarked or unreliable locati-
ons.1 Only in recent years, by investigating the wider
area of the E 75 and E 80 motorways and by resuming
1 Gara{anin, Ajdi}, Dejanovi} 1971, kat. br. 226; Gara-
the explorations at Bubanj and in Hum, along with
{anin 1973, 164206 and quoted literature; Stoji}, Joci} 2006,
other archaeological research, has the number of sites 6777.
from this period increased and, thereby, the knowledge 2 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012; Bulatovi} 2011, 114; Bula-
of this period has been enhanced. All these results, tovi} 2013, 114.
including the results of older research, were combined 3 Bulatovi}, Kapuran 2013, 7079.
* The article results from the project: Archaeology of Serbia: cultural identity, integration factors, technological processes and the role of the
Central Balkans in the development of European prehistory (no OI177020) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological
development of the Republic of Serbia.
57
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
List of sites:
1. Meani{te site, Ranutovac;
2. Golo Rebro site, Donji Neradovac;
3. Kova~ke Njive site, Pavlovac;
4. Gradi{te site, Davidovac;
5. Taticev kamen site, Kokino Selo,
Republic of Macedonia;
6. Tri Kru{ke site, Klinovac;
7. Dve Mogili site, Pelince,
Republic of Macedonia;
8. BanjkaKaldrma site, Miratovac;
9. Pribovce site, Lopate,
Republic of Macedonia.
Spisak lokaliteta:
1. Meani{te, Ranutovac
2. Golo rebro, Dowi Neradovac
3. Kova~ke wive, Pavlovac
4. Gradi{te, Davidovac
5. Tati}ev kamen, Kokino Selo,
R. Makedonija
6. Tri kru{ke, Klinovac
7. Dve mogili, Pelince, R. Makedonija
8. Bawkakaldrma, Miratovac
9. Pribovce, Lopate, R. Makedonija
Map 1. Early Bronze Age sites in the upper course of the South Morava and in Gornja P~inja
Karta 1. Lokaliteti ranog bronzanog doba u gorwem toku Ju`ne Morave i u Gorwoj P~iwi
relationships with the neighbouring populations.4 southern, about 20 m apart. No burial traces have been
After these explorations, which gave rise to new indi- discovered between the two parts. The northern part is
cative information about this period, a need to write a poorly preserved, since the graves were dug to a very
study that would integrate all the available data arose, small relative depth (less than 0.2 m in places), and the
with its focus on the new, unpublished sites and finds, upper part of the necropolis was destroyed by agricul-
allowing a comprehensive insight into the problems of tural and other ground works. In the southern part of
the origins and development of the Early Bronze Age the necropolis (Fig. 1), with a surface area of around
culture in the south of the central Balkans. 100 m which was much better preserved, cremated
human remains were interred in shallow pits, approxi-
mately 0.5 m in diameter, into which, in most cases,
SITES AND FINDS one or more round stones or large pebbles were placed.
In some graves the remains of the deceased were cove-
1. Ranutovac, Meani{te site, Vranje5 red with a vessel, most usually a cup or a bowl. In all
The site of Meani{te is situated around 5 km north the graves offerings were noted, such as one or more
of Vranje, on the southern outskirts of the village of
Ranutovac (Map 1/1). From a geological perspective,
the site is positioned partially in the alluvial plain (the 4 Explorations were conducted by teams from the Institute of
eastern part of the Iron Age settlement and the Early Archaeology in Belgrade and the Department of Archaeology of the
Bronze Age necropolis), and partially in the area with Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade, during the period of August 2011
moderate washout and gullies (the western part of the July 2013.
5 The site was explored by a team from the Institute of Archae-
Iron Age settlement). The necropolis is at a distance of ology in Belgrade (under the leadership of A. Bulatovi}) in the period
around 600 m west of the current South Morava river of April July 2012. The publication detailing the results of the site
bed. It consisted of two parts, the northern and the explorations is being prepared.
58
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
whole vessels (Figs. 2, 3) or fragments of vessels, whilst the southern part of the necropolis, burnt vessels were
in grave 2, in the northern part of the necropolis, along not noted, whilst in the northern part, several burnt
with the vessels there was a perforated axe made of vessels were discovered. That is to say, in grave 3 in
polished grey stone of a compact structure. The graves the northern part of the necropolis, vitrified vessels
were then covered with a circular construction 12 m (two bowls, a dual vessel, an oven model and an askos)
in diameter, which was made of broken stone, whilst were discovered with the remains of a deceased male of
some graves were encircled with a stone ring 1.53 m between 20 and 29 years of age which had, apparently,
in diameter. According to the quantity of stone from been burnt on a funeral pyre at a very high temperature
the destroyed grave constructions and the appearance together with the deceased and then, with the remains
of the few preserved whole ones, it is assumed that the of the deceased, interred in the grave.6 Near the grave,
northern (destroyed) part of the necropolis had similar on its south-eastern side, an area of scorched earth of
stone constructions above the graves, whilst the re- an irregular shape, almost 2 m long, around 1 m wide and
mains of the deceased had the same ritual treatment as
in the southern part. 13 graves in the northern part of
the necropolis and 10 in the southern part were dis-
6 For the information regarding the temperature of burning of
covered and explored.
the deceased, as well as for the anthropological analyses, I thank H.
The only difference between these two parts of the Miladinovi} and D. Bizjak who performed a complete anthropo-
necropolis, from the aspect of grave ritual, was that in logical analysis.
59
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
14 cm thick, onto which the still hot remains from the belly, standing on a tall bell-shaped hollow foot, with
pyre were laid before being placed in the pit, was noted. four elongated oval perforations (Pl. I/9), as well as a
Other differences in the ritual, the grave construc- dual vessel that had been burnt at a high temperature
tions and the manner of burial in these two parts of the (Pl. I/4). Besides the plastic decorations, an ornament
necropolis, were not discerned. However, certain dif- resembling an incised hanging triangle combined with
ferences in the stylistic-typological characteristics of small circular pricks was noted on one fragment (Pl.
the ceramics were recorded. In the southern part of the I/17). Very indicative are the finds of baked clay which
necropolis (grave 21) was, for example, noted a beaker represent stylised oven models.7 Four oven models have
of a sharper profile, whilst that kind of profile was not been discovered in total, three of which have a similar
evident in vessels in the northern part. In addition, in shape, with a vertical cylinder and a horizontal part with
the southern part of the necropolis, on several cups and a small handle on the back of it, and whose front end
bowls (grave 17) were noted plastic triangular exten- has the shape of a shovel (Pl. I/8), whilst one example
sions on the rim, which were also not present on the was modelled into a bird shape, with small circular
vessels in graves in the northern part of the necropolis. perforations on its body (Pl. II/16). The vessels from
A much larger number of vessels from both parts of the the necropolis mostly have a polished exterior either
necropolis, however, have similar stylistic-typological brown, ochre or dark brown in colour.
characteristics. The most prevalent type of vessels in
the necropolis is that of the pear-shaped beakers with 2. Donji Neradovac, Golo Rebro site, Vranje8
two handles, with a ribbon-like cross section that exceed We are actually only discussing one fragment of a
the rim (Pl. I/57, 1214), followed by hemispherical sharp profiled belly, with a triangular plastic handle
or, more rarely, biconical cups (Pl. I/2) also with a han- (Pl. II/18), which was noted in a layer of river sediment
dle, with a ribbon-like cross section that exceeds the above the Roman cultural layer.9 Clearly, the fragment
rim (Pl. I/3, 11) and bowls. The bowls are of a hemi- reached this place in the runoff from the nearby hill, or it
spherical or S profile (more rarely conical), with ribbon- drifted there in the South Morava, whose current river
shaped handles that exceed the rim, decorated with small
button-like motifs with an indentation in the middle on
the belly (Pl. I/1) or with triangular plastic extensions
7 Bulatovi} 2013, 113, fig. 14.
on the rim (Pl. I/10). Along with the globular amphorae 8 The site was explored by a team from the Institute of Archae-
with a cylindrical neck and four ribbon-shaped handles ology in Belgrade (under the leadership of V. Filipovi}) in September
on the belly (Pl. II/15), which appear relatively often, 2011.
a vessel was noted with four tunnel-like handles on the 9 Filipovi}, Jeremi}, Bulatovi} 2012, 136137.
60
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
the site, not far from the Roman thermae, a shallow, Archaeology in Belgrade and the Department of Archaeology of the
circular, Early Bronze Age pit was explored (Fig. 4) Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade (under the leadership of J. Vuko-
vi} and A. Bulatovi}) in the period October December 2011.
which was approximately 0.2 m deep and 0.7 m in dia- 11 The site was explored by a team from the Institute of Archae-
meter, in which a drum (tarabuka) made of baked clay, ology in Belgrade in the period of August December 2011. The
three larger and two smaller fragments of different bowls, leaders were S. Petkovi} (Antiquity) and A. Bulatovi} (prehistory).
61
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
from this pit there were no other finds from this period.
It is assumed that the settlement which this pit, of a
probably ritual character, belongs to (at least based on
its content and context), is situated west of the explored
part of the site, on the vast plateau outside the endan-
gered zone.
of the rim, but more numerous are examples with hand- space see: Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, 269277.
15 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. LIX/4, LX/15, 16, LXI/20,
les at the same level as the rim or slightly exceeding it
LXII/36.
(Pl. III/38).15 The bowls with inverted rims often have 16 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. LX/911, LXI/18, 21,
them decorated with plastic extensions of different 22, 2428.
shapes (rectangular, hornlike or trapezoidal), by far the 17 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. LIX/1, 6, 7, LX/13, 14,
most numerous of which are the extensions of triangular LXI/20, 23, LXII/3244.
62
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Apart from the vessels, two oven models, of a simpler culture, as well as with the sites in western Bulgaria,
form than the examples from the necropolis in Ranu- rather than with the Armenochori culture in the south,22
tovac, were also noted as offerings in the ritual space. whilst on the other hand, at the site in Lopate, not far
from Kumanovo, ceramics exclusively from the Arme-
nochori culture were noted.23 The only certain thing is
*** that, at least for a brief period, these cultures were con-
current, given that, at the sites in Kokino Selo and Pelin-
The sites that were discovered during the protective ce, the finds with visible influences from the Armeno-
archaeological campaign, conducted along the E 75 chori culture were noted.24 Unfortunately, since we still
motorway, especially the necropolis in Ranutovac, do not have at our disposal any absolute dates, the
provided important information about the life of the question of the exact mutual relationship between the
Early Bronze Age communities in the territory of south- communities from these cultures remains open. The ne-
eastern Serbia. First of all, the location of the sites of cropolis discovered in Ranutovac, as well as the finds
Kova~ke Njive in Pavlovac and Gradi{te in Davidovac from the other sites presented in this paper have, how-
confirmed that, in the Early Bronze Age, in Southern ever, served to supplement our current understanding,
Pomoravlje, the settlements were formed mainly on the at least in the sense of the interpretation of the material
terraces of larger rivers,18 assuming the cultural layer and spiritual culture in this region in the Early Bronze
noted in Pavlovac and the pit in Davidovac actually Age, which will be further discussed later in this paper.
belong to the settlements. From a geological perspec- The most indicative type of vessel from this period,
tive, these settlements were formed on the edge of the characteristic of both cultures, is a pear-shaped beaker
alluvial plain, in places where they pass into a terrain with two handles. It was noted, however, that these
of moderate washout and gullies, an area where the beakers in Armenochori culture are mostly of a slimmer
configuration of the terrain gently rises. They appear, shape, and that the handles considerably exceed the
at least based on current information, exclusively on level of the rim of the vessel, whilst in BubanjHum III
the left bank of the South Morava.19 Certainly, one of culture they are mainly stocky, with handles predomi-
the most significant results obtained throughout the nantly at the same level as the rim, or only slightly
exploration of these sites was the large number of dif- above it.25 The fact that a large number of these vessels
ferent types of vessels, which significantly added to the of a recognisable appearance was noted in a wide area
knowledge of the material culture of the Early Bronze of the central Balkans in the Early Bronze Age, led
Age communities in this territory. Previous researchers some authors to define a specific culture named after
were understandably cautious throughout the cultural
determination of the Early Bronze Age communities
around the upper and middle course of the South Mora- 18 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, 197198.
va, since finds with characteristic features were lacking. 19 A possible reason for this is the motorway which passes
Based on the small number of existing finds, it was along the left bank of the river, whilst the right bank remains unex-
assumed that the BubanjHum III culture stretched to plored. However, it is more likely that the left bank was more suit-
able for living, since it faces east and, as such, has a more favourable
the Skopje Valley in the south, where it came into con-
position regarding the cardinal points, which was an important
tact with the Armenochori culture.20 Just a few years parameter in choosing a place for a settlement in prehistory.
ago, findings were published which indicate that this 20 The finds from Armenochori and neighbouring sites were
territory belonged to a border area where the influ- singled out and classified into the Early Bronze Age by W. Heurtley
ences of BubanjHum III culture21 from the north and (1939, 85), however, the Armenochori culture was ultimately defined
by M. Gara{anin (1958, 122123). About the prevalence of the cul-
Armenochori culture from the south were combined, ture see: Gara{anin 1983, 720. Macedonian authors for this culture
which more or less confirmed these assumptions. How- in the territory of Pelagonia and southern Macedonia use the name
ever, what remained were the problems of delimitation Karamani or Pelagonian cultural group (Kitanoski 1978, 51;
and the chronological relationship between these two Mitrevski 2003, 44).
21 Bulatovi} 2007, 35.
cultures, which were again made topical with explora- 22 Mitrevski 2003, 45; Alexandrov 2007, 229; Bulatovi}
tions of the Early Bronze Age sites in north-eastern 2011, 8.
Macedonia. Specifically, ceramic production from the 23 Sanev 1999, 130, 133134.
sites in Kokino Selo and Pelince pointed to much stron- 24 Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, 341.
ger cultural links with the north, the BubanjHum III 25 Bulatovi} 2011, 4.
63
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
them the culture (horizon) of two handled beakers.26 ceramic inventory characteristic of this territory (Raz-
It is interesting that, at the necropolis in Ranutovac, kopanica VI, the oldest stratum at Donja Brnjica,
even though it is located more than 50 km north of the Nova~ka ]uprija and Star Karaorman).42 These kinds
northernmost site of the Armenochori culture (Lopate of vessels, however, very often occur in the Middle
near Kumanovo), finds characteristic of the Armeno- and Late Bronze Age in the northern and central part of
chori culture were noted in the largest number. These the Balkans.
are mainly beakers with handles that exceed the level The vessel that stands out, by virtue of its appear-
of the rim (Pl. I/5, 12, 14), although the shape of some ance, is most certainly the one on a tall hollow bell-
of these beakers actually represents a variant of both shaped foot (drum?), found in grave 6 in the northern
the Armenochori and BubanjHum III type of beakers part of the necropolis (Pl. I/9). The vessels on tall feet,
(Pl. I/67, 13). The finds also included a dual vessel but without perforations, were noted at the sites of
(Pl. I/4), a globular amphora with a cylindrical neck Tsoungiza and Zygouries,43 whilst those on shorter feet,
(Pl. II/15), cups with a handle that greatly exceeds the with similar perforations to those on the vessel from
level of the rim (Pl. I/2, 3, 11), a vessel on a tall foot Ranutovac, were also noted at Zygouries and Troy I,44
(Pl. I/9), an askos and others. The aforementioned type which points to a southern origin of the tall bell-shaped
of beaker with handles that exceed the level of the rim feet.45
appear in a wide area from eastern Albania (Maliq III, The finds that unambiguously connect the necrop-
Tren IIIa),27 to Thrace (Ezero III, Junacite III, Razko- olis in Ranutovac with the communities that lived in
panica V),28 and from northern Greece (Armenochori, the south, in the territory of the Armenochori culture,
Kastanas from layer 26, Xeropigado, Archontiko, are the stylised oven models (Pl. I/8, Pl. II/16). These
Sitagroi Vb),29 through Macedonia (Bukri, Kravari, models were noted solely in the territory of northern
Suvodol, Karamani, Lopate),30 to Southern Pomoravlje
(Ranutovac), also sporadically in the homeland of the
BubanjHum III cultural group (Bubanj),31 and in the 26 Stoji} 1996, 248250; Nikolova 1999, 233234.
south of Greece.32 Similar beakers, with handles placed 27 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, T. VII, XXXIV/3, XLVII/6.
on the vessels shoulder, have already appeared in a 28 Leakov 1992, 18, 44, obr. 4/m, 17/e; Nikolova 1999, 227,
larger number from the settlement Troy II.33 Along fig. 10. 2; Detev 1981, fig. 37.
29 Heurtley 1939, cat. no. 318349; Aslanis 1985, Taf. V/15;
with these beakers, in the southern part of the necropo-
Maniatis, Ziota 2011, fig. 8; Papaefthymiou-Papanthimou, Pilali-
lis in Ranutovac, were noted globular amphorae with a
Papasteriou 1997, 152, fig. 4; Rutter 1982, fig. 1/1; Renfrew et al.
cylindrical neck, also characteristic of the Early Bronze 1986, fig. 13. 20, 13. 20/25.
Age in the territory of Troy (starting from the settlement 30 Simoska, Sanev 1976, kat. br. 239, 242; Simoska 1984,
of Troy II),34 through Thrace and northern Greece, to sl. 8, 13; Simoska 1984a, sl. 4; Sanev 1999, Pl. VI.
31 Gara{anin, \uri} 1983, kat. br. 162, 164. This type of
Macedonia.35 An askos was found in the southern part
beaker, together with a dual vessel, was noted in the oldest stratum
of the necropolis, and these vessels are characteristic of at D. Brnjica (Srejovi} 2002, 169, sl. 25).
Early Bronze Age Thrace and the northern Aegean,36 32 Rutter 1982, fig. 1/1; Rutter 2008, fig. 15.
although they are also known from previous periods.37 33 Blegen et al. 1950, type A43, fig. 370a.
A classic shape of askos, as is the case of the example 34 Blegen et al. 1950, fig. 389/35. 485, 395/35. 521.
35 Leakov 1992, obr. 17/i, 26/a1; Aslanis 1985, T. 111/9;
from Ranutovac, appears in Troy only from settlement
IV, which chronologically coincides with the EH III Blegen 1928, fig. 9597; Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012, T. LIX/1.
36 Blegen et al. 1951, fig. 154b/D29.
period, that is the EBA III period, to which settlements 37 Georgiev et al. 1979, obr. 174/`, z.
in south-eastern Serbia belong.38 As well as in Troy, 38 Kokowski 2010, 66.
askoi of the Early Bronze Age (EH II/III) were noted 39 Leakov 1992, obr. 11/a, b, 18/`, 26/i.
in the previously mentioned territory that comprises 40 Heurtley 1939, cat. no. 191, 192; Aslanis 1985, Taf. 110/11,
vessels appear here only sporadically, and mostly with a drum will be discussed further in the text.
64
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Greece, eastern Albania and Macedonia, and, chrono- and Ezero (strata IIIII), 54 and the earliest examples
logically, they are tied to the Early Bronze Age and the date back to Troy I.55 The bowls with horizontal hand-
beginning of the Middle Bronze Age.46 In Ranutovac, les were discovered at Sitagroi (stratum Vb),56 Agios
as many as four such examples were found which, con- Mamas (pit D28), Kritsana (stratum IV), Kastanas
sidering also the stylistic-typological features of other (stratum 24),57 Karanovo VII,58 as well as many other
ceramics from the necropolis, confirms that the necro- sites throughout this territory.
polis belongs to the Armenochori cultural circle and Another interesting find is a ceramic, hourglass
excludes the possibility that they are only culturally shaped, bottomless object, found in the pit in Davido-
influenced or imported from the south. vac which, according to analogies with other prehistoric
The ceramics from the other sites, on the whole, also sites, represents a drum (tarabuka). Similar items are
resemble the ceramics of the Early Bronze Age (EBA known in prehistoric cultures all over Europe59 and,
III) from the territory of northern Greece, although based on the shape and dimensions of these drums, the
they also have elements of the BubanjHum III culture vessel on a tall, hollow, bell-shaped foot from the ne-
(Davidovac, Pavlovac). The vessel with the globular cropolis in Ranutovac could also be interpreted as a
belly and large ribbon-shaped, obliquely placed han- drum (Pl. I/9), except that the skin on the example from
dles, from the pit in Davidovac, is reminiscent of those Ranutovac was pulled tight by tunnel-like handles,60
from Kastanas (strata 22 and 23).47 The bowls with a and on the example from Davidovac using the oval
slight S profile, or with an inverted rim with plastic perforations.61
decorations were noted at all the sites presented in this The spiritual life of the communities of the Early
paper, with the exception of Golo Rebro. These deco- Bronze Age in this area is already well-known, pri-
rations are one of the main characteristics of the Early marily due to the ritual places in Pelince and Kokino,
Bronze Age in Southern Pomoravlje and, judging by the as well as the observatory in Kokino. The custom of
analogies, also in north-eastern Macedonia (Kokino, storing offerings, in the form of whole or parts of ves-
Pelince) and western Bulgaria,48 with sporadic appear- sels, or objects of stone, bone, ceramics and the like,
ances in Pelagonia (Bukri) as well.49 According to some either in the ground or on a rock with circular stone
authors, these decorations survived from the previous constructions around and above the pits, as noted in
period (BubanjHum II, or Glina IV in western Bulga- Kokino (Fig. 5) and Pelince has, for now, no analogy in
ria),50 and they are of an autochthonous origin.51 There the immediate vicinity. A similar ritual place, where the
is, however, also the possibility that they originated ritual pits with gifts were surrounded by a large trench,
from the Aegean Early Bronze Age, since these types was discovered in Kazanlak, near Stara Zagora.62 The
of decorations (identical to the one on the bowl from
Pavlovac Pl. III/35) were frequently present on the
bowls from the settlement of Troy I, although some 46 For detail regarding the purpose, chronology, distribution
examples from Troy were decorated with engraved and cultural affiliation of these oven models see: Bulatovi} 2013,
representations of the human face.52 This second 113, with quoted literature.
47 Aslanis 1985, Taf. 40/8, 57/16.
assumption is less likely since the chronological peri-
48 Alexandrov 1998, fig. 3/8, fig. 5.
od between Troy I and the Early Bronze Age (EBA III)
49 Simoska 1984, sl. 6.
in the interior of the Balkans is quite long, and within 50 Alexandrov 2007, 228229, Pl. VIII.
that period similar decorations on ceramics, which could 51 Bulatovi} 2011, 89.
possibly link these two cultures, have not been seen, 52 Blegen et al. 1950, fig. 253/18.
meaning they obviously originate from the north and 53 Aslanis 1985, Taf. 8/18.
east, from the BubanjHum II culture, or from the cul- 54 Leakov 1992, obr. 4/a.
55 Blegen et al. 1950, fig. 266/1.
ture of the Early Bronze Age (EBA III) of western
56 Renfrew et al. 1986, fig. 13. 27/16, 19.
Bulgaria. The bowls with an inverted rim and short rib-
57 Aslanis 1985, Taf. 12/12, 106/4, 111/3, 112/3.
bon-shaped handles that exceed the level of the rim
58 Leakov 1992, obr. 26/o.
(Pl. III/31) or with either horizontally or obliquely 59 Gergov 2011, 269273; Wyatt 2008, 122; Aiano 2006,
placed handles on the rim (Pl. III/34) are, on the other 3142.
hand, a typical occurrence of the Early Bronze Age in 60 Gergov 2011, obr. 4; Aiano 2006, fig. 18; Wyatt 2008, fig. 1.
Thrace and the northern Aegean. The bowls with ver- 61 Gergov 2011, obr. 1, 2.
tical handles were noted at Kastanas from stratum 2653 62 Nikolov 2008, 2332.
65
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Map 2. More significant sites of BubanjHum III Pelince Pernik culture and Armenochori culture
Karta 2. Va`niji lokaliteti BubawHum III Pelince Pernik kulture i Armenohori kulture
finds from these pits belong to the Early Bronze Age the goddess of fertility and protector of crops, where-
III of Thrace,63 which chronologically corresponds to by several, almost whole vessels and one drum were
the sites in Kokino Selo and Pelince. Pits from the deposited, although around this pit a stone construc-
Bronze Age containing different offerings are charac- tion was not noted (Fig. 4). These customs which,
teristic of shrines in the region of the Southern according to the analogies of finds and the distribution
Rhodopes, but they also appear in western Bulgaria,64 of the sites, belong to the AegeanThracian cultural
which could point to the direction through which this circle, later expanded into the interior region of the
custom arrived in the southern parts of the central Balkans.66 The necropolises from the Early Bronze Age
Balkans as well. Some similarities with these rituals with exclusively cremated deceased, as in Ranutovac,
have been observed in Cretan mountain shrines, from
the beginning of the MMII period, in which a circular
space was formed using river stones, where offerings
were deposited, similar to those from Kokino Selo and 63 Nikolov 2008, 32.
Pelince.65 The shallow pit discovered in Davidovac 64 Kostova 2006, 2.
probably belongs to that sacral idea of storing offer- 65 Nowicki 1994, 34.
ings in the ground, into the bosom of the Great Mother, 66 Pekovi}, Jevti} 2007, 125140.
66
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
have, so far, not been noted, either in these areas, or in beakers with two handles were found, similar to the
any distant regions.67 In this period the deceased were examples from Kokino Selo, Ranutovac and others,
usually inhumed, very rarely cremated, and only then was dated to the periods 22752139; 21992135 and
in the biritual necropolises in which inhumation dom- 21962050 BC (23rd21st century BC). At the same site,
inated. At the Xeropigado necropolis, in the north-west oven models similar to those in Ranutovac were also
of Greece, for example, where more than 200 graves discovered, which connect these two sites from the per-
with inhumation have been discovered, only 12 were spective of material culture as well.74 Maliq strata
cremations, or around 5%.68 Necropolises with only IIIaIIIb, as well as Kastanas strata 2622b (the most
inhumed deceased were noted in Thrace. In Albania, numerous analogies with the ceramics from our sites
tumuli with inhumed deceased are prevalent, whilst were noted in stratum 22b) in which was identified a
graves with cremated deceased are extremely rare and large number of stylistic-typological characteristics
appear solely in the north of Albania in the Early Bronze identical or similar to the ceramics from the sites of the
Age, whereas in the Middle Bronze Age they also upper course of the South Morava and from Gornja
appear in the south of Albania.69 In the area of the cen- P~inja, were also dated to the period of the final quarter
tral Balkans, in the Early Bronze Age, the custom of of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC.75
solely cremation burials has not been noted, but there To approximately the same period we can date the pre-
are numerous necropolises with biritual burials. In the sented finds from Davidovac, Neradovac and Pavlo-
area of the Beloti}Bela Crkva culture, several graves vac, whilst it should be noted that the mutual chrono-
with cremated deceased were noted,70 and at the ne- logical relation between these sites cannot be precisely
cropolises under the tumuli in the West Morava valley, determined without absolute dates.
both rituals were more or less equally present.71 The The dates for the BubanjHum III culture, whose
closest territory in which, around this time, the almost cultural elements, together with the elements of the
exclusive ritual of cremation burials was noted is Olte- Early Bronze Age of western Bulgaria,76 dominate on
nia.72 However, due to the large distance between the the ceramics from the sites in Pelince and Kokino Selo,
regions, it cannot be linked with this custom in the far appear to be slightly younger, at least in the far north
south-east of Serbia. of its territory. Thus, the pit from the Early Bronze Age
For now, the necropolis in Ranutovac, where exclu- at Nova~ka ]uprija, with finds characteristic of the
sively cremated deceased were noted, remains the only BubanjHum III culture, was determined by calibrat-
one of its kind in the territory of the central Balkans, ed dates to 21601850 BC,77 whilst the oldest stratum
and it is possible that the reason for this sole ritual is
social, micro regional, sacral, economic or some other
in nature, and it does not necessarily have to be linked
with the cultural affiliation of the communities that 67 In central Greece and in the Peloponnese, for example, in
practiced it. Nevertheless, it has to be mentioned that the the Early Bronze Age (EH IIII) necropolises with burnt deceased
were not noted (Weiberg 2007, 188), nor in Thrace (Todorova 2003,
spiritual concept of storing offerings in shallow pits
295296) or Muntenia (Schuster 2003, 109119).
with circular stone constructions at the necropolis of 68 Maniatis, Ziota 2011, 461.
Ranutovac closely resembles the rituals noted in near- 69 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, 225.
by Kokino Selo, Pelince and Davidovac, as well as the 70 Gara{anin 1973, 361367.
other sacred places which belong to the AegeanThra- 71 Dmitrovi} 2009, 115.
72 Schuster 2003, 138.
cian sacral area.
73 Maniatis, Ziota 2011, 461478.
The necropolis in Ranutovac can, at this time, only
74 PapleuqumionPapanqimon, PilalhPapasterion
be chronologically determined by relative dates.
1998, 87.
Closest to this necropolis, according to both the burial 75 Prendi, Bunguri 2008, 274; Aslanis 1985, 318, Abb. 130.
custom (both inhumation and cremation) as well as the 76 For this culture that covered the territory of western Bulgaria,
grave offerings (beakers with two handles), is the ne- Southern Pomoravlje, eastern Serbia and north-eastern Macedonia,
cropolis of Xeropigado, in the north-west of Greece, the proposed name was Bubanj III Pernik culture (Nikolova 1999,
which has been chronologically determined using 233), that is BubanjHum III Pelince IIIII Pernik culture (Bula-
tovi} 2011, 11). S. Alexandrov also considers that the territory of
absolute dates. This necropolis is dated to a period of south-western Bulgaria in the Early Bronze Age (EBA III) belonged
about seven centuries, starting at the end of the 25th to the cultural area of the central Balkans (Alexandrov 1998, 231).
century BC.73 The house at Archontiko, in which 12 77 Krsti} et al. 1986, 34.
67
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
at Ljuljaci is dated to 19501900 BC.78 Stratum III at Greece, and eastern Albania in the south, to northern
Junacite, where beakers of the BubanjHum III type Macedonia in the north. The results of the explorations
were noted along with other finds, is dated to of the new sites and the finds presented in this paper
23002000 BC.79 confirmed the assumptions that the Armenochori cul-
As can been seen, all the known dates for both cul- ture included, at least in one period of its existence, the
tures are derived from different sites, which are, additi- territory of Southern Pomoravlje as well. Based on the
onally, quite far apart from each other. Therefore, based available data, it cannot be determined, with any preci-
on these dates, their chronological relation cannot be sion, the time at which this group started its expansion
defined. The only certain thing is that the territory of towards the north, that is to say when it spread to
the upper course of the South Morava and north-eastern Southern Pomoravlje. However, according to the avai-
Macedonia were, at least for a short while, a contact lable data and absolute dates, it is generally assumed
zone between the BubanjHum III and Armenochori that it happened at sometime towards the end of the 3rd
cultures (Map 2), whilst their more precise chronolog- or the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. Based on
ical relation can only be determined with a series of the topography of the Early Bronze Age sites in the ter-
absolute dates, from several indicative sites. ritory of north-eastern Macedonia and the upper course
According to some elements noted on the ceramics of the South Morava, it can be said that the Early Bronze
from absolutely dated sites of the Early and Middle Age was a relatively peaceful period, as the settlements
Bronze Age in the central Balkans, such as the vessels were set in lowland parts of the territory, and hill fort
with horizontally placed handles with horn-like exten- settlements were absent. In the mountainous region a
sions, beakers with two handles which exceed the level larger, possibly even regional shrine (Kokino) was
of the rim (Ljuljaci second horizon),80 or dual vessels formed, where stylistic-typological elements of both
(Nova~ka ]uprija),81 it can be determined that the peri- cultures were noted, whilst smaller ritual places (Davi-
od in which the Armenochori culture spread towards dovac, Pelince) were also organised in the lowland
the north and actually met the BubanjHum III culture parts of the territory, probably near settlements. Such
in the region of Kumanovo and in the upper course of topographical features of the sites, considering the
the South Morava, was somewhere between the end of presence of finds from both cultures in some of them,
the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. point to the fact that, even if there were certain cultur-
al or ethnic changes in this period, such as cultural
penetrations or migrations from the south, they were
CONCLUSION not violent, but gradual and led to the peaceful coexis-
tence of the communities of both cultures.
Based on all previously presented data, as well as These two, obviously related cultures, with pottery
the data presented in this paper about the material, and inventory of very similar stylistic-typological charac-
especially the spiritual culture of the communities from teristics, probably arose from similar cultural roots.
this territory, if we take a wider view of the Early However, their cultural-chronological relation, unfor-
Bronze Age Balkans, it is possible to discern a certain tunately, cannot be more precisely defined without a
cultural unity in the territory of the northern Aegean, series of absolute dates and further research.
Thrace, northern Greece and the Central Balkans, which Within the cultures from the end of the Early and
can be defined as a uniform cultural zone. This cultural into the Middle Bronze Age in the central Balkans,
unity is the result of the development of the autochtho- however, the elements of the Armenochori culture are
nous cultures, but also the interaction of the cultures recognisable, which would indicate that, apart from the
from the Aegean circle with cultures from the interior of autochthonous BubanjHum III culture, this culture
the Balkan Peninsula throughout the previous periods. also left its mark on the genesis and the development
Within this uniform cultural zone, among others, can of the Middle Bronze Age in the Balkans.
also be defined two almost concurrent cultural mani-
festations, the BubanjHum III Pelince Pernik cul-
ture (complex), which comprises western Bulgaria, 78 Bogdanovi} 1986, 70.
Southern Pomoravlje, eastern Serbia and north-eastern 79 Nikolova 1999, 226.
Macedonia, and the Armenochori (Pelagonian) culture, 80 Bogdanovi} 1986, kat. br. 50, 51.
whose territory stretches from northern and western 81 Krsti} et al. 1986, T. XVI/13.
68
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Aiano 2006 L. Aiano, Pots and drums: an acoustic Bulatovi}, Kapuran 2013 A. Bulatovi}, A.
study of Neolithic pottery drums, Eurorea 3, EXARC, Kapuran, Praistorijski lokaliteti na trasi auto-
Eindhoven, 3142. puta E 75 prethodni izve{taj, Leskova~ki zbornik
Alexandrov 1995 S. Alexandrov, The Early LIII, Leskovac, 7079.
Bronze Age in Western Bulgaria: periodization and Detev 1981 P. Detev, Le tell Razkopanica, Cultures
Cultural Definition, in: D. W. Bailey and I. Panayotov prhistoriques en Bulgarie, Izvesi na Arheoloi~e-
with S. Alexandrov (eds.), Prehistoric Bulgaria, Mono- ski insiu XXXVI, Sofi, 141188.
graphs in World Archaeology No. 22, Madison Wiscon- Dmitrovi} 2009 K. Dmitrovi}, Bronzano doba
sin, 253270. u ~a~anskom kraju, neobjavqen magistarski rad od-
Alexandrov 1998 S. Alexandrov, Pottery of the brawen na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu.
Early Bronze Age in Western Bulgaria, in: M. Stefano- Gara{anin 1958 M. Gara{anin, Neolithikum und
vich, H. Todorova, H. Hauptmann (eds.) J. Harvey Gaul Bronzezeit in Serbien und Makedonien, Bericht der
in Memoriam, Sofia, 223233. Romisch-Germanischen Kommission des Deutschen
Alexandrov 2007 S. Alexandrov, Bronze Age 39, 1130.
materials from Bagacina (NorthWest Bulgaria), in: M. Gara{anin 1973 M. Gara{anin, Praistorija
Stefanovich, C. Angelova (eds.) Prae, in honorem Hen- na tlu Srbije, Srpska kwi`evna zadruga, Beograd.
rieta Todorova, Sofia, 103129. Gara{anin 1983 M. Gara{anin, Grupa Bubanj
Aslanis 1985 I. Aslanis, Kastanas, die Fruhbronze- Hum III, u: A. Benac (ur.), Praistorija jugoslavenskih
zeitlichen Funde und Befunde, Berlin. zemalja IV, ANUBIH, Sarajevo, 719722.
Blegen 1928 C. Blegen, Zygouries, a prehistoric Gara{anin, Ajdi}, Dejanovi} 1971 M. Gara-
settlement in the valley of Cleonae, The American School {anin, R. Ajdi}, D. Dejanovi}, Praistorijske kul-
of Classical Studies at Athens, Harvard University press. ture Pomoravqa i isto~ne Srbije, katalog izlo`be,
Blegen et al. 1950 C. Blegen, J. Caskey, M. Raw- Narodni muzej, Ni{.
son, J. Sperling, Troy, general introduction the first and Gara{anin, \uri} 1983 M. Gara{anin, N.
second settlements, vol. I. part 2: plates, New Jersey. \uri}, Bubaw i Velika Humska ^uka, katalog izlo`-
Blegen et al. 1951 C. Blegen, J. Caskey, M. Raw- be, Narodni muzej, Ni{.
son, Troy, the third, fourth, and fifth settlements, vol. II, Georgiev et al. 1979 G. Georgiev, N. . Merpert,
part 2: plates, New Jersey. R. V. Katin~arov, D. G. Dimitrov (eds.), Ezero, ranno-
Bogdanovi} 1986 M. Bogdanovi} Quqaci, na- bronzovoo selie, Blgarskata Akademi na nauki-
seqe protovatinske i vatinske kulture, Narodni te, Sofi.
muzej, Kragujevac. Gergov 2011 V. Gergov, Kerami~ki tarambuki
Bulatovi} 2007 A. Bulatovi}, Vrawe kultur- ot praistori~eskoto selie Teli{Redutite, u: .
na stratigrafija praistorijskih lokaliteta u Boxiev, S. Terziiska-Ignatova (ur.), Zlanoo
Vrawskoj regiji, Arheolo{ki institut, Narodni eo hiloleie, NIAMBAS, Sofi, 269273.
muzej, BeogradVrawe. Heurtley 1939 W. A Heurtley, Prehistoric Mace-
Bulatovi} 2011 A. Bulatovi}, Relations between donia, Cambridge.
Cultural Groups in the Early Bronze Age in Southeastern Kitanoski 1978 B. Kitanoski, Ranobronzeno-
Serbia, Western Bulgaria and North-eastern Macedonia, dopski grobovi od Varo{ kaj Prilep, MAA 4, 3355.
Archaeologica Bulgarica, XV, 2, Sofia, 113. Kokowski 2010 A. Kokowski, Troja, Sen Henryka
Bulatovi} 2013 A. Bulatovi}, Oven models from Schliemanna, Muzeum im. Stanislawa Staszica Instytut
Early Bronze Age Settlements in Central and Southern Archeologii Uniwersytetu MCS w Lublinie, Lublin.
Parts of the Balkan Peninsula, Archaeologia Bulgarica Kostova 2006 K. Kostova, Sveeni mesa i
XVII, 1, Sofia, 113. riualni srukuri o bronzovaa eoha v Drevna
Bulatovi}, Stankovski 2012 A. Bulatovi}, J. Traki, avtoreferat. (http://www. scribd. com/doc/
Stankovski, Bronzano doba u basenu Ju`ne Morave i 53922116/KKostova-avtoreferat pristupqeno 4. 2.
u dolini P~iwe/Bronzeno vreme vo basenot na Ju`na 2014.)
Morava i dolinata na P~iwa, Arheolo{ki institut Krsti} et al. 1986 D. Krsti}, A. Bankoff, M.
N.U. Muzej, BeogradKumanovo. Vukmanovi}, F. Winter, Praistorijski lokalitet
69
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Nova~ka }uprija, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja XII 1, Village in Northeast Greece, vol. 1, The Institute of
Beograd, 1763. Archaeology, The University of California, Los
Leakov 1992 K. Leakov, Izsledovani Angeles.
vrhu bronzovata epoha v Traki I. sravnitelna Rutter 1982 B. J. Rutter, A group of distinctive
stratigrafi na selinite mogili ot rannata pattern-decorated Early Helladic III pottery from Lerna
bronzova epoha v goizto~na Blgari, Goi{nik and its implications, The Journal of the American
na sofiski universie Sv. Klimen Ohriski School of Classical Studies at Athens, vol. 51, 459488.
om 8485, Sofi, 5119. Rutter 2008 J. B. Rutter, Anatolian Roots of
Maniatis, Ziota 2011 Y. Maniatis, Ch. Ziota, Early III Drinking Behaviour, in: H. Erkanal, H. Haupt-
Systematic 14C dating of a unique Early and Middle mann, V. Sahogly, R. Tuncel (eds.), The Aegean in the
Bronze Age Cemetery at Xeropigado Koiladas, West Neolithic, Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze Age, Ankara
Macedonia, Greece, Radiocarbon 53/3, 461478. University, Ankara, 461482.
Mitrevski 2003 D. Mitrevski, Prehistory in Sanev 1999 V. Sanev, Pottery in Favour of De-
Republic of Macedonia F.Y.R.O.M, in: D. V. Gram- signating the Cultural Borders of the Early Bronze Age
menos (ed.) Recent research in the Prehistory of the in Macedonia, in: Macedonia and the Neighbouring
Balkans, Thessaloniki, 1372. Regions from 3rd to 1st milenium b. c., papers presented
Nacev 2009 T. Nacev, Trie keramiki re- at the International Symposium in Struga 1997, Museum
zulai od za{inie arheolo{ki isra{uvawa of Macedonia, Skopje, 127136.
Zleovica 20072009, N.U. Zavod za za{tita na Schuster 2003 S. Schuster, Zur Bestattungsweise
spomenicite na kulturata i muzej, [tip. in Sdrumniem in der Bronzezeit, u: R. Vasi} (ed.)
Nikolova 1999 L. Nikolova, The Balkans in Later Sahranjivanje u bronzano i gvozdeno doba, Simpozijum
Prehistory, Periodization, Chronology and Cultural odr`an u ^a~ku 2002. godine, Narodni muzej u ^a~ku
Development in the Final Copper and Early Bronze Age i Arheolo{ki institut u Beogradu, ^a~ak, 109130.
(Fourth and Third Millenia BC), BAR International Simoska, Sanev 1976 D. Simoska, V. Sanev
Series 791. (ur.) Praistorija vo centralna Pelagonija, katalog
Nowicki 1994 K. Nowicki, Some Remarks on the izlo`be, Naroden muzej, Bitola.
Pre-and Protopalatial Peak Sanctuaries in Crete, Aegean Simoska 1984 D. Simoska, Visok rid, prais-
Archaeology I, Warsaw, 3148. torijska povekeslojna naselba (preliminaren izve-
Papaefthymiou-Papanthimou, Pilali-Papasteriou {taj), Zbornik na trudovi 45, Bitola, 520.
1997 A. Papaefthymiou-Papanthimou, A. Pilali- Simoska 1984a D. Simoska, Arheolo{ki kom-
Papasteriou, Excavation at Arhondiko, 1993, resume, pleks Suvodol, lokalitet Anovi II, Zbornik na
To arcaiologiko ergo sth Makedonia kai sth trudovi 45, Bitola, 2132.
Qrakh 7, 152. Srejovi} 2002 D. Srejovi}, Iliri i Tra~ani,
Papleuqumion-P Papanqimon, Pilalh-P Papaste- prir. V. Jovi}, Srpska kwi`evna zadruga, Beograd.
rion 1998 A. Papleuqumion-Papanqi mon, A. Stankovski 2002 J. Stankovski, Tatikev Kamen
Pilalh-Papasterion, Anaskafh Arcontikon 1994 megalitska opservatorija i svetili{te, Muzejski
(tomaj) To arcaiologiko ergo sth Makedonia glasnik 79, Kumanovo, 2948.
kai sth Qrakh 8, 8390. Stoji} 1996 M. Stoji}, Le Bassin de la Morava a
Pekovi}, Jevti} 2007 M. Pekovi}, M. Jevti}, lage de bronze et a la periode de transition de lage de
Za{titna iskopavawa nalazi{ta Mihajlov ponor bronze a celui de fer, The Yougoslav Danube basin and
na Miro~u, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva the neighbouring regions in the 2 nd millennium b. c.,
23, Beograd, 125140. BeogradVr{ac, 247256.
Prendi, Bunguri 2008 F. Prendi, A. Bunguri, The Stoji}, Joci} 2006 M. Stoji}, M. Joci}, Ni{
Early Bronze Age in Albania. The Albanological study- kulturna stratigrafija praistorijskih lokali-
ing center The Institute of Archaeology, Prishtin. teta u ni{koj regiji, Arheolo{ki institut
Pullen 2011 D. J. Pullen, The Early Bronze Age Narodni muzej, BeogradNi{ 2006.
village on the Tsoungiza hill, The American School of Todorova 2003 H. Todorova, Prehistory of Bul-
Classical Studies at Athens, Princeton. garia, in: D. V. Grammenos (ed.) Recent Research in the
Renfrew et al. 1986 C. Renfrew, M. Gimbutas, E. Prehistory of the Balkans, Archaeological Institute of
S. Elster (eds.), Excavations at Sitagroi, A Prehistoric Northern Greece. Thessaloniki, 257328.
70
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Kqu~ne re~i. Rano bronzano doba, ju`no Pomoravqe, Gorwa P~iwa, Armenohori kultura, BubawHum III kultura.
U ovom radu su predstavqeni rezultati istra`ivawa loka- Svi lokaliteti nalaze se na terasi na levoj obali Ju-
liteta ranog bronzanog doba koji su evidentirani na trasi `ne Morave, na rubu aluvijalne ravni.
autoputa E 75, u okolini Vrawa, kao i novi nalazi sa loka- Stilsko-tipolo{ke karakteristike keramike iz Ranu-
liteta Tati}ev kamen u Kokinom Selu kod Kumanova, u Re- tovca i Doweg Neradovca odgovaraju Armenohori kulturi,
publici Makedoniji. koja je u rano bronzano doba (EBA III) obuhvatala teritori-
Re~ je o rezultatima istra`ivawa nekropole spaqenih ju severne Gr~ke, isto~ne Albanije i Pelagonije, dok nalazi
pokojnika u Ranutovcu, zatim ritualne jame u Davidovcu, kao iz Pavlovca, Davidovca i Kokinog Sela imaju karakteri-
i nalazima iz Doweg Neradovca, Pavlovca i Kokinog Sela stike i Armenohori kulture, ali i BubawHum III kulture,
(karta 1). Nekropola u Ranutovcu, koja se nalazi na oko 5 km kao i kulture ranog bronzanog doba zapadne Bugarske (Per-
severno od Vrawa, sastojala se iz dva dela ju`nog i sever- nik kultura).
nog, na me|usobnoj udaqenosti od oko 20 m. Ju`ni deo ne- Sakralni obi~aj pohrawivawa darova u zemqu, u vidu
kropole je bio mnogo boqe o~uvan i u wemu su konstatovani celih posuda ili wihovih delova, kao i drugih predmeta,
grobovi koje su ~inile plitke jame, sa slobodno pohrawe- sa kru`nim kamenim konstrukcijama oko jame i iznad we,
nim ostacima spaqenog pokojnika, koji su u nekim slu~aje- konstatovan u Kokinu (sl. 5) i Pelincu, ali i u Davidovcu
vima bili pokriveni posudom (sl. 13). U grobovima su (ali bez kamene konstrukcije), svakako pripada Egejsko-
konstatovani prilozi u vidu celih posuda ili ve}ih frag- tra~kom sakralnom arealu, a veoma sli~an duhovni kon-
menata posuda (T. I/117), a oko jama i iznad wih je formi- cept pohrawivawa darova u plitke jame okru`ene i pokri-
rana kru`na kamena konstrukcija pre~nika 12 m. U sever- vene kru`nim kamenim konstrukcijama prisutan je i na
nom delu nekropole otkriveno je i istra`eno 13 grobova, a nekropoli u Ranutovcu.
u ju`nom delu 10 grobova. Osim posuda, u grobovima su na- Na osnovu svih ranije prezentovanih podataka, kao i
|eni stilizovani modeli pe}i (T. I/8, T. II/16) i jedna kame- podataka predstavqenih u ovom radu o materijalnoj, a na-
na perforirana sekira. ro~ito duhovnoj kulturi zajednica ranog bronzanog doba na
U Davidovcu, udaqenom 10 km ju`no od Vrawa, prili- ovoj teritoriji, na Balkanu je, {ire posmatrano, mogu}e
kom za{titnih iskopavawa 2011. godine otkrivena je jedna uo~iti izvesno kulturno jedinstvo na teritoriji severne
kru`na jama, pre~nika oko 0,7 m i dubine oko 0,2 m (sl. 4), Egeje, Trakije, severne Gr~ke i centralnog Balkana, koje se
u kojoj su na|eni jedan bubaw od pe~ene zemqe (T. III/30), za- mo`e definisati kao jedinstvena kulturna zona. Ovo kultur-
tim tri ve}a i dva mawa fragmenta razli~itih zdela, kao no jedinstvo je rezultat razvoja autohtonih kultura, ali i
i ve}i fragment amfore (T. II/2528, T. III/29). me|usobnih uticaja kultura iz Egejskog kruga i kultura iz
U Pavlovcu, na oko 7 km ju`no od Vrawa, na lokalitetu unutra{wosti Balkanskog poluostrva tokom prethodnih
Kova~ke wive, otkriveno je nekoliko nalaza koji pripadaju perioda. Unutar te jedinstvene kulturne zone mogu se defi-
ranom bronzanom dobu (T. II/1924), a jedan fragment kera- nisati, izme|u ostalih, i dve pribli`no istovremene kul-
mike iz tog perioda otkriven je i na lokalitetu Golo rebro turne manifestacije: Bubaw Hum III Pelince Pernik
u Dowem Neradovcu, na oko 3 km ju`no od Vrawa (T. II/18). kultura (kompleks), koja obuhvata zapadnu Bugarsku, ju`no
71
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Pomoravqe, isto~nu Srbiju i severoisto~nu Makedoniju, i je ova grupa zapo~ela ekspanziju prema severu, odnosno kada
Armenohori (Pelagonijsku) kulturu, ~ija se teritorija pro- se pro{irila do ju`nog Pomoravqa, ali se, prema dostup-
stire od severne i zapadne Gr~ke, i isto~ne Albanije, na nim podacima i apsolutnim datumima, pretpostavqa da se
jugu, do severne Makedonije, na severu (karta 2). to okvirno dogodilo krajem III ili po~etkom II milenijuma
Rezultati istra`ivawa novih lokaliteta i nalazi pre n. e.
prezentovani u ovom radu potvrdili su pretpostavke da Uticaj Armenohori kulture je prepoznatqiv i u kultu-
Armenohori kultura obuhvata, bar u jednom periodu svoje rama sredweg bronzanog doba na centralnom Balkanu, ~ime
egzistencije, i teritoriju ju`nog Pomoravqa. Na osnovu je ova kultura ostavila trag i u genezi i razvoju bronzanog
dostupnih podataka ne mo`e se ta~no odrediti vreme kada doba na Balkanskom poluostrvu.
72
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
3
4
7 8
9 10
11
12 13 14
Plate I Finds from the necropolis in Ranutovac, northern part (1, 3, 6, 8 grave 7; 2 grave 2; 4, 5 grave 1;
7 grave 5; 9 grave 6); southern part (1012 grave 17; 13 grave 20; 14 grave 21)
Tabla I Nalazi iz nekropole u Ranutovcu, severni deo (1, 3, 6, 8 grob 7; 2 grob 2; 4, 5 grob 1;
7 grob 5; 9 grob 6); ju`ni deo (1012 grob 17; 13 grob 20; 14 grob 21)
73
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
17
15 16 18
19 20 21 22
23 24
25 26
27 28
Plate II Finds from the southern part of the necropolis in Ranutovac (15 grave 15; 16 grave 20);
fragment from the northern part of the necropolis (17 grave 1); find from Donji Neradovac, Golo Rebro site (18);
finds from Pavlovac, Kova~ke Njive site (1924); Davidovac, Gradi{te site, pit finds (2528)
Tabla II Nalazi iz ju`nog dela nekropole u Ranutovcu (15 grob 15; 16 grob 20);
fragment iz severnog dela nekropole (17 grob 1); nalaz iz Doweg Neradovca, lokalitet Golo rebro (18)
nalazi iz Pavlovca, lokalitet Kova~ke wive (1924); Davidovac, lokalitet Gradi{te, nalazi iz jame (2528)
74
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], New finds as a contribution to the study of the Early Bronze Age (5775) STARINAR LXIV/2014
29 30
31 32
33 34 35
36 37 38
75
IVANA POPOVI]
Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade
Abstract. In the course of archaeological excavations carried out in 2012 and 2013, in the northwestern section of the palatial
complex in Sirmium (locality 85), many fragments of porphyry and marble sculptures were discovered. Worth mentioning among
the marble sculptures is a female head with a lunular diadem that had, most probably, been made during the Antonine period.
The head was used as spolia incorporated in the medieval wall. It was a fragment of a statue of some goddess, possibly Juno,
Minerva or the deified empress Faustina the Younger, and erected in the area of the palatial complex during
the Late Antique period.
A
rchaeological excavations of the northwestern structure (fig. 1a) were discovered. Next to the square
section of the palatial complex in Sirmium were recorded remains of two rooms whose floors
(locality 85) have been in progress since were paved with mosaics with geometric motifs. These
2002, with an interruption from 2007 to 2010, result- mosaics were damaged in a later period by the intru-
ing from a lack of funds to continue investigations. sion of the postholes used as the substructure of the
Investigations revealed a large structure (31 x 39 m) Gepidean houses which were built at the time of disin-
with substantial walls reinforced on the inside with tegration of the palatial complex during the 5th and 6th
pilasters, that was most probably the granary (hor- centuries. Three contemporary burials, most probably
reum), had been built in this area in the 4th century. of the Gepidean population, were also discovered in
Sometime later the annexes were added on the north the immediate vicinity of these dwelling structures.1
and south side of the eastern wall. The remains of a The cathedral church of medieval Dmitrovica was built
fountain were recorded in the northern section of the in the medieval period on top of the remains of antique
annex. A square connecting this section of the complex
with structures in its western area (locality 37) was
built along the eastern annex wall in the second half of
the 4th century. In the course of excavations conducted 1 Jeremi}, Popovi} 2004, 284288; Jeremi} 2009, 470491,
in 1968 and 1969, remains of a luxurious Late Roman Fig. 9, 1720, 30; Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011, 427432, Fig. 213.
* The article results from the project: Romanization, urbanization and transformation of urban centres of civil, military and residential
character in the Roman provinces on territory of Serbia (no 177007) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological
development of the Republic of Serbia.
77
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Fig. 1a. Sirmium investigated localities within the palatial complex (plan B. Popovi})
Sl. 1a. Sirmijum istra`ivani lokaliteti u sklopu palatijalnog kompleksa (plan: B. Popovi})
architecture in the western section of locality 85.The Among the few fragments of marble structures
fresco-painted crypt of the church used the wall of a discovered at locality 85 in 2012, only the partially pre-
Late Roman structure of economic character.2 The served head of a young woman (C7/2012: h. 15.5 cm;
multi-layered necropolis used in the period between w. 15 cm) offers clear data for analysis. This head had
the 12th and 16th centuries was established around the been used as spolia in the Middle Ages, as it was found
church.3 Medieval structures and communications were incorporated in wall XXXIII (fig. 2) built above the
also recorded in the eastern section of the site. street, which was dated by monetary finds to the 13th
During the course of archaeological excavations century.5 At the time of its discovery the head was cov-
carried out in the autumn of 2012, medieval and antique ered with a thick layer of mortar and looked like some
layers at locality 85 were levelled off 4, and during the architectural element spherical in shape (fig. 3 ad). It
campaign in the autumn of 2013, medieval structures turned out, after cleaning and conservation, that it is the
and communications were removed (fig. 1b). Many marble head of a woman whose lower sections of the
fragments of carved porphyry and marble belonging to face are missing and the nose is damaged.6 The eyes
Roman period sculptures were found on these occa-
sions. Of these carvings, a fragmented marble female
head and fragments of a porphyry male head were pre-
served. Unfortunately, most of these sculptural frag- 2 Jeremi} 2006, 164167.
ments were not discovered in situ, while some of them 3 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011, 486494; 523541.
were used as spolia in medieval structures or commu- 4 Popovi}, Pop-Lazi}, Popovi}, Vujadinovi} 2012, 3841.
5 According to preliminary analysis conducted by Pavle Popo-
nications. Nevertheless, this material, together with
sculptural works discovered during excavation of this vi}, the museum counsellor from the Museum of Srem, at the level
of medieval street where discovered copper coins of Hugarian king
area in the preceding years, offers important elements Istvan IV (11621163) and silver Croatiani coins from the period
for the comprehension of the decorative concept applied between 1235 and 1349 (from the reign of Bela IV to Miklos Cehi).
in this section of the palatial complex. 6 Popovi} 2013a, 113, sl. 46; Popovi} 2013b, 113, fig. 46.
78
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
are of an almond shape with lightly engraved corneas that she had a chignon at the back of her head. Slightly
and crescent shaped pupils. Her hair is parted along the wavy hair gathered at the nape represents one of the
middle of the head and is depicted by relatively deep, characteristic hairstyles of empresses from the time of
slightly meander-like channels, creating a lightdark the Antonines, primarily of Faustina the Younger, wife
contrast. It was probably gathered in a chignon, but the of Marcus Aurelius,7 and that could indicate the date of
back of the head is also damaged, so that segment of origin of the head of this goddess. In favour of such
the hair style is missing. On the head is a diadem of chronological determination speaks the fact that private
lunular shape, damaged on the upper arched section portraits and other sculptural works during the Antonine
(fig. 4 ac). Near the top in central section is shallow, period had been modelled after the sculptures of rulers
symmetrical, circular impression preserved in the and their wives and that their characteristic is an opti-
lower semicircular segment (fig. 5). cal effect of contrast between the voluminously sculp-
Judging by the lunular diadem, which is an attribute tured hair and the smooth, incarnate hair.8 The head of
of some female deities, the head represents a goddess, the goddess from Sirmium also reveals such characte-
possibly Juno or Minerva, although, because of the da- ristics as thick wavy hair above the forehead and face,
mage and lack of attributes, a precise identification is which is without significant vibrations, and slightly
not possible. The execution of hair indicates the work curly locks which are divided by channels, although
of Asia Minor sculptors and the general style of cre- much shallower and less pronounced than those used
ation links it to the sculptures from the period around
the middle or second half of the 2nd century. Despite
the fact that the hairstyle of the depicted goddess is not
completely preserved, and considering that the hair is 7 Wegner 1938, 324325, Abb.4.
falling downward from the top of the head, it seems 8 Cambi 2005, 9596.
79
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b
c d
Fig. 3 ad. Head of the goddess after being extracted from the medieval wall (photo S. Pop-Lazi})
Sl. 3 ad. Glava bogiwe posle va|ewa iz sredwovekovnog zida (foto: S. Pop-Lazi})
80
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b
Fig. 4 ac. head of the goddess after cleaning and conservation (photo N. Bori})
Fig. 5. Lunular diadem on the goddess head (photo N. Bori})
Sl. 4 ac. Glava bogiwe posle ~i{}ewa i konzervacije (foto N. Bori})
Sl. 5. Lunulasta dijadema na glavi bogiwe (foto: N. Bori})
Mitrovica,9 this sculpture could also have been the work raises some questions related to the time, circum-
of masters from the Asia Minor workshops, made during stances and place of their display.
the Antonine period. The head of the goddess, Minerva As the Sirmium head was incorporated into the
or Juno, also with a lunular diadem, found at ^itluk medieval wall, its original architectural context could
near Sinj (Aequum), is also the work of artisans from not be established. It could be assumed, with some cer-
Aphrodisias.10 In Aquileia, from the Antonine to the tainty, that this sculpture was, in the Late Roman period,
Late Roman period, were displayed medallions with,
most probably, representations of 12 deities, made
according to the traditions of the works of masters from
this stone-carving centre in Asia Minor.11 The head 9 Popovi} 2012, 108109, kat. 34.
from Sirmium, as well as the one from nearby Divo{, 10 Cambi 2005, 123, sl. 180.
are stylistically close to the Antonine period and that 11 Mian 2013, 326231, cat. 3439.
81
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
of future emperors, and proclaimed his son Commodus 14 Mian 2013, 226.
as heir apparent. Because of that, the role of empress, 15 Mirkovi} 1971, 33; Mirkovi} 2006, 61.
16 Philostr., V. Marci 168169.
the mother of the future emperor, gained in importance
17 Mirkovi} 1971, 36; Mirkovi} 2006, 65.
and that also remained so in the ensuing period, during
18 Popovi} 2010, 217.
the reign of the Severi, who also established their
19 RIC III, 206.
dynasty based on blood relationships. A large number 20 Among many specimens with representation of Faustina
of cameos in the Danube basin with representations of the Younger with diadem on the head we are distinquishing the
women with hairstyles characteristic of empresses denarius from the find in Sotine (Cornacum), cf. RIC III, No 713.
from the dynasties of Antonines and Severi could be 21 Cambi 2005, 95, nap. 327, 329.
82
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
a b
c d
83
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
considered Marcus Aurelius to be one of five good two connected cylindrical elements of varied thickness
emperors and wanted to present himself as his legiti- (fig. 7a), carved out of one piece of marble (fig. 7b). On
mate heir.22 Regarding these attempts, and as an element the lateral side of the left, thicker part (R 10.4111.70 cm)
of imperial propaganda, Constantines wife Fausta was of the composition is a spherical protrusion resembling
depicted on the cameos from Bela Palanka (Remesi- a knot in a piece of wood (fig. 7c), while on the lateral
ana)23 and on the coins minted after the year 320 with side of the right element (R 7.20 cm) is some irregu-
a hairstyle resembling that favoured by Faustina the larly shaped damage (fig. 7d). On a separate, semi cir-
Younger, i.e., with slightly wavy hair gathered in a cularly ending part, which is connects the two cylindrical
chignon at the nape.24 Fausta, nobilissima femina, also elements at the front, is a ribbed ornament consisting
got the title of Augusta in 324. Taking into account that of a central relief band with laterally slanting bands
Constantines court was in Sirmium from the beginning radiating from it (fig. 7a). It is possible that, in such
of 320 until the beginning of 324 and that the emperor manner, a leaf with its venation was depicted. The pre-
himself stayed there on many occasions for quite long served fragment of marble sculpture represents, most
periods of time,25 it is logical to assume that the area probably, a segment of a tree branching off into the upper
of the imperial palace was representative and that a zone. If a leaf (vine leaf?) is depicted, it was probably
statue of the goddess dating from the Antonine period, an element (support?) from a composition showing a
possible of Faustina the Younger herself was displayed scene from the cult of Dionysus, like the similar frag-
there as a reflection of imperial propaganda. ment from the hoard of sculptures from Mediana.26
The fragments of other sculptural works made of The new finds of marble sculptures together with
marble have also been discovered in addition to this the fragmented marble capitals, architectural decora-
head, at locality 85 during excavations in 2012. These tions, heads of goddesses and the segment of the upper
were the segment of the upper arm and shoulder (C63/ arm and shoulder, discovered in 2003 and 2005,27 con-
2012: l. 11.2 cm, w. 5.6 cm) (fig. 6) and a fragment of firm that the area to the east of the economy building
a figural composition, (C57/2012: l. 15 cm, w. 21 cm) at locality 85 was an integral part of the residential zone
which, unfortunately, could not be identified. These are of the palatial complex.
Fig. 12; Popovi} 2012, 1921, 7882, 110112, 119, kat. 9, 36, 43.
84
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Cambi 2005 N. Cambi, Kiparstvo rimske Dalma- Mirkovi} 2006 M. Mirkovi}, Sirmium. Istorija
cije (Summary: The Sculpture of the Roman Province of rimskog grada od I do kraja VI veka, Sremska Mitrovica
Dalmatia), Split 2005. 2006.
Hannestad 1988 N. Hannestad, Roman Art and Popovi} 2008 I. Popovi}, Marble Sculptures from
Imperial Policy, Aarhus 1988. the Imperial Palace in Sirmium (Rezime: Mermerne
Jeremi} 2009 M. Jeremi}, The Sirmium Imperial skulpture iz carske palate u Sirmijumu), Starinar
Palace Complex, in Light of the Recent Archaeological (n. s.) LVI (2006), 2008, 153166.
Investigations, in: Diocletian, Tetrarchy and Diocletians Popovi} 2009 I. Popovi}, Les sculptures du palais
Palace on the 1700 th Anniversary of Existence (Internati- imprial de Sirmium (fouilles 20032005), in: Les ateliers
onal Conference, Split, September 2005), eds. N. Cambi, de sculpture rginoaux: techniques, styles et iconographie,
J. Belamari}. T. Marasovi}, Split, 471499. Actes du Xe Colloque international sur lart provincial
Jeremi}, Popovi} 2004 M. Jeremi}, I. Popo- romain, ed. V. Gaggadis-Robin, A. Hermary, M. Redd,
vi}, Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa Sirmijuma u Srem- C. Sintes, Arles et Aix-en-Provence 2009, 707712.
skoj Mitrovici na lokalitetima 79 i 85 (u periodu Popovi} 2010 I. Popovi}, Roman cameos with
od 2000. do 2003. godine), Starinar (n. s.) LIIILIV, female busts from Middle and Lower Danube, Pallas.
2004, 281288. Revue dtudes antiques. Glyptique romaine, 2010,
Jovanovi} 1975 A. Jovanovi}, Neki aspekti 203224, Pl. IXXIII.
problema skupnog nalaza skulptura sa Medijane kod Popovi} 2012 I. Popovi}, Sirmium Mermerne
Ni{a (Rsum: Certains aspects du probleme de la trou- skulpture / Sirmium Marble Sculptures. Beograd
vaille collective de sculptures Mediana prs de Naissus), Sremska Mitrovica 2012.
Starinar XXIVXXV (19731974) 1975, 5765. Popovi} 2013 a I. Popovi}, Sirmijum car-
Mian 2013. G. Mian, Clipei con busti di divinit, ska rezidencija, panonska metropola i hri{}anska
cat. nr. 3439, in: Constantino e Teodoro. Aquileia nel glava Ilirika, u: Konstantin Veliki i Milanski
IV cecolo, eds. C. Tiussi, L. Villa, M. Novello, Aquileia edikt 313. Ra|awe hri{}anstva u rimskim provin-
2013, 226231. cijama na tlu Srbije, ur. I. Popovi}, B. Bori}-
Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011 N. Miladinovi}- Bre{kovi}, Beograd 2013, 102117.
Radmilovi}, Sirmium. Necropolis, BeogradSremska Popovi} 2013 b I. Popovi}, Sirmium Imperial
Mitrovica 2011. Residence, Pannonian Metropolis and Christian Head
Mirkovi} 1971 M. Mirkovi}, Sirmium-its History of Illyricum, in: Constantine the Great and the Edict of
from the I Century A. D. to 582 A. D. The Inscriptions Milan 313. The Birth of Cristianity in the Roman Pro-
from Sirmium and its Territory, in: Sirmium I, V. Popovi}, vinces on the Soil of Serbia, eds. I. Popovi}, B. Bori}-
ed., Beograd, 1971, 594. Bre{kovi}, Beograd 2013, 102117.
85
Ivana POPOVI], New discoveries of marble sculptures in the Sirmium imperial palace (7786) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Popovi}, Pop-Lazi}, Popovi}, Vujadinovi} 2012 Arheolo{kog instituta u 2001. godini (priredile V. Biki},
I. Popovi}, S. Pop-Lazi}, B. Popovi}, V. Vujadinovi}, S. Golubovi}, D. Antonovi}), Beograd 2012, 3841.
Arheolo{ka iskopavanja u Sremskoj Mitrovici 2012. Wegner 1938 M. Wegner, Datierung rmischer
godine Lokalitet 85, Arheologija u Srbiji. Projekti Haartrachten, Archologischer Anzeiger 53, 198, 276328.
Tokom arheolo{kih iskopavawa, sprovedenih 2012. i 2013. cija ne mo`e precizno utvrditi. Tretman kose ukazuje na
godine na prostoru severozapadnog dela palatijalnog kom- rad maloazijskih klesara, a op{ti stil izrade je povezuje sa
pleksa u Sirmijumu (lokalitet 85) (sl. 1a, 1b), otkriveno skulpturama iz perioda oko sredine ili druge polovine II
je vi{e fragmenata skulptura od porfira i mermera. veka. Blago talasasta kosa, skupqena iznad vrata, predstav-
Od nekoliko delova mermernih skulptura otkrivenih qa jednu od karakteristi~nih frizura carica iz doba Anto-
2012. godine na lokalitetu 85, izvesne podatke za analizu nina, pre svega Faustine Mla|e, `ene Marka Aurelija, {to
pru`a samo delimi~no o~uvana glava mlade `ene, kori{}e- bi moglo da upu}uje na vreme nastanka glave bogiwe. S obzi-
na tokom sredweg veka kao spolija, budu}i da je bila ugra- rom da je Konstantin smatrao Marka Aurelija za jednog od
|ena u zid (sl. 2) podignut iznad ulice, koja je monetarnim pet dobrih careva, `ele}i da se predstavi wegovim legitim-
nalazima datovana u XIII vek. U trenutku nalaza glava je nim naslednikom, na nekim serijama novca i kameja je wego-
bila oblo`ena debelim slojem maltera, pa je izgledala kao va `ena Fausta prikazivana sa frizurom karakteristi~nom
neki gra|evinski element u obliku kugle (sl. 3 ad). za caricu Faustinu Mla|u. Statua bogiwe nastala tokom
Posle ~i{}ewa i konzervacije uvidelo se da je re~ o antoninskog perioda, mo`da same deifikovane carice, ve-
mermernoj glavi `ene, kojoj nedostaju dowe partije lica i rovatno je bila postavqena na prostoru palatijalnog kom-
kojoj je nos obijen. Na glavi se nalazi lunulasta dijadema, pleksa u Sirmijumu kao segment Konstantinove propagan-
o{te}ena na gorwem, lu~nom delu (sl. 4 ac). Pri vrhu, na dne politike.
centralnom delu, nalazi se plitko, pravilno kru`no udubqe- Delovi drugih mermernih skulptura (sl. 6, 7) otkriveni
we, sa~uvano u dowem, polukru`nom delu (sl. 5). Sude}i po 2012. godine na lokalitetu 85 ne pru`aju mogu}nost sigur-
lunulastoj dijademi, obele`ju nekih `enskih bo`anstava, nog definisawa skulpturalnih kompozicija kojima su pri-
glava predstavqa bogiwu (mogu}e je Junonu ili Minervu), padali, ali ukazuju na reprezentativnost tog prostora, koji
mada se zbog o{te}ewa i nedostatka atributa identifika- su krasila brojna vajarska dela izvedena u mermeru.
86
SOFIJA PETKOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade
NATA[A MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade
Abstract. The necropolises of the Roman fortification and settlement Timacum Minus, in the village of Ravna, near Knja`evac,
were partially explored by systematical and rescue archaeological excavations. The most extensively explored was the part of
the Late Roman necropolis on the eastern slope of the Slog hill, about 400m west of the fortification, where 80 graves from
this period have been investigated. The analysis of the human osteological material, and the archaeological finds from the
aforementioned necropolis, confirmed 17 military graves, containing adult male individuals with traces of injuries, stress markers
and pathological changes, characteristic of a military population, as well as military equipment and weapons. At the time of the
formation of the Late Roman necropolis at the site of Slog, during the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century,
the garrison of the Timacum Minus fortification consisted of an equestrian unit of pseudocomitatenses Timacenses,
a part of the auxiliary formation that secured the forts and roads in the Timok region. Among the graves from the three phases
of the Late Roman necropolis, similarities as well as certain differences are apparent, indicating changes in the structure
of the civilian and military population of Timacum Minus.
Key words. Late Roman period, necropolis, Timacum Minus, Roman army, Chernyakhov culture, sharp force traumas,
blunt force injuries, injuries inflicted by an arrow.
as far back as the end of the 1st century AD, but it was
T
he Roman fortification and settlement on the
left bank of the Beli Timok, in the vicinity of abandoned after the Hun invasion of the Danube Basin
the village of Ravna, 10 km north of Knja`evac, in the middle of the 5th century (Fig. 1).3
was, using systematic archaeological explorations, Around the fortified administrative, mining-metal-
identified as Timacum Minus (Map 1).1 There are seve- lurgical and craft centre, an urban settlement with public
ral hypotheses regarding the nature of this Roman site,
however, the most credible assumption is that it was a
fortified administrative centre of the Upper Moesia 1 Petrovi} 1995, 2137; Petrovi}, Jovanovi} 1997, 1819.
mining region Territoria metallorum, which comprised 2 Du{ani} 1980, 3234; Petrovi} 1996, 195 et sequ; Du{ani}
the north-eastern part of the Upper Moesia province, 1996, 224, Note 39.
later the provinces of Dacia Ripensis and Dacia 3 Petkovi}, Jovanovi} 2000, 277280; Petkovi} et al. 2005,
Mediterranea.2 The fortification was first established 1317; Iliji} 2009, 1113.
* This article is the result of the project: Romanisation, urbanisation and transformation of urban centres of civil, military and residential
character in Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia (no. 177007), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological
Development of the Republic of Serbia.
87
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
baths, villas, workshops and temples was formed over 4 Petrovi} 1995, 1316, 40; Petkovi}, Iliji} 2013, 6465,
time. Some of these structures were confirmed by Table 1.
archaeological excavations, whilst the others were 5 Iliji} 2011.
acknowledged indirectly, through the discovered 6 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 145.
latter, which were built into the walls and buildings 8 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 279323.
9 The Project Preparation of the monograph of the Roman
during reconstruction in the Late Roman period, from
fortification and the town of Timacum Minus in Ravna near Knja-
the middle of the 3rd to the first half of the 5th century,
`evac, co-funded by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the
the existence of a large necropolis in the 2nd and 3rd Republic of Serbia and the Municipality of Knja`evac, was carried
centuries was ascertained.4 Unfortunately, for the out in 20102012 by the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade and
mentioned reason, most of the gravestones had been the Homeland Museum of Knja`evac, with an expert team consisting
of: Dr Sofija Petkovi}, senior research associate of the Institute of
dislocated, thus, very little is known about this necro-
Archaeology the head of the project, Dr Nata{a Miladinovi}-Rad-
polis. More recent non-destructive archaeological milovi}, research associate of the Institute of Archaeology anthro-
exploration, which used geophysical methods of mea- pologist, Bojana Iliji} MA, senior curator of the Homeland Museum
suring,5 along with the data gathered from locals, who of Knja`evac archaeologist, Nikola Radinovi} MA, Marija Jovi} MA
and Milica Miti} archaeologists, Sa{a Milutinovi}-Lete}i, photo-
work the fields and gardens west of the Roman fortifica- grapher and Tomislav @ivkovi}, conservator of the Homeland Museum
tion, locate the necropolis of the cremated deceased of Knja`evac, Dragica Bizjak senior undergraduate of Archaeology
from the 2nd3rd century to the stretch of [irina situated and Nikola Ivankovi} senior undergraduate of Architecture.
88
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Fig. 1. Aerial photography of the archaeological site Timacum Minus, taken from the south-east
Sl. 1. Aero-snimak arheolo{kog nalazi{ta Timacum Minus, sa jugoistoka
acquired from the revision of the human osteological with the aforementioned characteristics were analysed
material and by analyses carried out using modern according to the phases of burials at the Late Roman
methodological procedures, led us to reconsider the necropolis of Slog in order to acquire, by means of
premises and conclusions that relate to the population
of the Late Roman Ravna.10 This paper will try to sup-
plement the data about the military component of the
10 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 143144.
Timacum Minus population, which undoubtedly played 11 The injuries caused by intentional violence include fractures
a significant role in the socio-economic picture of this of the upper and lower jaw, tooth fractures, and fractures of the nose
settlement. and cheekbones, blows inflicted by hard and sharp objects (stone or
Within the explored Late Roman graves from the hilt of a sword or knife), blows inflicted by hard and blunt objects,
Slog necropolis in Ravna, the burials that contained injuries caused by sharp or blunt blade, injuries inflicted by projec-
tiles (arrows, stones from a slingshot), etc.
archaeological finds of military equipment and weapons 12 The examination of markers of occupational stress, typical
were singled out (Plan 2). By a detailed anthropological for cavalry and infantry, is very intricate work. In horsemen, for
analysis of the osteological finds from these graves, example, there is a whole series of muscle and ligament attachment
we primarily attempted to determine, as much as was points in the region of the shoulder and elbow joints, the lower back,
the sacroiliac region and in the region of the legs (most frequently
possible given the degree of bone preservation, the the femur). In addition, what should be taken into consideration are
presence of ante-mortem and perimortem traumas the deformities caused by using certain types of weapons (swords,
which occurred, not as a consequence of accidents, but bows, spears and shields), as well as from wearing military equip-
as a result of intentional violence,11 as well as the pre- ment (helmets, amour, vests etc.).
13 Pathological changes caused by frequently poor living con-
sence of characteristic markers of occupational stress12
ditions (unvaried diet, poor hygiene conditions, exposure to cold and
and pathological changes,13 which would indicate that damp, long gruelling marches, often in full battle dress and general
the deceased were in active military service. The graves exhaustion due to irregular sleep, stress, infectious diseases, etc.).
89
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
90
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
10 m
0
91
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
For determining sex on skeletal material of juve- sutures (Vallois scheme);25 changes on maxillary and
nile and adult individuals, the combination of morpho- mandibular teeth (changes were compared on the
logical and metrical methods was opted for. Special occlusal surface of the dental material with the numeri-
attention was given to the morphological elements of the cal classification of the attrition of the upper (occlusal)
skull (glabella, planum nuchale, processus mastoideus, surface of molars in relation to age, as defined by
processus zygomaticus, arcus supercilialis, protuberantia Brothwell26 and changes on the occlusal surface of the
occipitalis externa, os zygomaticum, tubera frontale et dental material with the numerical classification of the
parietale, the inclination of the os frontale, margo supra- attrition of the upper surface of all teeth in relation to
orbitalis and the shape of the orbitae) and the pelvis age, as defined by Lovejoy);27 morphological changes
(sulcus praearicularis, incisura ischiadica s. ischialis in the sternal ends of the ribs (metamorphoses of the
major, arcus pubis s. pubicus et angulus subpubicus, arc depth, joint cavities, shape, edges and ridge configura-
compose, the appearance of the os coxae, corpus ossis tion were examined, together with the overall state of
ischii, foramen obturatum, crista iliaca, fossa iliaca, the bone, based on nine (08) phases of progression,
pelvis major, pelvis minor; subpubic region: ventral arc, covering an age range from 18 to over 70);28 morpho-
subpubic concavity and the medial appearance of the logical changes on the medial end of the clavicle (mor-
ischio-pubic branch). The methodology was adopted phological changes were observed on the medial end of
from a group of European anthropologists18 and the clavicle, as documented by Scheuer and Black,29
Buikstra and Ubelaker.19 The morphological elements who established five (15) phases of progression, cover-
of the mandible were also analysed (the general appe- ing an age range from 14 to 29); morphological changes
arance of the mandible (corpus mandibulae, ramus on the joint surface of the pubic symphysis (Todds
mandibulae and angulus mandibulae), mentum, angulus method was used here, in which the metamorphosis of
mandibule and margo inferior), according to the crite- the surface of the pubic symphysis is divided into ten
ria established by Ferembach and his associates,20 and chronological phases during ageing, starting with the
metrical elements relevant for sex determination on the age of 18, up to 50 and over);30 sacroiliac region (the age
skeletons.21 Based on the obtained metrical elements, of adult individuals was determined based on the model
calculated indices were presented in tables separately defined by Lovejoy and his associates,31 whereby they
for each grave (Tables 3, 7 and 12). The mesiodistal and classified the changes within this region into eight
vestibulolingual diameters were measured on the teeth, phases, from late adolescence to the phase of old age,
in the manner recommended by Hillson.22 The diffe- devoting most attention to the examination of the posi-
rences in tooth size, obtained via these measurements, tion, marginal lipping and bone porosity of this region).
were monitored mainly on the canines, and when they 26 epigenetic variations on the cranial and 11 on
were missing in the osteological material, other teeth the postcranial part of the skeleton were observed.32
such as molars, premolars and incisors were used.23
Whilst analysing other bones of the postcranial skeleton,
both morphological and metrical elements were also
examined. The morphological elements that drew our
18 Ferembach, Schwidetzky and Stloukal 1980, 519527.
attention were the degrees of development: tuberositas 19 Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994, 1521.
deltoideae, tuberositas radii and margo interosseus (of 20 Ferembach, Schwidetsky and Stloukal 1980, 523525.
radius), tuberositas ulnae and margo interosseus (of ulna), 21 Ferembach, Schwidetsky and Stloukal 1980, 523525; Bass
linea aspera and tuberositas tibiae. Bone appearance, 1995, 84, 85.
body curvature and facies auricularis were morpho- 22 Hillson 1990, 240242; idem. 1996, 8082.
logical elements observed in the sacrum.24 Metrical 23 Garn, Lewis and Kerewsky 1965.
24 Miki} 1978, 18, 19; Bass 1995, 114.
elements have a decisive role in sex determination on
25 Vallois 1937.
the skeletal remains of the postcranial skeleton, hence, 26 Brothwell 1981, 72.
special attention was paid to them. Based on the acquired 27 Lovejoy 1985.
metrical elements, the separately calculated indices for 28 Ican, Loth and Wright 1984a; idem. 1984b; idem. 1985.
the left and the right side of the body were presented in 29 Scheuer and Black, 2000.
tables for each separate grave (Tables 4, 8, 9 and 13). 30 Todd 1920, 285334; idem. 1921a; idem. 1921b.
The individual ages of the deceased were determined 31 Lovejoy et al. 1985.
based on: the degree of obliteration of the cranial 32 Hauser and De Stefano 1989; \uri}-Sreji} 1995, 238260.
92
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
The stature of juvenile and adult individuals was Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper-
calculated based on formulae established by Trotter and trophy (cortical defect) are visible on the tendon attach-
Gleser (Tables 2, 6 and 11).33 ment point of the left calcaneus (tendo calcaneus (Achillis)).
Note: The grave is located below the Late Roman to the second half of the 4th century.
38 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 97, Cat. 1, Pl. VI, G. 44, 56, Pl. 5, 3
graves 26 and 27, which partially damaged it. The
is dated to the second half of the 3rd and the 4th century.
human osteological material and coin finds from grave 39 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 97, Cat. 2, Pl. VI, G. 44, 78, Pl. 5, 3
26 possibly belong to this grave. is dated to the 4th century.
40 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 116, Cat. 7, 9, Pl. 5, 3.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: 41 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
In the grave, skeletal remains of a male (?) juvenile/ served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
adult individual, aged 2024 (dental age), were dis- 42 Ru`i} 1994, 51, tip VII/12b, T. XXXVIII, 6, T. XL, 3 is
covered.41 dated to the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century.
43 Petkovi} 2010, 266269, sl. 97, T. LXVIII, 1, kat. 1635
The only paleopathological change detected is the
dislocation of the left ankle joint. type 34/E 1 is dated to the period of the reign of Theodosius I and
Arcadius (380408).
Dental analysis of tooth 22 indicated moderately 44 In the same grave, the partially preserved postcranial skeletal
pronounced calculus and abrasion of the 2nd degree remains of an adult female (?) individual, of unknown age (Grave 69)
(exposed dentin). were also discovered.
93
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Paleopathological changes were not noticed. ment points of both femurs (all muscle attachment points
Markers of occupational stress in the form of are pronounced along the lineae asperae). Markers of
hypertrophy (cortical defect) are visible on the liga- occupational stress in the form of hypertrophy (cortical
ment attachment point of the left femur (lig. capitis defect) are also visible on the ligament attachment points
femoris). of both femurs (lig. cruciatum posterius, lig. cruciatum
anterius). On the left tibia, two so-called squatting
facets are noticeable.
Grave 79
Sondage F I (V)/1995.
Grave 91
Freely dug burial pit, with bottom at a relative
Sondage F I (VI)/1995.
depth of 1.00 m.
Orientation: west-east. A destroyed grave construction of stone and bricks,
Skeleton supine with legs extended. with the bottom of the burial pit at a relative depth of
Finds: 1.25 m. 10 iron nails, arranged above the head, near the
12. a consecration coin of Constantine I from right upper leg and below the feet, testify to the existence
341346 and a coin of Constantius II, minted between of a wooden casket.
341348, near the right foot,46 Orientation: west-east, with a 20 deviation towards
3. two fragments of bronze plating, the north.
4. an atypical fragment of a glass vessel. Skeleton supine with legs extended and arms
straight, placed alongside the body.
Note: The upper part of the skeleton was destroyed
by grave robbers. The grave is situated below the Late No finds.
Roman graves 38 and 32.
Note: The grave was damaged by grave robbers.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male
individual, of unknown age, were discovered.47
45 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
The only paleopathological change detected is the
served postcranial skeleton).
dislocation of the right ankle joint. 46 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 115116, Cat. 6, 10, Pl. 11, 1, 4.
Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper- 47 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
trophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle attach- served postcranial skeleton).
94
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
37 (mesial, between the crown and the root, 0.85 cm in dated to the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century.
95
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
CRANIAL SKELETON GRAVE GRAVE attachment points of the right clavicle (lig. conoideum)
91 99 and left clavicle (lig. trapezoideum, lig. conoideum).
Mandible
Mandibular
86.96 -
Index
Grave 14151
Mandibular Robustness
27.78 30.78 Sondage I/2012.
Index
Mandibular Branch
44.52 47.14 Freely dug burial pit. The dimensions and relative
Index
Frontomandibular depth cannot be determined since the grave was dam-
90.38 -
Index aged by erosion and grave robbers. Two iron nails next
to the left upper arm and one below the left leg, testify
Table 3. Indices on the cranial skeleton to the existence of a wooden casket.
Orientation: southwest-northeast.
Tabela 3. Indeksi na kranijalnom skeletu Skeleton dislocated, with head and right side of the
body missing.
pathy (maxilla and mandible) and calculus (mandible) survey in 2012, in the course of the 2013 rescue excavations, 16
are mildly pronounced. The present jaw and dental more graves were discovered at the Slog necropolis, 7 of which were
Late Roman (G. 143, G. 149152, G. 154 and G. 157) Petkovi},
arch anomaly is the mesial rotation of tooth 24 (30). Radinovi}, Iliji} 2014, 3338. In 2014, more 31 graves were
Caries was not perceived. Occlusion could not be excavated (G. 159188), among them at least 8 from the Late
determined. Roman period.
52 Rectangular silver plating of a belt set, with faceted narrower
The noticeable epigenetic characteristics on the
sides, decorated longitudinally with an incised waving spiral, was
norma occipitalis are ossa suturae lambdoideae (five attached by two rivets onto the leather strap (dim: 2.5 x 0.8 cm).
on the right side, of the following dimensions: 1.1 x Generally, it can be dated to the second half of the 4th and the first
0.8 cm, 0.8 x 1.5 cm, 0.75 x 2 cm, 0.9 x 1.9 cm and 1.8 half of the 5th century, and more specifically to the last third of the
x 2.5 cm; the occipital bone was damaged post-mortem 4th and the first decade of the 5th century (Bullinger 1969, 47, Typ
Furfooz, 58 59, Typ Abbeville, Abb. 16, 1, Abb. 36, 2, Abb. 42, 1,
on its left side, however, it appears that the ossa suturae T. XXX, 2, T. LVI, T. LX, 1; Sommer 1984, 6268, Gruppe 23, T.
lambdoideae exist there as well). 46, 15.16, T. 58, 79; Nagy 2005, 450456, T. Abb. 13, 718, Abb.
Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper- 2627).
53 Obv: CONSTAN TINVSAVG, rev: PROVIDEN
trophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle attach-
TIAEAVGG, a gate fortified with two turrets and a star between
ment points of the right humerus (m. supraspinatus). them, no door, mint-mark of Thessalonica SMTS (RIC VII, 153).
Markers of occupational stress in the form of hypertro- 54 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
phy (cortical defect) are also visible on the ligament served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
96
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
The perceived paleopathological change is myositis Other observations: On the 1st metacarpal bone, a
ossificans traumatica (2.5 x 8 cm in size), in the region trace of green coloured metal oxidation is visible. This
of the m. tibialis posterior (on the middle of the body kind of trace, considering that it is on a hand bone,
of the left tibia, on the posterior side) (Pl. IV, 47). could have been made by a part of the belt set.
The epigenetic characteristic observed on the post-
cranial part of the skeleton is perforatio fossae olecrani
(0.3 cm in diameter) on the left humerus. PHASE II OF THE NECROPOLIS (380410) (Pl. V)
Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper-
trophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle attach- Grave 15
ments points of the left scapula (m. triceps brachii Sondage F I/1994.
Caput longum, m. subscapularis, m. infraspinatus, m. Rectangular burial pit dug into the subsoil (green-
teres minor, m. teres major, m. deltoideus), left yellowish marl), dimensions: 1.80 x 0.80 m, above
humerus (m. subscapularis, m. pectoralis major, m. which there was a construction of broken stone and
latissimus dorsi, m. teres major, m. deltoideus, m. tegulae that was destroyed and dislocated next to the
coracobrachialis), left radius (m. biceps brachii), left grave. Bottom at a relative depth of 1.20 m.
ulna (m. supinator, m. brachialis, m. flexor digitorum Orientation: west-east, with a deviation of 13 to-
superficialis, m. pronator teres, m. flexor carpi wards the north.
ulnaris, m. extensor carpi ulnaris) and left femur (m. Skeleton dislocated.
adductor magnus, m. gastrocnemius Caput mediale).
No finds.
Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper-
trophy (cortical defect) are also visible on the ligament Note: The grave was robbed which resulted in the
attachment point of the left femur (lig. capitis femoris). destruction of its stone construction.
97
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: 33, 34, 35, 37, 42, 43, 44, 45 and 47, and of the 4th
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male degree (pulp exposure) on teeth 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 36,
individual, aged 3545, were discovered.55 41 and 46. On maxillary teeth, hypoplasia is mildly
The perceived paleopathological changes are traces pronounced and parodontopathy is very pronounced.
of injuries in the form of two cuts on the frontal bone On the mandibular teeth, hypoplasia and parodontopathy
(Pl. VIII, 13). Both of them were probably inflicted are moderately pronounced, and calculus mildly to
by the sharp blade of a sword. One is in the region moderately pronounced. Occlusion: tte--tte.
above the right orbit. Although it is a serious injury The noticeable epigenetic characteristic on the
(the separated part of the bone is 2 x 1.7 cm in size, and norma lateralis is os incisurae parietalis (on the left
the cut is 0.4 cm deep), traces of healing are clearly side 0.75 x 1.20 cm). On the postcranial part of the
visible in the picture (Pl. VIII, 3). The second injury is skeleton, facies articularis superior atlantis bipartite
above the left orbit, also with traces of healing. The (on the left side) and trochanter tertius (on the left
injuries were inflicted in a direct clash by a right-handed femur) were observed.
opponent. Other noticeable paleopathological changes Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper-
are a fused fissure on the malleolus medialis of the right trophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle attach-
tibia, spondylolysis (on the atlas), osteoarthritis (on the ment points of the ribs (Mm. levatores costarum), both
right glenoid cavity and vertebrae L1, L2, L4 and L5, clavicles (m. trapezius, m. deltoideus, m. pectoralis
on the olecranon of the left ulna, the 1st right metacarpal major, m. sternocleidomastoideus, m. subclavius), left
bone, the pelvic bones, the right patella and on the lower humerus (m. deltoideus, m. coracobrachialis, m.
tibia ends), spondylarthrosis (of the second degree on brachialis), left ulna (m. flexor digitorum superficialis,
C4, C6 and C7), osteoporosis (on the promontorium, and m. pronator teres, m. brachialis, m. supinator), left
the thoracic and lumbar vertebrae) and osteochondritis radius (m. flexor digitorum superficialis), right and left
dissecans (near the upper end on the anterior side of tibia (m. quadriceps femoris, m. solei) and both femurs
the left femur, 0.5 cm in diameter). (m. gastrocnemius Caput mediale, m. adductor magnus,
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol- m. plantaris, m. gastrocnemius Caput laterale, m.
lowing teeth in the jaws: 12, 13, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 25, popliteus, m. biceps femoris Caput breve, m. adductor
26, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 and brevis, m. vastus intermedius, m. vastus medialis, m.
48. Teeth 11, 14, 15, 21, 31 and 38 were lost post-
mortem. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enamel) was
noted on tooth 48, of the 3rd degree (to the bottom of 55 Degree of bone preservation: category III (moderately pre-
the fissure) on teeth 12, 13 ( 4th), 16 ( 4th), 17, 32, served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
98
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Table 6. Stature
Tabela 6. Telesna visina
dated to the last quarter of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century.
Note: The grave construction was destroyed by the 57 Degree of bone preservation: category III (moderately pre-
99
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
brachialis), right ulna (m. brachialis) and right radius Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol-
(m. extensor digiti minimi, m. extensor indicis, m. lowing teeth in the jaws: 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21,
extensor pollicis longus, m. extensor carpi radialis 22, 23, 24, 25, 31 (?), 32, 33, 34, 38, 42, 44, root (35 or
brevis, m. extensor carpi radialis longus, m. abductor 45) and 48 (root). Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enamel)
pollicis longus, m. extensor pollicis brevis). Markers of was noted on teeth 16, 17, 24, 25, 33 and 34 (2nd), of
occupational stress in the form of hypertrophy (cortical the 2nd degree (exposed dentin) on teeth 14 (3rd), 15,
defect), 1.8 x 0.9 cm and 1.4 x 0.70 cm in size, are visi- 22 and 23, of the 3rd degree (to the bottom of the fissure)
ble on the ligament attachment points of both clavicles on teeth 13, 21, 31 (?), 32, 42 and 44, and of the 4th degree
(lig. costoclaviculare) (Pl. IX, 1). (pulp exposure), on teeth 11 and 12. Parodontopathy is
very pronounced on the maxilla and mandible. Hypo-
plasia and calculus are mildly pronounced. Decolouri-
Grave 26 sation of the enamel is visible on the labial side of teeth
Sondage F I/1994. 11 and 12. The present jaw and dental arch anomalies
are the mesial rotation of teeth 11 and 21 (30) and the
Destroyed grave construction of river pebbles
distal rotation of tooth 15 (30). Caries was noted on
above the rectangular burial pit, with bottom at a rela-
teeth 12 (distal, 0.3 cm in diameter and mesial, 0.1 cm
tive depth of 1.00 m. Finds of nails, below the legs and
in diameter), 13 (mesial, 0.4 cm in diameter), 15 (distal,
along the left side of the skeleton, indicate the exis-
0.6 cm in diameter), 16 (lingual, so-called gross caries
tence of a wooden casket.
and buccal, 0.5 cm in diameter), 17 (buccal, 0.5 cm in
Orientation: west-east, with a 4 deviation towards
diameter), 23 (mesial, caries (?), 0.2 cm in diameter),
the south.
24 (mesial, 0.4 cm in diameter), 25 (mesial, between
Skeleton supine with legs extended, arms bent at
the crown and the root, 0.5 cm in diameter), 37 (occlusal/
elbows and hands on pelvis.
mesial, 0.7 cm in diameter), 38 (distal, between the
Finds (Pl. VII, 2): crown and the root, 0.65 cm in diameter) and 48 (so-
1. a bronze consecration coin of Constantine I from called gross-gross caries). A cyst exists on the buccal
341346 and two bronze coins of Constans, minted side of tooth 24 (0.4 cm in diameter). Occlusion could
341348, to the left of the skull,58 not be determined.
2. a bronze buckle in the region of the pelvis,59
3. an amphora-shaped bronze belt-end in the
region of the pelvis,60 Grave 27A
4. a small, olive green glazed ceramic vessel with Sondage F I/1994.
three handles, next to the right foot (Pl. VI, 2).61
Destroyed rectangular construction of river peb-
Note: It is situated above the Late Roman grave bles above a burial pit, dimensions: 1.80 x 0.90 m, with
44. The coin finds from this grave might belong to the bottom at a relative depth of 1.70 m.
inventory of grave 44. Orientation: west-east, with a 7 deviation towards
the south.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: Skeleton dislocated.
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male
individual, aged 2040, were discovered.62
The perceived paleopathological change is a trace
58 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 115, 117, Cat. 5, 16 17.
of an injury on the left processus zygomaticus, 2 x 1
59 The shape of the bronze belt buckle could not be deter-
cm in size (Pl. IX, 2). The injury was most probably
mined, since it was destroyed in conservation process.
inflicted in a direct clash by a right-handed individual 60 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 93 94, Cat. 2, Pl. IV, G. 26, 3 is
with a blunt object. Other noticeable paleopathological dated to the second half of the 4th and the 1st half of the 5th century.
changes are osteoarthritis (on calcanei), defect in the 61 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 111, Cat. 3, Fig. 21, type III/1, Pl. 9,
joint of the right ankle and spondyloarthrosis of the 5; Cvijeti}anin 2006, 87, KAG 146; Jeremi} 2009, 93, Type II/9,
Fig. 51, Cat. 249 250, 252 is dated to the 3rd and 4th century.
second degree on C3 and C4. 62 Degree of bone preservation: category III (moderately pre-
The noticeable epigenetic characteristics on the served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
norma lateralis are two foramen zygomaticofaciale 63 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 8990, 92, Fig. 18d, Pl. 10, 4, Cat. 6
(on the right zygomatic bone). is dated to the last quarter of the 4th and the beginning of 5th century.
100
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Finds (Pl. VII, 3): 2. a bronze loop among the dislocated bones,
1. a bronze buckle with a rectangular plate and a 3. a conical shank of a leaf-shaped iron arrowhead
circular frame among the dislocated bones (Pl. VI, 3),63 among the dislocated bones.
101
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Note: The stone construction of the grave was Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol-
destroyed by grave robbers. It is situated above the lowing teeth in the jaws: 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 25, 28, 32,
Late Roman grave 44. 33, 43 and 48. Teeth 16, 17, 26 and 27 were lost ante-
mortem, and teeth 11, 21, 22, 23, 24, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:
and 38, post-mortem. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male (?)
enamel) was detected on teeth 18, 28 (2nd) and 48,
individual, aged 3035, were discovered.64
of the 2nd degree (exposed dentin) on teeth 32, 33 and
Paleopathological changes were not noticed.
43, of the 3rd degree (to the bottom of the fissure) on
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol-
teeth 13, 14 and 15, and of the 4th degree (pulp exposure)
lowing teeth in the jaws: 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 23,
on teeth 12 and 25. Parodontopathy is moderately pro-
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 43, 44, 45, 46,
47 and 48. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enamel) was nounced on the maxilla. Hypoplasia is mildly pronoun-
noted on teeth 17, 18, 27 (2nd), 28, 34, 37, 38, 44 ced on the maxillary and mandibular teeth. The present
(2nd), 47 and 48, and of the 2nd degree (exposed dentin) jaw and dental arch anomaly is the distal rotation of
on teeth 11, 14, 15, 16, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 32, 33, 36, teeth 14 (30) and 24 (30). Caries was noted on tooth
43, 45 and 46. Hypoplasia is mildly pronounced on the 48 (occlusal, 0.15 cm in diameter). A periapical cystic
maxillary and mandibular teeth. Caries was noted on cavity is visible on the buccal side of tooth 24 (0.65 cm
teeth 16 (buccal, 0.45 cm in diameter), 18 (occlusal, in in diameter). Occlusion could not be determined.
the form of a dot) and 14 (distal, 0.3 cm in diameter). Other observations: Batricephalia is present on the
Occlusion could not be determined. occipital bone.
Grave 28 Grave 76
Sondage F III/1994. Sondage III/1995.
Destroyed grave construction of river pebbles Freely dug burial pit, with bottom at a relative
above a burial pit, with bottom at a relative depth of depth of 1.00 m.
1.75 m. Orientation: west-east, with a 40 deviation towards
Orientation: west-east, with a 2 deviation towards the south.
the south. Skeleton supine with legs extended and arms
Skeleton supine with legs extended, arms bent at straight, placed alongside the body.
elbows, and hands on pelvis. The skull was found in
the region of the stomach. Finds:
1. a conical glass goblet next to the right foot (Pl.
Finds: VI, 4).67
1. a frame of an iron buckle in the shape of the
Latin letter B, on the right pelvic bone (Pl. VII, 4).65 ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male
Note: The grave was robbed and on that occasion
individual, aged 4050, were discovered.68
the grave construction was destroyed.
ANTHROPOLOGICAL FINDS:
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male
individual, aged 3040 (dental age 3035), were dis-
64 Degree of bone preservation: category V (poorly preserved
covered.66
postcranial skeleton). In the same grave the remains of the poorly
The only paleopathological change detected is preserved dental material (category V) of a child, aged 10 years
scurvy (changes are visible on the roofs of the orbits, 30 months, of unknown sex, were discovered (Grave 27B).
65 See note no. 55.
zygomatic bones, the palatine bone, temporal bones and
66 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
on bones of the skull base).
served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
The noticeable epigenetic characteristics on the 67 Ru`i} 1994, 5052, tip VII/12 b, T. XXXVIII, 12 is dated
norma frontalis are openings and notches in the supra- to the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century.
orbital region and a partially fused metopic suture 68 Degree of bone preservation: category III (moderately pre-
102
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
103
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
ulnas are slightly separated. The corpus sterni is slightly 2. a leaf-shaped iron arrowhead in the region of the
curved to the left side. The spina and acromion of both right pelvic bone,71
scapulae are deformed. The corpus costae of seven frag- 3. an animal bone (sheep or goats pelvic bone) in
mented ribs have a more pronounced curvature than the region of the chest.
usual (near the facies articularis tuberculi costae).
Note: The grave was probably robbed, since the
leg bones were dislocated.
Grave 97 ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:
Sondage F II (VII)/1995. In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male
individual, aged around 40, were discovered.72
Remains of a stone construction around the skull.
The only paleopathological change detected is
The bottom of the burial pit at a relative depth of 2.00 m.
osteoarthritis (on the tuberosity of the left tibia, on
Orientation: west-east.
both tali and both calcanei).
Skeleton supine with legs extended.
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol-
Finds (Pl. VII, 5): lowing teeth in the jaws: 12, 13, 21, 24, 25, 41, 43, 46
1. a shank of an iron spear to the right of the skull,70 and 47. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enamel) was noted
104
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
on teeth 12, 13 (2nd), 24, 25 and 43, of the 2nd degree 48, of the 3rd degree (to the bottom of the fissure) on
(exposed dentin) on tooth 47, and of the 3rd degree (to teeth 11, 12, 16, 21, 22 and 26, and of the 4th degree
the bottom of the fissure) on teeth 21, 41 and 46. Hypo- (pulp exposure) on tooth 28. On the maxillary teeth,
plasia is moderately pronounced on the maxillary and hypoplasia is mildly to moderately pronounced and
mandibular teeth. Occlusion could not be determined. parodontopathy moderately to very pronounced. On
Markers of occupational stress in the form of hyper- the mandibular teeth, both hypoplasia and parodon-
trophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle attach- topathy are moderately pronounced. Calculus is mildly
ment points of the right humerus (m. deltoideus, m. pronounced on both maxillary and mandibular teeth.
brachialis, m. coracobrachialis), left humerus (m. delto- The present jaw and dental arch anomaly is the mesial
ideus) and both femurs (m. gastrocnemius Caput rotation of teeth 31 (30) and 41 (30). Decolourisation
mediale). of the enamel is visible on teeth 16 (buccal), 21 (labial),
23 (labial) and 24 (labial). Caries was noted on teeth:
16 (distal, 0.3 cm in diameter), 22 (distal, carious stain,
Grave 123 0.25 cm in diameter), 23 (mesial, carious stain, 0.2 cm
Sondage F I (VII)/1996. in diameter), 24 (occlusal, 0.2 cm in diameter), 26
(buccal, carious stain, 0.35 cm in diameter), 37 (distal,
Freely dug burial pit, with bottom at a relative
so-called gross caries), 45 (distal, carious stain, 0.25 cm
depth of 1.20 m.
in diameter) and 47 (mesial, 0.35 cm in diameter). A
Orientation: west-east, with a 7 deviation towards
cyst, 2.1 x 1.4 cm in size, was noted buccally on teeth
the north.
17 and 18. On the buccal side of the crowns of teeth 15
Skeleton supine with legs extended, arms bent at
and 25, vertical furrows are visible (0.4 cm in length,
elbows and hands crossed on the stomach. The bones
0.35 cm in width and 0.050.1 cm in depth). Occlusion
of the lower leg and the feet are missing.
could not be determined.
Finds (Pl. VII, 6): Markers of occupational stress in the form of
1. an iron tri-bladed arrowhead between the ribs on hypertrophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle
the right side of the chest cavity (Pl. VI, 5),73 attachment points of the right and left clavicle (m. sub-
2. a bronze buckle with an oval plate and an oval clavius), left scapula (m. triceps brachii Caput
frame in the region of the pelvis.74 longum), right and left humerus (m. subscapularis,
m.triceps brachii Caput mediale), right and left ulna
Note: It is positioned below the Late Roman grave
(m. brachialis, m. triceps brachii, m. flexor digitorum
102, which damaged it. The iron arrowhead does not
profundus, m. flexor carpi ulnaris, m. anconeus), right
represent a grave offering, and the place where it was
radius (m. supinator, m. flexor digitorum superficialis),
found indicates the possible cause of death of the
left radius (m. biceps brachii, m. supinator, m. flexor
deceased.
digitorum superficialis), right and left femur (all muscle
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: attachment points are pronounced along the linea
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male asperae). Markers of occupational stress in the form of
individual, aged 4565, were discovered.75 hypertrophy (cortical defect) are visible on the ligament
The perceived paleopathological changes are traces
of the healing of an injury in the region of the right
asterion, spondyloarthrosis (of the 1st degree on T11
70 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 100 101, Cat. 2, Pl. X, G. 97, 2.
and T12, and the 3rd degree on T9 and T10), Schmorls
71 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 100 101, Cat. 4, Pl. X, G. 97, 1
node (on T10) and a defect in the sacroiliac joints.
arrow type characteristic of the 3rd and the 4th century.
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol- 72 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
lowing teeth in the jaws: 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 21, 22, served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35 (root?), 36 (root?), 73 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 100 101, Cat. 3, Pl. XI, G. 123, 1
37, 41, 42, 43, 45, 47 and 48. Teeth 17, 18, 44 and 46 arrow type characteristic of the end of the 4th and the 5th century.
74 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 88, Fig. 18 a, Cat. 1, Pl. XI, G. 123, 2
were lost ante-mortem, and tooth 38 post-mortem.
is dated to the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th
Abrasion of the 2nd degree (exposed dentin) was noted century.
on teeth 13, 14, 15, 23 (3rd), 24 and 25, of the 2nd3rd 75 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
degree on teeth 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 41, 42, 43 and served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
105
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
attachment point of the left femur (lig. capitis femoris), the mandible, parodontopathy is very pronounced and
and on the ligaments of both clavicles (lig. trapezoideum, calculus moderately pronounced. Hypoplasia is very
lig. conoideum, lig. costoclaviculare). pronounced on both the maxillary and mandibular
Special observations: In the course of the excava- teeth. A jaw and dental arch anomaly of hypodontia of
tion of the skeleton, among the ribs, on the right side, teeth 38 and 48 is present. Caries was noted on teeth:
an arrowhead was found. A tri-bladed iron arrowhead 11 (distal, 0.3 cm in diameter) and 14 (distal, between
in the chest cavity undoubtedly speaks to the cause of the crown and the root, 0.5 cm in diameter). Occlusion
death of this person. Unfortunately, on the partially could not be determined.
preserved rib fragments, no traces of injury were The perceived epigenetic characteristic on the
detected. norma occipitalis is a mildly pronounced linea nuchae
suprema.
Markers of occupational stress in the form of
PHASE III OF THE NECROPOLIS (410450) (Pl. X) hypertrophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle
attachment points of the ribs (Mm. levatores costarum),
Grave 100 right humerus (m. deltoideus, m. brachioradialis, m.
Sondage F I (VII)/1996. brachialis, m. coracobrachialis, m. pronator teres, m.
triceps brachii Caput laterale), left humerus (m.
Destroyed grave construction of stone and brick
supraspinatus, m. subscapularis, m. latissimus dorsi,
joined with mortar, with bottom at a relative depth of
m. teres major, m. pectoralis major, m. deltoideus, m.
0.70 m.
coracobrachialis, m. brachioradialis, m. extensor carpi
Orientation: west-east.
radialis longus, m. extensor carpi radialis brevis) and
Skeleton dislocated.
left ulna (m. supinator, m. brachialis, m. pronator teres,
Finds: m. flexor digitorum superficialis, m. pronator quadratus,
1. an atypical fragment of a glass goblet among the m. triceps brachii, m. flexor carpi ulanaris, m. extensor
dislocated bones, carpi ulnaris). Markers of occupational stress in the
2. two atypical fragments of a ceramic lamp among form of hypertrophy (cortical defect) are also visible
the dislocated bones. on the ligament attachment points of the left clavicle
(lig. trapezoideum, lig. conoideum) and right femur (lig.
Note: The grave was destroyed by grave robbers.
capitis femoris).
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male
individual, aged 4050, were discovered.76 Grave 102
The perceived paleopathological changes are an Sondage F I (VII)/1996.
irregularly fused fracture of the right fibula in the
Destroyed rectangular grave construction of river
upper quarter of its body (Pl. XI, 12), a trace of a sub-
pebbles and bricks, with bottom at a relative depth of
periosteal hematoma near the upper end of the right
1.00 m.
tibia (on the lateral side), osteoarthritis (on the head of Orientation: west-east, with a 5 deviation towards
the right femur, on the tuberosity of the right tibia and the north.
on both calcanei), irregularly fused fracture of the neck Skeleton supine with legs extended, upper part of
of the right femur and a fracture of one rib, accompa- skeleton dislocated.
nied by osteomyelitis.
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol- Finds:
lowing teeth in the jaws: 11, 13, 14, 25, 31, 32, 33, 34, 1. an iron buckle with a circular frame in the region
36, 37, 41, 42, 43, 44 and 47. Teeth 35, 45 and 46 were of the pelvis (Pl. VII, 7).77
lost post-mortem. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enam-
el) was noted on tooth 47 (2nd), of the 2nd degree
(exposed dentin) on teeth 31, 32, 34 and 44, of the 3rd 76 Degree of bone preservation: category IV (partially pre-
degree (to the bottom of the fissure) on teeth 11, 13, 25 served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
( 4th), 33, 37 ( 4th), 41 ( 4th), 42 and 43, and of 77 Petkovi} et al. 2005, Fig. 18 e, 90, 92, Cat. 7 is dated to
the 4th degree (pulp exposure) on teeth 14 and 36. On the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century.
106
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Note: The grave construction was destroyed by grave on tooth 34, of the 3rd degree (to the bottom of the fis-
robbers. It is situated above the Late Roman grave 123. sure) on teeth 33 ( 4th) and 43 ( 4th), and of the 4th
degree (pulp exposure) on teeth 13, 14, 22, 23, 25, 31,
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: 42 and 44. Parodontopathy is very pronounced on the
In the grave, skeletal remains of an adult male maxilla and mandible. Caries was noted on tooth 28
individual, aged 46, were discovered.78 (mesial, between the crown and the root, 0.3 cm in
The perceived paleopathological changes are traces diameter). A periapical cystic cavity, as a result of caries,
of several injuries on the frontal bone (Pl. XI, 3) and is visible labially on tooth 22 (0.5 cm in diameter) and
several fused fractures on the postcranial part of the buccally on tooth 27 (0.7 cm in diameter). Occlusion:
skeleton (these are fused fractures of the ribs (Pl. XI, tte--tte.
4), the right ulna and the malleolus lateralis of the right The epigenetic characteristics noticeable on the
fibula). The injuries on the frontal bone, in the form of norma frontalis are openings and notches in the supra-
shallow perforated circular depressions, are present in orbital region, on the norma verticalis foramina
two almost parallel lines (Pl. XI, 3).79 Although serious, parietalia (one on the right and one on the left), on the
these injuries on the frontal bone, most probably in- norma occipitalis linea nuchae suprema (very pro-
flicted by a blunt object, which had on it several spikes nounced), on the norma lateralis two foramen zygo-
(cestus?), show traces of healing. Other noticeable paleo- maticofaciale (on the left zygomatic bone) and sutura
pathological changes are osteoarthritis (on the left glenoid squamomastoidea (on both mastoid processes). On the
cavity, on the 1st metacarpal bone, on the pubic and postcranial part of the skeleton, perforatio fossae ole-
ischiadicus parts of both pelvic bones, on both patellas, crani on the left humerus was also noted.
and on the ends of the femurs and tibias), Schmorls Markers of occupational stress in the form of
nodes (on five thoracic and one lumbar vertebrae), hypertrophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle
osteoporosis (on vertebrae L1L5) and osteochondritis attachment points of the ribs (Mm. levatores costarum),
dissecans (on both os capitate). left scapula (m. triceps brachii Caput longum, m.
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol-
lowing teeth in the jaws: 13 (root), 14 (root), 22 (root),
23 (root), 25 (root), 28, 31 (root), 33, 34, 42, 43 and 44.
Teeth 15, 21 (?), 24, 26, 27 (one root), 45 and 46 were 78 Degree of bone preservation: category III (moderately pre-
lost ante-mortem, and teeth 11, 12, 32, 35 and 41, post- served cranial and postcranial skeleton).
mortem. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enamel) was 79 The frontal bone around the first two depressions was dam-
noted on tooth 28, of the 2nd degree (exposed dentin) aged post-mortem.
107
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
108
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
defect) are also visible on the ligament attachment points Grave 108
of both femurs (lig. iliofemorale, lig. pubofemorale, Sondage F I (VII)/1995.
lig. cruciatum posterius, lig. cruciatum anterius). The
olecranons of both ulnas are slightly separated. Rectangular grave construction, a cist of tegulae
Other observations: Brown traces made by metal laid edgewise, dimensions: 1.80 x 0.50 m. Bottom
oxidation are visible on the ribs, left scapula, lower tiled with horizontally laid bricks, at a relative depth of
end of the left humerus, lower end of the left tibia, ends 2.00 m.
of the left femur and on the right pelvic wing. The Orientation: west-east.
position of the stains made by metal (iron) oxidation Skeleton dislocated.
indicates that the deceased might have been buried with No finds.
weapons (these are most likely a spearhead at shoulder
height, a long sword along the left arm and left leg, and Note: The upper part of the grave construction, the
a short dagger in the region of the right pelvic bone). lid of the cist, which most likely consisted of horizon-
109
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
tally laid tegulae, was destroyed by grave robbers. The The noticeable epigenetic characteristic on the
grave is situated above the Late Roman grave 128. norma occipitalis is os sutura lambdoidea (one on the
right side, 1.1 x 0.5 cm in size). On the postcranial part
ANTHROPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS: of the skeleton, foramen processus transversi bipartitum
In the grave, skeletal remains of a juvenile male on C5 was also observed.
individual, aged about 20, were discovered.80 Markers of occupational stress in the form of the
The perceived paleopathological changes are hypertrophy (cortical defect) are visible on the muscle
traces of several injuries. Most obvious of these is a tri- attachment points of the right and left clavicle (m. del-
bladed arrow inflicted injury (right facies orbitalis) toideus), right and left scapula (m. triceps brachii
(0.7 x 0.7 x 0.7 cm in size) with traces of healing (Pl. Caput longum), right and left humerus (m. deltoideus,
XII, 13).81 Unfortunately, the eye could not have been m. brachialis), right and left ulna (m. brachialis) (Pl.
saved. Injuries also worth mentioning are those in the XII, 4), both femurs (m. adductor magnus). The clavi-
form of shallow depressions on the right processus zygo- cles are slightly deformed in the direction from superior
maticus and on the mandible (left of the mentum) (Pl. to inferior (it is possible that this, as well as the occur-
XII, 23). Other noticeable paleopathological changes rence of Schmorls nodes, is a consequence of carry-
are anomalies in the skeletal development (foramen ing heavy loads).83 The olecranons of both ulnas are
sternale, a cleft below the dens on the body of the slightly separated. Additional facets are visible on the
axis), osteoarthritis (on the olecranons of both ulnas lower ends of the right and left 1st metatarsal bone.
and on the heel bones), Schmorls nodes (on T6T12
and on L1 and L2 (Pl. XII, 5), 12.5 cm in length and
0.51 cm in width), dislocation of the right foot,82 a DISCUSSION
slight collapse of the body of the thoracic and lumbar
vertebrae, cribra orbitalia (particularly on the roof of Burying the deceased with belt sets and fibulae,
the left orbit), cribra humera (near the upper ends of which are not only items of clothing but also military
both humeri; the surface area of the affected parts of equipment, is a common occurrence in Roman necro-
the bones is 1.5 x 1.5 cm and 1.2 x 1 cm), cribra femora polises throughout the Empire. Military belts and certain
(near the upper ends of both femurs; the surface area of types of fibulae were an indication of military rank
the affected parts of the bones is 2.5 x 1.5 cm and 1.5 and/or a specific unit, and at the same time they re-
x 3 cm), osteoporosis (on vertebra L5), infectious osteo- vealed the social status of the person who wore them.84
myelitis (on the right talus and the right calcaneus) and Therefore, it was preferable for the deceased to be
osteochondritis dissecans (on the right and left 3rd meta- buried in a uniform, with items of military equipment
tarsal bone, 1 x 1 cm in size). which defined him as a member of the military elite.
Dental analysis indicated the presence of the fol- This was of particular importance in the border provin-
lowing teeth in the jaws: 13, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 25,
26, 27, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47 and 48.
Teeth 11, 12, 14, 21, 28, 31, 34, 35 and 41 were lost
80 Degree of bone preservation: category II (incomplete, well
post-mortem. Abrasion of the 1st degree (in enamel) was
preserved cranial and postcranial skeleton).
noted on teeth 15, 17, 22, 23, 32, 33, 37, 38, 43, 44, 45, 81 The entry angle of the arrow undoubtedly shows that, when
47 and 48, of the 2nd degree (exposed dentin) on teeth wounded, this youth was probably on a higher elevation in relation
16, 42 and 46, and of the 3rd degree (to the bottom of to the opponent, or maybe on a horse. (Pl. XII, 13).
the fissure) on teeth 26 and 36. Hypoplasia, calculus 82 There are almost no individuals in these 17 graves who did
and parodontopathy (moderately pronounced on the not have some kind of problem with ankle joints (osteoarthritis, sprains
or dislocations). Ankle joints in wartime circumstances obviously
maxilla) were mildly pronounced. Decolourisation of
suffered a great deal of pressure. What contributed to it most was
the enamel is visible on the labial and buccal side on the carrying/wearing of heavy military equipment, pivoting and swift
the maxillary teeth. The present jaw and dental arch changes of direction in battle, jumping over obstacles, jumping from
anomalies are hypodontia of tooth 18, the distal rota- heights, dismounting from a horse, etc.
83 The military equipment of Roman soldiers was extremely
tion of tooth 32 (30), the labial curvature of tooth 24
heavy. Just the wooden containers with leather straps, similar to
and lingual of teeth 37, 38, 44 and 48. Caries was noted modern backpacks, weighed 2040 kg.
on tooth 17 (occlusal, in the form of a dot) and 27 84 Bullinger 1969, 6870; Petkovi} 2011a, 121124; Quast
110
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
ces. On the other hand, the graves in which weapons iron belt buckles with a frame in the shape of the Latin
were placed along with the deceased are rare in the letter B and a prong that exceeds the frame (Pl. VI, 1,
necropolises of the Roman period but they do, however, Pl. VII, 1, 4), a bronze belt buckle of the Crimean
appear in all provinces of the Empire.85 The genesis type, with a rectangular plate, circular frame and a
and significance of these graves differ from one region prong with a zoomorphic thickening on the tip, which
of the Roman Empire to the next. In the region of the exceeds the frame (Pl. VI, 3, Pl. VII, 3) and a fluted
central Balkans, three typologically and chronologically glass goblet of a conical shape (Pl. VI, 4), characteris-
differentiated groups of Roman graves with weapons tic of the late phase of the Chernyakhov Sntana de
are found: Mure culture.91
1. graves with cremated deceased, of the Mala Ko- Furthermore, in grave 97, in the region of the chest
pa{nica Sase type, dated to the 2nd and the first half of the buried individual, an animal bone, part of the
of the 3rd century, in which the inclusion of weapons pelvis of a goat or a sheep, was found. This was a rem-
and military equipment can be explained by a strong nant of a posthumous feast, given as an offering to the
autochthonous tradition and weak Romanisation,86 deceased. The placement of meat into the grave is not
2. graves with cremated and inhumed deceased a part of the Roman burial ritual, whilst posthumous
masonry tombs, tumuli and sarcophagi of members of feasts are characteristic of the funerary cult of the late
the provincial military elite, dated to the last decades phase of the Chernyakhov Sntana de Mure culture.92
of the 3rd and the beginning of the 4th century, the It is therefore fair to assume that the buried men were
Tetrarchy period, whereby weapons and military newcomers, most probably recruited from within the
equipment are included as insignia of the status of the ranks of the Danube foederati. In addition, the type of
buried individual, as a consequence of the merging of the weaponry points to the Gothic foederati from the
autochthonous tradition and Roman culture,87 Lower Danube, the majority of which made up the
3. graves with inhumed deceased, in freely dug
pits or in cists made of tegulae, dated to the second half
of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century, in which
burial with weapons is a consequence of the acceptance 85 Diaconscu 1999, 204206, 215216; Quast 2012, 247256,
of barbarian funereal customs into the Late Roman Fig. 8; Tejral 2012, 118120, Fig. 3.
culture.88 86 Such graves were noted at the eponymous necropolis of the
What have not been considered here are graves cremated deceased near Leskovac, at the Vi{e Grobalja necropolis
at Viminacium and at the necropolis in Davidovac, near Vranje.
with weapons which can undoubtedly be ascribed to (Zotovi} 1968, 24; Fidanovski, Cvijeti}anin 2005, 91, 93, T.
barbarian populations in the territory of the Empire, III, 2, T. IV, 5, graves XIV and XVII; Zotovi}, Jordovi} 1990, 84,
such as the eastern Germanic foederati, noted in sepa- 93, 103, T. LXXXV, 7, T. CXXXII, 4, T. CLXXIV, 4, G158,
rate necropolises of the 5th century at Singidunum and G1137, G1222).
87 Burials of this group were noted in Silistra (Durostorum) in
Viminacium.89
Bulgaria, Taranes in Macedonia, at Gamzigrad (Romuliana) and
The burial with weapons in grave 97 belongs to [arkamen in Serbia, and Hrova (Carsium) in Romania (Diaconescu
phase II of the Slog necropolis, that is to the period after 1999, 205206, Abb. 23; Ivanovski 1987; Petkovi} 2009, 253 et
the Battle of Hadrianopolis, in the last decades of the 4th sequ., Figs. 412;Tomovi} et al. 2005, 4445, 170172,G. 6, Cat. 90).
88 We assume that there is a larger number of burials of this type
and first decade of the 5th century, when the fortifica-
at Roman necropolises in Serbia although, apart from G. 27 and G.
tions garrison consisted of an equestrian unit of pseudo- 97 from the site of Slog in Ravna (Timacum Minus), we are only
comitatenses Timacenses, an auxiliary unit of light familiar with one grave from ]uprija (Horreum Margi) and one
cavalry of the Alanic type (Pl. V, G. 97, Pl. VII, 5).90 from the necropolis at Viminacium Vi{e Grobalja (Pileti} 1969,
2122, sl. 28, sl. 38; Kora}, Golubovi} 2009, 365, G443).
Devastated grave 27 also belongs to the same phase of 89 Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2009, 126129.
the necropolis, in which dislocated bones of an adult 90 Petrovi} 1995, 34; Petkovi} 1999, 225228.
male individual and a child of about 10 years of age 91 Tejral 1999, 242248, Abb. 18, 2122; Kazanski 2012,
were discovered, along with parts of a bronze belt set 383386, Fig. 2 graves which contain similar finds, a belt buckle and
and the conical shank of a leaf-shaped arrowhead (Pl. a conical glass goblet, as well as weapons, most commonly leaf-
V, G. 27, Pl. VI, 3, Pl. VII, 3). The influence of bar- shaped spearheads, long swords, faceted conical shield umbos, and
occasionally horse tack, appear in the last third of the 4th and at the
barians recruited to the aforementioned cavalry unit is beginning of the 5th century north-east of the Danube Limes, as well
not only reflected in the material culture of this period as in the Lower Danube and on the northern coast of the Black Sea.
of the fortification but also in the grave finds, such as 92 Magomedov 2000, 5963.
111
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
infantry, but also the equestrian units formed under the almost parallel lines, and fractures of the ribs, right
influence of Sarmatian tribes, primarily the Alans.93 In ulna and right fibula (grave 102)97 and a transfixing
any case, the Alano-Hunnic steppe component of the injury caused by a tri-bladed arrow, and injuries to the
auxiliary units of the Roman light cavalry, in the eastern processus zygomaticus and mentum (grave 108). These
part of the Empire in the time of Theodosius I, can also graves are without finds, except for the iron belt buckle
be observed at the Late Roman Slog necropolis through with a circular frame from grave 102 (Pl. VII, 6). How-
the finds of the tri-bladed arrowheads (Pl. VI, 5).94 ever, what should be taken into account is that all three
Along with the numerous recorded injuries (cuts on the graves were destroyed by grave robbers, the skeletons
head and the fused fissure of the right tibia (grave 15), were dislocated, and that the most valuable parts of the
injuries to the processus zygomaticus (grave 26) and military equipment, such as the fibulae and the belt sets
injuries to the head in the region of the asterion (grave were probably stolen from the pits. On the other hand,
123)), what is surely worth mentioning are the cases of in most graves of adults and children of both sexes in
scurvy observed in the individuals buried in graves 28 this phase, there were no finds, indicating two facts
and 76, which would indicate that they moved over to the population of Timacum Minus were Christian and
the Timok valley, or that they resided over a longer they were poor. What bears testament to this fact are
period of time outside of this fertile area, which could the cultural layers in the fortification from the period
provide fruit and vegetables rich in vitamins. of the first half of the 5th century, during which time an
Although the grave finds from phase I of the Slog almost rural settlement emerged within its walls, com-
necropolis do not essentially differ from those from prising structures of light materials and crudely and
graves of the subsequent phase (Pl. IIIII), the compo- poorly adapted older buildings.98
nent of the regular Roman army is more prominent, The deceased buried in grave 108 might also have
which is reflected in the finds of crossbow fibulae (Pl. belonged to the non-Roman population, considering
II, 1, 6) and bronze belt sets (Pl. III, 12). Generally, it that, at the approximate age of 20 he had already been
is possible that they are members of the same military seriously wounded and had ailments caused by military
unit, pseudocomitatenses Timacenses auxiliarii, or offi- life. Generally speaking, Roman citizens did not join the
cers of the II Aurelia Dardanorum equestrian cohort, army before they turned 17 or 18 years of age, although
which unquestionably made up the Timacum Minus for the recruited barbarians this rule did not apply.
garrison from the middle of the 2nd to the end of the 3rd Thus, this young warrior most probably started service
or the beginning of the 4th century, possibly even to the at the age of 14 or 15, resulting in pathological changes
last quarter of the 4th century, that is to the Battle of on the spine. The impression given is that Timacum
Hadrianopolis in 378.95 However, what should not be Minus once again experienced changes to its popula-
ruled out are the equestrian units of Numeri Dalmatorum, tion at the beginning of the 5th century, considering the
testified to by stamps on bricks from the 4th phase of the graves from phase III, containing no offerings, and
fortification reconstruction, during the period of the with a west-east orientation almost without exception,
reign of Valentinian I and Valens (364375).96 That which testifies to complete Christianisation.
they were really warriors is also confirmed by, among
other things, a cut inflicted by a sharp blade, most like-
ly a sword or knife, on the mentum and a fissure of the
right tibia (grave 91), an injury on the right femur 93 Kazanski 2013, 494502, 504506.
(grave 99) and a myositis ossificans traumatica noted 94 Kazanski 2013, 513.
95 Petkovi} et al. 2005, 13, Note 3.
on the left tibia (grave 141).
96 Petrovi} 1995, 34 stamps NVMDIIII and NVMDIIIII were
In phase III of the Slog necropolis, three graves
noted on the bricks.
were noted, in which adult male individuals were 97 This specific individual, in addition to a large number of
buried who, in the course of their lifetime, acquired injuries along with evidence of an athletic built on the skeleton, dis-
injuries in battle and/or characteristic pathological played the highest levels of occupational stress in the entire Slog
changes on the bones caused by military life, fractures necropolis, thus his barbarian origins can be assumed.
98 Petkovi}, Jovanovi} 2000, 279280; Petkovi}, Iliji} 2013,
of the right fibula, the neck of the right femur and the
5354, 6568 this horizon of life at Timacum Minus was explored
ribs, and a subperiosteal hematoma on the right tibia
in the sector of the southern gate of the fortification and in the large
(grave 100), injuries on the frontal bone, in the form of building in its interior, considered by previous researchers to be a
shallow perforated circular depressions present in two horreum.
112
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
in all three phases of the Late Roman Slog necropolis ment revealed horizons of life from the 2nd to the end of the 4th cen-
(Plan 2). The graves were, most likely, grouped tury, which leads to the conclusion that it was moved, at the end of
the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century, most likely to the interior
according to family ties rather than ethnic background or of the fortification (Petrovi}, Jovanovi} 1997, 2124; Petkovi},
social status. This conclusion is based on the fact that Iliji} 2012).
the elements of a barbarian material culture appear 100 Petkovi}, Iliji} 2013, 6365.
113
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
grave 108, who already had traces of serious injuries Roman Timacum Minus, the military population buried
and pathological changes caused by the carrying of at the Slog necropolis had, despite all the hardships of
heavy loads and excessive walking, it is evident that military life, very good and efficient medical care, given
they entered into military service at a very early age.101 that the majority of the serious injuries were treated in
In the 2nd3rd century, Timacum Minus was an attractive such a way that they left no major consequences on the
place for veterans to settle due to the natural resources individuals health and life (Pl. IV, 1, Pl. VIII, 13, Pl.
in the area, the fertile soil and mining potential, testi- XI, 13, Pl. XII, 13). This indicates that the Timacum
fied to by the epigraphs on gravestones and votive Minus fortification had one or more military surgeons.
monuments.102 A medical service in this fortification in the previous
The warriors buried in the Late Roman Slog necro- period is evidenced by the gravestone of the medicus
polis belonged to an equestrian unit, which is confirmed of the II Aurelius cohort of Dardanians, Titus Aelius
by the characteristic stress markers on the osteological Martialis,103 as well as a votive monument devoted to
material, particularly in the cases of the deceased buried Aesculapius, a patron of doctors and healers, and sev-
in graves 15, 76, 91, 100, 102, 108, 123 and 141. Most eral surgical instruments found in Ravna (Fig. 2).104
likely these were light cavalry archers (graves 15, 25, The analysis of the military graves from the Slog
76, 91, 99, 100, 102, 108, 123 and 141) who could necropolis confirmed the results of the previous research
engage similar barbarian units. This is evident in both of the Late Roman period in eastern Serbia, in the Roman
the injuries of the individuals from graves 15, 26, 76, province of Dacia Ripensis, as well as the hypothesis
91, 99, 100, 102, 108 and 123, and the weapons placed about the garrisons of light cavalry in the fortifications
in graves 27, 97 and 102. In the case of the deceased of the Timok region. Characteristics of the Late Roman
from graves 27 and 97, these are tri-bladed and leaf- material culture of this region are militarisation, bar-
shaped arrowheads (Pl.VI, 5, Pl. VII, 3, 56). Regardless barisation, Christianisation and ruralisation, which
of the relative poverty of the population of the Late announce the onset of the Early Medieval period.105
114
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Bass 1995 W. M. Bass, Human Osteology, A Labo- Garn, Lewis and Kerewsky 1965 S. Garn, A.
ratory and Field Manual. Columbia: Missouri Archae- Lewis and R. Kerewsky, X linked inheritance of teeth
ological Society 1995. size. Journal of Dental Research 44, 1965 439441.
Brothwell 1981 D. R. Brothwell, Digging up Hauser and De Stefano1989 G. Hauser and G. F.
bones. London: British Museum (Natural History) and De Stefano, Epigenetic Variants of Human Skull. Stuttgart:
Oxford: Oxford University Press 1981. E. Schweizerbartsche Verlagsbuchhandlung 1989.
Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994 J. E., Buikstra and Hillson 1990 S. Hillson, Teeth. Cambridge: Cam-
D. H., Ubelaker, Standards for data collection from hu- bridge University Press 1990.
man skeletal remains. Arkansas Archeological Survey Hillson 1996 S. Hillson, Dental Anthropology.
Research Series, No 44. Fayettville, Arkansas: Arkansas Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996.
Archeological Survey 1994. Iliji} 2009 B. Iliji}, Rimsko utvr|enje Timacum
Bullinger 1969 H. Bullinger, Sptantike Grtel- Minus, Knja`evac: Zavi~ajni muzej Knja`evac 2009.
beschlge, Brgge: Dissertationes Archaeologiae Iliji} 2011 B. Iliji}, Primena geofizi~kih
Gadenses 12, 1969. metoda na arheolo{kom nalazi{tu Timacum Minus,
Cvijeti}anin 2006 T. Cvijeti}anin, Kasno- Razvitak, godina L, broj 239240/2011, 50 godina,
anti~ka gler|osana keramika. Gle|osana keramika 2011, 7886.
Prve Mezije, Priobalne Dakije, Sredozemne Dakije Ican, Loth and Wright 1984a M. Y. Ican, S. R.
i Dardanije, Beograd: Narodni muzej 2006. Loth and R. K. Wright, Metamorphosis at the sternal rib
Diaconescu 1999 A. Diaconescu, Ornamenta end: A new method to estimate age at death in males.
dignities. Gradabzeichenung Symbole des Sozialen American Journal of Physical Anthropology 65, 1984,
Status be idem Lokalen Eliten von Dakien nach dem 147156.
Aurelianischen Rckzug, Acta musei Napocensis 36, 1, Ican, Loth and Wright 1984b M. Y. Ican, S. R.
1999, 203241. Loth and R. K. Wright, Age estimation from the rib by
Du{ani} 1980 S. Du{ani}, Organizacija rim- phase analysis: White males. Journal of Forensic
skog rudarstva u Noriku, Panoniji, Dalmaciji i Gor- Sciences 29, 1984, 10941104.
woj Meziji, Istorijski Glasnik 12, 1980, 755. Ican, Loth and Wright 1985 M. Y. Ican, S. R.
Du{ani} 1996 S. Du{ani}, Late Roman Mining in Loth and R. K. Wright, Age estimation from the rib by
Illyricum: Historical Observations, in: Ancient Mining phase analysis: White females. Journal of Forensic
and Metallurgy in Southeast Europe, International Sym- Sciences 30, 1985, 853863.
posium, Donji Milanovac, May 2025, 1990, ed: P. Pet- Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2009 V. Ivani{evi}, M.
rovi}, S. \ur|ekanovi}, B. Jovanovi}, Belgrade, Bor: Kazanski, Nouvelle ncropole des Grandes migrations
Archaeological Institute, Museum of Mining and de Singidunum, Starinar LVII/2007 (2009), 115137.
Metallurgy 1996, 219 225. Ivanovski 1987 M. Ivanovski, The Grave of a
\uri}-Sreji} 1995 M. \uri}-Sreji}, Uvod u Warrior from the Period of Licinius I found at Tarane{,
fizi~ku antropologiju drevnih populacija. Beograd: Archaeologia Iugoslavica 24, 1987, 8190.
Zavod za uxbenike i nastavna sredstva 1995. Jeremi} 2009 G. Jeremi}, Saldum. Roman and
Ferembach, Schwidetzky and Stloukal 1980 D. Early Byzantine Fortification, Belgrade: Archaeologi-
Ferembach, I. Schwidetzky and M. Stloukal, Recom- cal Institute 2009.
mendations for age and sex diagnosis of skeletons. Jovanovi} 1989 S. Jovanovi}, Rimski medi-
Journal of Human Evolution 7, 1980, 517549. cinski spomenici iz tvr|ave Timacim Minus kod
Fidanovski, Cvijeti}anin 2005 S. Fidanov- sela Ravne, Razvitak, god. XXIX, br. 1, 1989 (Zaje-
ski i T. Cvijeti}anin, Rimska vila i nekropola na ~ar), 9093.
lokalitetu Kamenitica Moravi{te u Maloj Ko- Kazanski 2012 M. Kazanski, Radaigaise et la fin
pa{nici kod Grdelice (Roman Villa and Necropolis at de la civilization ^ernjahov, in: The Pontic-Danubian
the Site KameniticaMoravi{te in Mala Kopa{nica near Realm in the Period of the Great Migration, ed: V.
Grdelica), u: E 75, Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa, sveska Ivani{evi}, M. Kazanski, Collge de France CNRS,
1/2004 (Archaeological Research, Volume 1/2004), ur: Centre de recherch dhistoire et civilization de Byzance,
M. Brmboli}, Beograd 2005, 50121. Arheolo{ki institut, ParisBeograd 2012, 381403.
115
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Kazanski 2013 M. Kazanski, in: War and Warfare Petkovi}, Iliji} 2012 S. A. Petkovi}, B.
in Late Antiquity, ed: A. Saramtis, N. Christie, Brill Iliji}, Prilog prou~avawu rimskog naseqa na lo-
LeidenBoston 2013, 493522. kalitetu Timacum Minus kod Kwa`evca, Glasnik
Kora}, Golubovi} 2009 M. Kora} and S. Golu- SAD 28, 2012, 153178.
bovi}, Viminacium 2. Vi{e grobalja, Beograd: Arheolo{ki Petkovi}, Iliji} 2013 S. Petkovi}, B. Iliji}, Votive
institut 2009. Altar of Lucius Petronius Timachus, Starinar LXIII/2013,
Lovejoy 1985 C. O. Lovejoy, Dental Wear in the 5372.
Libben Population: Its Functional Patterns and Role in Petkovi}, Jovanovi} 2000 S. Petkovi}, S.
the Determination of Adult Skeletal Age at Death. Ameri- Jovanovi}, Arheolo{ka iskopavawa rimskog utvr|e-
can Journal of Physical Anthropology 68, 1985, 4756. wa Timacum Minus kod sela Ravna, op{tina Kwa`e-
Lovejoy et al. 1985 C. O. Lovejoy et al., Chrono- vac tokom 19971998. godine sektor ju`ne kapije,
logical matamorphosis of the auricular surface of the Starinar L/2000, 275280.
ilium: A new method for the determination of skeletal age Petkovi}, Radinovi}, Iliji} 2014 S. Petko-
at death. American Journal of Physical Anthropology vi}, N. Radinovi}, B. Iliji}, Arheolo{ka istra-
68, 1985, 1528. `ivawa nekropole Slog u Ravni kod Kwa`evca 2013.
Magomedov 2000 B. Magomedov, The tradition godine, Razvitak, god. LII, br. 243244, Zaje~ar 2014,
of ritual feasts as a part of burial customs in Chernyakhov 3338.
Sintana culture, Archaeologia Bulgarica IV, 2000 2, Petrovi} 1995 P. Petrovi}, Inscriptions de la Msie
5964. Superieure III 2. Timacum Minus et la Vall du Timok,
Miki} 1978 @. Miki}, O antropolo{koj metodolo- Beograd: Centre dtudest pigraphiques et numismati-
giji terenske obrade skeletnih nalaza. Godi{njak Centra ques de la Facult de philosophie de lUniversit de
za balkanolo{ka ispitivanja ANUBiH 16/14: 344, 1978, Beograd 1995.
201242. Petrovi} 1996 P. Petrovi}, Der rmische Bergbau
Nagy 2005 M. Nagyi, Zwei Sptrmerzeitlicher in Ravna. Einige Archologische Notizen, in: Ancient
Waffengrber am Westenrand der canabae von Aquin- Mining and Metallurgy in Southeast Europe, Internati-
cum, Acta archaeologica ASH 56 (2005), 403486. onal Symposium, Donji Milanovac, May 2025, 1990,
Petkovi} 1999 S. Petkovi}, Meaning and Prove- eds: P. Petrovi}, S. \ur|ekanovi}, B. Jovanovi}, Bel-
nance of Horses Protomes Decoration on the Roman grade, Bor: Archaeological Institute, Museum of Mining
Antler Combs, Starinar XLIX /1998 (1999), 213228. and Metallurgy, 1996, 195202.
Petkovi} 2009 S. Petkovi}, Late Roman Necro- Petrovi}, Jovanovi} 1997 P. Petrovi}, S.
polis of Romuliana. Area South of the Fortified Palace Jovanovi}, Kulturno blago kwa`eva~kog kraja. Arhe-
(Research 20052006), Starinar LVII/2007 (2009), ologija, BeogradKwa`evac: Arheolo{ki institut,
251275. Zavi~ajni muzej Kwa`evac.
Petkovi} 2010 S. Petkovi}, Rimske fibule u Srbiji Pileti} 1969 D. Pileti}, Rimaki kastrum ]uprija
od I do V veka n.e., Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut 2010. Horreum Margi, Vesnik Vojnog muzeja 15 (Beograd),
Petkovi} 2011a S. Petkovi}, The Crossbow Fibulae 1997, 957.
from Gamzigrad (Romuliana), Starinar LX/2010 (2011), Quast 2012 D. Quast, Martial writers Intellectual
111136. warriors: Remarks on a group of Late Antique male
Petkovi} 2011b S. Petkovi}, Gamzigrad Romu- graves, in: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the Period if
liana in der Zeit nach dem Kaiserlichen Palast, in: the Great Migration, eds: V. Ivani{evi}, M. Kazanski,
Bruckneudorf und Gamzigrad. Sptantike Plaste und Collge de France CNRS, Centre de recherch dhistoire
Grovillen im Donau-Balkan Raum, KVF Band 15, Hrgs: et civilization de Byzance, Arheolo{ku institut, Paris
G. von Blow, H. Zabehlicky, Rmisch-Germanische Beograd 2012, 243262.
Komission des Deutschen Archologische Instituts, RIC VII P. M. Brunn, Constantine and Licinius
sterraichisches Archologische Institut, Bonn 2011, (313337), Roman Imperial Coinage, Vol. VII, London
113128. 1966: Spink and son, Ltd.
Petkovi} et al. 2005 S. Petkovi}, M. Ru`i}, S. Jo- Ru`i} 1994 M. Ru`i}, Rimsko staklo u Srbiji,
vanovi}, M. Vuksan, Zs. Zoffmann, Roman and Medieval Beograd: Centar za arheolo{ka istra`ivanja Filozofskog
Necropolis in Ravna near Knja`evac, Beograd: Archae- fakulteta 1994.
ological Institute 2005.
116
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Scheuer and Black 2000 L. Scheuer and S. Black, Todd 1921a T. W. Todd, Age changes in the pubic
Developmental Juvenile Osteology. London: Academic bone: II The pubis of the male Negrowhite hybrid; III
Press 2000. The pubis of the white female; IV The pubis of the
Sommer 1984 M. Sommer, Die Grtel und female Negrowhite hybrid. American Journal of
Grtelbeschlge des 4.und 5. Jahrhunderts in Rmischen Physical Anthropology 4, 1921, 170.
Reich, Bonner Hefte zur Vorgeschichte 22, Bonn: Todd 1921b T. W. Todd, Age changes in the pubic
Institut fr Vor und Frhgeschichte der Rheinischen bone: VI The interpretation of vriations in the symphyseal
Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat 1984. area. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 4,
Tejral 1999 J. Terjal, Die sptantiken militrischen 1921, 407424.
Eliten beiderseits der norisch-pannonischen Grenze aus Tomovi} et al. 2005 M. Tomovi}, I. Popovi}, B.
der Sicht der Grabfunde, in: Germanen Beidersseits des Bori}-Bre{kovi}, T. Cvijeti}anin, S. Stefanovi}, A. V.
sptantiken Limes, Hrsg: T. Fischer, G. Precht, J. Tejral, Popovi}, [arkamen (Eastern Serbia): A Tetrarchic Impe-
Archologische Imstitut der Universitt zu Kln, rial Palace. The Memorial Complex, Belgrade: Archa-
Archeologick stav AV^, KlnBrno 1999, 217292. eological Institute 2005.
Tejral 2012 J. Tejral, Cultural or ethnic changes? Trotter and Gleser 1952 M. Trotter and G. C.
Continuity and discontinuity on the Middle Danube ca Gleser, Estimation of stature from long bones of Ameri-
A.D. 500, in: in: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the can whites and Negroes, American Journal of Physical
Period if the Great Migration, eds: V. Ivani{evi}, M. Anthropology 10, 1952, 463514.
Kazanski, Collge de France CNRS, Centre de recher- Vallois 1937 H. W. Vallois, La Durre de la vie chez
ch dhistoire et civilization de Byzance, Arheolo{ku lHomme fossile. LAnthropologie 47, 1937, 499532.
institut, ParisBeograd 2012, 115188. Zotovi} 1968 Q. Zotovi}, Nekropole spaqe-
Todd 1920 T. W. Todd, Age changes in the pubic nih pokojnika na teritoriji Gorwe Mezije, Lesko-
bone: I The male white pubis. American Journal of va~ki zbornik VIII, 1968, 1930.
Physical Anthropology 3, 1920, 285334. Zotovi}, Jordovi} 1990 Q. Zotovi} i ^. Jor-
dovi}, Viminacium 1. Nekropola Vi{e grobaqa, Beo-
grad 1990.
ILLUSTRATION AUTHORS:
photographs Dr Sofija Petkovi},
Dr Nata{a Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, Neboj{a Bori},
Pero Pra{talo MSc, Sa{a Milutinovi}-Lete}i;
plans and drawings of finds Dr Aleksandar Kapuran,
map and illustration postproduction Miro Radmilovi}
117
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Kqu~ne re~i. kasna antika, nekropola, Timacum Minus, rimska vojska, ~erwahovska kultura,
povrede nanete o{trim se~ivom, tupim predmetima i strelom.
Rimsko utvr|ewe i naseqe na levoj obali Belog Timoka, u antropolog Nacionalnog muzeja u Budimpe{ti. Me|utim,
ataru sela Ravne, na 10 km severno od Kwa`evca, identifi- od 2011. godine je u toku projekat obrade, analize i publi-
kovano je sistematskim arheolo{kim istra`ivawima kao kovawa svih arheolo{kih podataka i nalaza prikupqenih
Timacum Minus (karta 1). O karakteru ovog rimskog nalazi- tokom sistematskih i za{titnih arheolo{kih istra`iva-
{ta postoji vi{e hipoteza, ali je najverodostojnija pret- wa nalazi{ta Ravna Timacum Minus. Novi podaci, dobi-
postavka da se radi o utvr|enom administrativnom centru jeni revizijom antropolo{kog osteolo{kog materijala i
gorwomezijske rudne oblasti Territoria metallorum, koja je analizama sprovedenim savremenim metodolo{kim po-
zauzimala severoisto~ni deo provincije Gorwe Mezije, od- stupcima, naveli su nas da ponovo razmotrimo premise i
nosno kasnije provincije Priobalnu i Sredozemnu Dakiju zakqu~ke koji se odnose na populaciju kasnoanti~ke Ravne.
(Dacia Ripensis, Dacia Mediterranea). Utvr|ewe je nastalo U ovom radu smo dopunili podatke o vojni~koj komponenti
jo{ krajem I veka n. e., a napu{teno je posle hunske invazije stanovni{tva Timakum Minusa, koja je, bez sumwe, igrala
u Podunavqe, sredinom V veka (sl. 1). zna~ajnu ulogu u socioekonomskoj slici ovoga naseqa.
Oko utvr|enog administrativnog, rudarsko-metalur- Me|u istra`enim kasnoanti~kim grobovima sa nekro-
{kog i zanatskog sedi{ta vremenom se formiralo urbano pole Slog u Ravni izdvojili smo sahrane koje su sadr`ale
naseqe sa javnim kupatilima, gradskim vilama, radioni- arheolo{ke nalaze vojne opreme i oru`je (plan 2, T. IIII,
cama i hramovima. Neki od tih objekata su konstatovani T. VVII, T. X). Detaqnom antropolo{kom analizom osteo-
arheolo{kim iskopavawima, dok se o drugima zna posredno lo{kih nalaza iz ovih grobova prevashodno smo poku{ali
preko otkrivenih skulptura i epigrafskih spomenika. Na da ustanovimo, koliko je to stepen o~uvanosti kostiju do-
osnovu ovih potowih, uzidanih u bedeme i gra|evine tokom zvoqavao, prisustvo antemortalnih i perimortalnih po-
rekonstrukcija u kasnoanti~kom periodu, od sredine III do vreda koje su nastale ne kao posledica nesre}nih slu~ajeva,
prve polovine V veka, utvr|eno je i postojawe velike nekro- ve} kao posledica namernog nasiqa, zatim karakteristi~-
pole u II i III veku. Na`alost, iz pomenutog razloga, ve}ina nih markera okupacionog stresa, i patolo{kih promena,
nadgrobnih spomenika je dislocirana, tako da se o ovoj ne- koji bi ukazivali da su pokojnici bili u aktivnoj vojnoj
kropoli malo zna. Novija nedestruktivna arheolo{ka is- slu`bi (T. IV, T. VIIIIX, T. XIXII).
tra`ivawa, koja su koristila metode geofizi~kih merewa, Na osnovu analize vojni~kih grobova sa nekropole Slog
uz podatke prikupqene od me{tana koji obra|uju wive i ba- mo`emo izneti nekoliko zakqu~aka o populaciji kasnoan-
{te zapadno od rimskog utvr|ewa, lociraju nekropolu kre- ti~kog naseqa i utvr|ewa Timacum Minus. Stanovni{tvo je
miranih pokojnika iz IIIII veka na potesu [irina, koji se bilo sastavqeno od romanizovanih starosedelaca, sa izra-
nalazi izme|u utvr|ewa na istoku, Ropinskog potoka na se- `enom autohtonom dardansko-tribalskom komponentom (Ti-
veru, brda Slog na zapadu i Seli{kog (Zubanovog) potoka machi) i prido{lica, koje su se doselile u vi{e talasa od
na jugu (plan 1). S druge strane, delovi kasnoanti~ke nekro- posledwe ~etvrtine III do prve polovine V veka. Do{qaci
pole istra`eni su na desnoj obali Ropinskog potoka, seve- su uvek pristizali sa leve obale Dunava, bilo iz napu{te-
rozapadno od utvr|ewa i na isto~noj padini brda Slog. ne romanizovane Dakije ili sa federatske teritorije u
Tokom tri kampawe za{titnih arheolo{kih iskopava- Trakiji, o ~emu svedo~e izra`eni elementi materijalne
wa, uslovqenih rekonstrukcijom lokalnog puta RavnaDe- kulture tipa ^erwahov Sintana de Mure{. Ova popula-
belica tokom 19941996. godine, sa leve strane puta, na is- cija je bila integrisana, {to se vidi po distribuciji gro-
to~noj padini brda Slog istra`en je deo vi{eslojne bova na kasnoanti~koj nekropoli Slog u sve tri faze (plan
kasnoanti~ke i ranosredwovekovne nekropole. Otkriveno 2). Grobovi su, najverovatnije, grupisani prema porodi~-
je 140 grobova, od ~ega 72 sa 75 sahrawenih individua iz nim vezama, a ne po etni~koj pripadnosti ili na osnovu so-
kasnoanti~kog perioda (plan 2). Konstatovano je da se radi cijalnog statusa. Ovo zakqu~ujemo na osnovu ~iwenice da se
o nekropoli formiranoj u tri sukcesivne faze u periodu elementi varvarske materijalne kulture javqaju spora-
od sredine IV do sredine V veka: I faza od 350. do 380. go- di~no, pa se pre mo`e govoriti o varvarizaciji stanovni-
dine, II faza od 380. do 410. godine i III faza od 410. do {tva Timakum Minusa nego o stacionirawu vojnih jedini-
450. godine. Rezultati za{titnih arheolo{kih iskopava- ca sastavqenih od varvara, Gota, Alana ili Huna. S druge
wa nekropole Slog publikovani su 2005. godine u posebnoj strane, socioekonomski polo`aj stanovni{tva sahrawenog
monografiji.1 Tom prilikom objavqeni su i rezultati an- na nekropoli Slog je veoma ujedna~en i mo`e se opisati
tropolo{ke analize, koju je izvr{ila dr @u`ana Cofman, kao veoma skroman. Ipak, mu{karci sahraweni u analizira-
118
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
nim vojni~kim grobovima su ve}inom do`iveli zrelo doba, pokojnika iz grobova 27 i 97, to su trobride i listolike
uprkos ~estom rawavawu i veoma te{kim povredama, kao i strelice (T. VI, 5, T. VII, 3, 56). Bez obzira na relativno
tragovima napornog vojni~kog poziva. Nije mogu}e utvrdi- siroma{tvo stanovnika kasnoanti~kog Timakum Minusa,
ti da li se radi o umirovqenim vojnicima, veteranima, ili vojni~ka populacija sahrawena na nekropoli Slog je, po-
o aktivnim ratnicima, ali se na osnovu individue od oko red svih te{ko}a ratni~kog `ivota, imala veoma dobru i
20 godina, sahrawene u grobu 108, koja je ve} imala tragove efikasnu lekarsku za{titu, jer je ve}ina te{kih povreda
te{kih rawavawa i patolo{ke promene izazvane no{ewem sanirana bez ve}ih posledica po zdravqe i `ivot (T. IV, 1;
tereta i preteranim pe{a~ewem, vidi da su veoma rano stu- T. VIII, 13; T. XI, 13; T. XII, 13). Ovo pokazuje da je utvr-
pali u vojnu slu`bu. U IIIII veku Timacum Minus je bio pri- |ewe Timacum Minus imalo jednog ili vi{e vojnih hirur-
vla~no mesto za naseqavawe veterana, zbog prirodnih re- ga. O slu`bovawu lekara u ovom utvr|ewu u prethodnom pe-
sursa u okolini, plodnog zemqi{ta i rudnih bogatstava, o riodu svedo~i nadgrobni spomenik lekara II Aurelijeve
~emu svedo~e epigrafski natpisi na nadgrobnim i votiv- kohorte Dardanaca, Tita Elija Martijala. Tako|e, iz Rav-
nim spomenicima. ne poti~e votivni spomenik Eskulapu, koji je za{titnik
Ratnici sahraweni na kasnoanti~koj nekropoli Slog lekara i vidara, kao i vi{e medicinskih hirur{kih in-
pripadali su kowi~koj jedinici, o ~emu svedo~e karakteri- strumenata (sl. 2).
sti~ni markeri stresa na osteolo{kom materijalu posebno Analiza vojni~kih grobova sa nekropole Slog potvrdi-
u slu~aju pokojnika sahrawenih u grobovima 15, 76, 91, 100, la je rezultate ranijih istra`ivawa kasnoanti~kog perio-
102, 108, 123 i 141. Najverovatnije se radi o lakoj kowici da u isto~noj Srbiji, odnosno u rimskoj provinciji Prio-
strelaca (grobovi 15, 25, 76, 91, 99, 100, 102, 108, 123 i balnoj Dakiji (Dacia Ripensis), kao i hipotezu o posadama
141), koja je mogla da parira sli~nim varvarskim odredi- lake kowice u utvr|ewima Timo~ke zone. Karakteristike
ma. To se vidi, s jedne strane, prema povredama individua kasnoanti~ke materijalne kulture ove oblasti su milita-
iz grobova 15, 26, 76, 91, 99, 100, 102, 108 i 123, a, s druge, rizacija, varvarizacija, hristijanizacija i ruralizacija,
prema oru`ju polo`enom u grobove 27, 97 i 102. U slu~aju {to predstavqa uvod u ranosredwovekovni period.
119
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate I Graves from phase I of the Late Roman Slog necropolis (350380)
Tabla I Grobovi I faze kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog (350380. godine)
120
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate II Grave finds from phase I of the Late Roman Slog necropolis (350380):
1) bronze crossbow fibula from grave 44; 2) bronze belt buckle from grave 44; 3) bronze shoe buckle from grave 44;
4) bronze shoe strap-end from grave 44; 5) conical glass goblet from grave 69A; 6) bronze crossbow fibula
from grave 69A; 7) silver plating of a belt set from grave 141
Tabla II Nalazi iz grobova I faze kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog (350380. godine):
1) krstoobrazna bronzana fibula iz groba 44; 2) bronzana pojasna kop~a iz groba 44; 3) bronzana kop~a
obu}e iz groba 44; 4) bronzani jezi~ak obu}e iz groba 44; 5) stakleni koni~ni pehar iz groba 69A;
6) krstoobrazna bronzana fibula iz groba 69A; 7) srebrna oplata pojasne garniture iz groba 141
121
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate III Grave finds from phase I of the Late Roman Slog necropolis (350380):
1) finds from grave 44; 2) bronze belt-end of a belt set from grave 99
Tabla III Nalazi iz grobova I faze kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog (350380. godine):
1) nalazi iz groba 44; 2) bronzani jezi~ak pojasne garniture iz groba 99
122
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate IV 1) grave 91 cut on the left side of mentum; 2) grave 91 pronounced muscle attachment points
on manubrium; 36) grave 141 myositis ossificans traumatica on left tibia
Tabla IV 1) grob 91 posekotina sa leve strane mentuma; 2) grob 91 istaknuta mi{i}na hvati{ta
na manubrijumu; 36) grob 141 myositis ossificans traumatica na levoj tibiji
123
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate V Graves from phase II of the Late Roman Slog necropolis (380410)
Tabla V Grobovi II faze kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog (380410. godine)
124
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate VI Grave finds from phase II of the Late Roman Slog necropolis (380410):
1) iron belt buckle from grave 25; 2) small vessel with three handles from grave 26;
3) bronze belt buckle from grave 27; 4) conical glass goblet from grave 76;
5) tri-bladed iron arrowhead from grave 123
Tabla VI Nalazi iz grobova II faze kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog (380410. godine):
1) gvozdena pojasna kop~a iz groba 25; 2) lon~i} sa tri dr{ke iz groba 26;
3) bronzana pojasna kop~a iz groba 27; 4) stakleni koni~ni pehar iz groba 76;
5) trobrida gvozdena strelica iz groba 123
125
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate VII Grave finds from phase II (380410) and phase III (410450) of the Late Roman Slog necropolis:
1) iron buckle from grave 25; 2) finds from grave 26; 3) finds from grave 27; 4) iron buckle from grave 28;
5) finds from grave 97; 6) finds from grave 123; 7) iron buckle from grave 102.
Tabla VII Nalazi iz grobova II (380410. godine) i III faze (410450. godine) kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog:
1) gvozdena kop~a iz groba 25; 2) nalazi iz groba 26; 3) nalazi iz groba 27; 4) gvozdena kop~a iz groba 28;
5) nalazi iz groba 97; 6) nalazi iz groba 123; 7) gvozdena kop~a iz groba 102
126
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
127
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3
Plate X Graves from phase III of the Late Roman Slog necropolis (410450).
Tabla X Grobovi III faze kasnoanti~ke nekropole Slog (410450. godine)
128
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate XI 1, 2) grave 100 irregularly fused fracture of right fibula in the upper quarter of its body;
3) grave 102 injuries on frontal bone; 4) grave 102 irregularly fused rib fractures; 5) grave 102 pronounced
muscle attachment points on right ulna; 6, 7) grave 102 pronounced muscle attachment points on right femur
Tabla XI 1, 2) grob 100 nepravilno srastao prelom desne fibule u gorwoj ~etvrtini tela; 3) grob 102
nepravilno srastao prelom rebara; 4) grob 102 povrede na frontalnoj kosti; 5) grob 102 istaknuta
mi{i}na hvati{ta na desnoj ulni; 6, 7) grob 102 istaknuta mi{i}na hvati{ta na desnom femuru
129
PETKOVI], MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Military graves from the Late Roman necropolis (87130) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Plate XII 1, 2, 3) grave 108 injury inflicted by a tri-bladed arrow with traces of healing;
4) grave 108 pronounced muscle attachment points on ulnas;
5) grave 108 Schmorls nodes on one thoracic and two lumbar vertebrae
Tabla XII 1, 2, 3) grob 108 povreda naneta trobridom strelom, sa tragovima zaceqewa;
4) grob 108 istaknuta mi{i}na hvati{ta na ulnama;
5) grob 108 [morlovi defekti na jednom grudnom pr{qenu i na dva slabinska pr{qena
130
VUJADIN IVANI[EVI], Institut archologique, Belgrade
MICHEL KAZANSKI, Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris
Sommaire. Les auteurs disscutent des importants changements historiques et sociaux sur la frontire danubienne qui ont fait
suite lanantissement de larme impriale Andrinople en 378. Cet chec ne fit quouvrir toute grande la porte linstallation
des Barbares dans les provinces frontalires de lEmpire. Leur arrive, par vagues successives, devait avoir leffet dun travail
de sape, dmantelant les capacits dfensives de lEmpire sur ses frontires septentrionales, tout en provoquant le repli
des populations locales plus lintrieur de lIllyricum et dans les provinces balkaniques mridionales.
Mots cls. Illyricum, Balkans, Antiquit tardive, Grande migration, Germains, Huns, Slaves.
LES INVASIONS BARBARES vers le nord. Ces nouvelles limites coupaient laccs
DE LA FIN DU IVe DBUT DU Ve SICLE lennemi venant de louest et du nord, en premier lieu
les Goths qui se sont rpandues aprs labandon de la
Bien que la frontire septentrionale de lIllyricum Dacie par lempereur Aurlien en 271.1
du Nord soit situe sur le limes danubien, ce nest que Les importants changements historiques et sociaux
vers la fin du IVe et le dbut du Ve s. que les premiers sur la frontire danubienne ont fait suite lanantisse-
Barbares simplantent sur le territoire de la diocse de ment de larme impriale Andrinople en 378. Cet
Dacie. Les incursions des Sarmates aux cours de la chec ne fit quouvrir toute grande la porte linstal-
premire moiti du IVe s. nont pas dmantel le sys- lation des Barbares dans les provinces frontalires de
tme dfensif, qui a t, il faut le souligner, renforc lEmpire. Leur arrive, par vagues successives, devait
par la reconstruction des anciennes forteresses du avoir leffet dun travail de sape, dmantelant les capa-
limes, la construction des fortins sur la rive gauche du cits dfensives de lEmpire sur ses frontires septen-
Danube, tel que Constantia (Kovin), Translederata trionales, tout en provoquant le repli des populations
(Sapaja), Drobeta (Turnu Severin), etc. Le systme locales plus lintrieur de lIllyricum et dans les
dfensif a t davantage assur par la construction des provinces balkaniques mridionales (Fig. 1).
grands ouvrages en terre sur le territoire barbare en
Sarmatie. Deux lignes de cette fortification dbutent,
et cela nest pas un hasard, du limes danubien, une de Soproni 1969, 117135; Vaday 2001, 249276; Bugarski,
1
* Cette tude est effectue dans le cadre du projet: Processus durbanisation et de dveloppement de la socit mdivale (n177021),
financ par le Ministre de lducation, de la science et de dveloppement technologique de la Rpublique de Serbie.
131
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Les Barbares, dans leur avanc vers les Balkans (Karata{) et Pontes. En plus des couches de destruction
npargnrent pas le secteur du limes danubien sten- cette violente irruption des Barbares se voit galement
dant entre Singidunum (Belgrade) et Aquae (Prahovo), atteste par les dpts montaires. A proximit mme
o leur passage se solda par la destruction dun grand de Singidunum on enregistre trois dpts de bronze
nombre de forteresses. A Singidunum la fouille dune ayant pour terminus ante quem 375378, alors que le
aire situe sur la rive du Danube a livr une couche de site de Donja Dubona, entre Aureus Mons (Seona) et
destruction et dincendie date par 227 monnaies, dont Vinceia (Smederevo), a livr un petit dpt de 5 solidi
les missions finales datent de 375378. Une couche avec dernire mission en 382/383. Le site de
dincendie semblable renfermant plus de 600 pices de Naku~ani, sur lemplacement dune villa rustica, a
monnaies, a t constate dans la forteresse de livr un second trsor dmembr de solidi se terminant
Gratiana (Saldum). Il sagit de plusieurs dpts mon- par un solidus de Gratien date de 378383. Lhorizon
taires disperss lintrieur du camp. Cette poque vit de destruction et les dpts montaires prcdemment
galement la destruction des fortifications de Campsa mentionns peuvent tre mis en relation avec les
(Ravna), o la couche dincendie est date par les incursions des Barbares que plus rien narrtait dans
monnaies de Valentinien Ier et Valens, de Taliata leur avanc sur lIllyricum aprs la dfaite dAndri-
(Donji Milanovac) et dautres camps jusqu Diana nople en 378.2
132
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Aprs la vague dirruptions, stant traduite par les sur la rive gauche du Danube.10 Ces ceinturons
destructions des fortifications, le limes fut restaur reprsentent de bons tmoins de la culture militaire
durant le rgne de Thodose Ier. Les raids de pillage et romano-germanique qui se dveloppa surtout dans
de dvastations lancs par les Barbares laissrent alors la Gaule du Nord.11 Elle fut diffuse le long du limes
la place un processus dimplantation faisant suite danubien au Noricum et en Pannonie,12 quelques
lenrlement des Germains dans larme romaine au exemplaires arrivent mme jusquau Bas-Danube. La
cours des dernires dcennies du IVe s. Cette infiltration tombe de Pontes fut interprte par Vladislav Popovi}
progressive des Barbares, peut tre suivie travers les comme celle dun barbare au service de lEmpire romain
tombes isoles et le matriel archologique sporadique selon la position du ceinturon dans la tombe sous les
dats de la fin du IVe et de la premire moiti du Ve s., pieds. A lappui de sa thse il site lexemple de la tombe
mis au jour sur le territoire nord de lIllyricum. Cet 67 de Csakvar.13
horizon est ainsi attest par un petit nombre de tombes Il convient galement de mentionner ici de nom-
dgages dans les ncropoles de Viminacium.3 Il sagit breuses trouvailles sporadiques fibules et peignes en
en loccurrence des spultures 134 et 1607 de la ncro- os- qui peuvent tre rattaches la culture de ^ernjahov
pole de Vi{e grobalja (Viminacium II), qui ont t Sntana de Mure, appartenant aux Goths et leurs
dates, sur la base de leur mobilier, de la fin du IVe et de allis germaniques et non-germaniques. Il a depuis
la premire dcennie du Ve (phase D1 de la chronologie longtemps t remarqu que ces objets sont nombreux
du Barbaricum europen 360/370400/410 et D2 dans la zone le long de la frontire danubienne, et plus
380/400440450). Toujours en Msie I nous pouvons prcisment entre Singidunum et Aquae, o ils
galement attribuer cet horizon les tombes mises au apparaissent au sein des couches de la basse antiquit
jour dans la ncropole amnage lintrieur du castrum fouilles dans de nombreux ouvrages dfensifs.14
de Singidunum (ncropole II)4 ainsi que les tombes les Notons la trouvaille de sept peignes du type Thomas
plus anciennes de la ncropole de Singidunum III. Il III dans une des tours de Romuliana (Gamzigrad).15
sagit des spultures 19a, 28, 59, 78 et, peut-tre, 42 et Ce mme processus dinfiltration peut galement
99, qui, sur la base danalogies, ont livr des objets tre constat plus louest, puis au nord, le long du
datables de la phase D1 D2.5 limes danubien bordant respectivement la Pannonie II
Plus lest, le long du limes danubien, dans la et la province de Valeria. On peut citer, comme une des
province de Dacie ripuaire, deux tombes, Vajuga, et preuves archologiques, la dcouvertes des peignes en
Pontes, appartient la mme poque.6 En ce qui os germaniques, du type Thomas I, Sirmium.16 Plus
concerne Vajuga, une petite ncropole auprs de la lintrieur du pays de telles traces sont rares et
fortification du Bas-Empire y a t fouille. Deux fibules napparaissent que sporadiquement. A proximit de
ont t mises au jour parmi les autres objets caractris- Naissus (Ni{) la ncropole de Mediana a livr une
tiques, dans la spulture 18 appartenant une fille (Fig. fibule en tle de bronze, et le site de Ni{avac (Timacum
2). Elles sont, selon Vladislav Popovi}, proches de celle
de la tombe fminine dUntersiebenbrunn. J. Tejral a
soutenu, lui aussi lattribution de la tombe de Vajuga
2 Ivani{evi} 1999, 9596; Vasi} 2008, 102103; Jeremi} 2009,
au mme horizon dUntersiebenbrunn, cest dire la
201221.
phase D2, 380/400440450.7 La position de deux 3 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006.
fibules sur les paules avec la tte retourne vers le bas 4 Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993, fig. 3.
suggre quil sagit, selon V. Popovi}, dune jeune 5 Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2002, 124.
Gothe. En effet, le costume deux fibules sur la partie 6 Popovi} 1987, 129137.
7 Tejral 2011, 190, 308.
suprieur du corps est caractristique des Germains
8 cf. en particulier Bierbrauer 1975, 7178.
orientaux lpoque des Grandes Migrations.8
9 Pop-Lazi} 2013, 70, fig. 22.
A la mme poque, mais un diffrent contexte,
10 Bondoc 2009, 5570, fig. 85, 131 et 158160.
appartient la tombe 7 de Pontes avec un ceinturon dit 11 Nombreux exemples: Bhme 1974; Sommer 1984.
militaire, form de deux plaques en bronze, dcor en 12 Voir la carte de diffusion: Tejral 2011, Abb. 212.
taille biseaute (Fig. 3). Les objets apparents provien- 13 Popovi} 1987, 129137.
nent des fortins proches de Smorna (Boljetin) et de 14 Ivani{evi} 1999, 97107.
que des forteresses de Dierna, de Drobeta et de Hinova 16 Popovi} 1987, pl. 4.1, 3.
133
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3
Maius) une autre fibule du mme modle.17 Ces fibules la dfense des frontires de lEmpire. Il convient gale-
spcifiques sont aussi bien reprsentes dans les fortins ment de noter que loccupant de la spulture 1607 avait
du limes danubien. Un exemplaire provient de Trans- un crne artificiellement dform,19 de sorte quil
lederata, et deux de Burgenae (Novi Banovci) et ils apparat avoir t un des tout premiers adeptes de ce
peuvent tre dates de la phase D1 370/80400/10.18
A Viminacium cet horizon se distingue toutefois
des autres, par la prsence darme dans le mobilier de 17 Ivani{evi} 2013.
la tombe 1607. Nous pouvons juste titre supposer 18 Ivani{evi} 1999, 97107, fig. 1.1; Dimitrijevi} et alii. 1962,
que cette population barbare prcoce peut tre mise en 8283, fig. 910.
relation avec les premiers fdrs engags pour assurer 19 Miki} 1994, 193.
134
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
4 5
nouvel usage qui sest dvelopp parmi les Barbares de Thodose II dans la dfense des provinces balkani-
du Danube, sous linfluence des Alains et des Sarmates ques de lEmpire, notamment entre les annes 410 et
lpoque de la domination des Huns.20 425. mentionnons ldit de Thodose II au prfet de
Ces deux diffrentes manifestations de civilisation lIllyricum Herculius ou on prescrits lobligation pour
matrielle, trangres celle de lIllyricum du Nord, toutes les personnes, quoique soit leurs rangs, de
sont trs probablement diffuses par les militaires. Les participer la construction des remparts.21
fdrs dont la prsence est incontestable, ainsi que les
units romaines venues de lOccident et comportant peut
tre aussi des Germains, ont t engags dans la dfense 20 Kazanski 1980; Anke 1998, 126128.
du limes. Ceci peut tre mis en rapport avec les efforts 21 Cod. Theod. 11.17, 4.
135
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
136
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
et dvast.27 Les ncropoles mises au jour, notamment premire moiti du Ve s., dun poignard, dune lance,
Singidunum28 et Viminacium,29 refltent tout parti- dun arc renforc par des plaques en os et dun carquois
culirement les changements dordre dmographiques contenant des flches trois ailettes, du type steppiques,
survenus en Msie I en 441 et en Dacie ripuaire en 443, des flches losangiques tige et celles courte pointe de
au lendemain de la perce des Huns et de la chute du section triangulaire (Fig. 5). En outre la tombe a livr des
limes. A cette occasion, savancant lintrieur de monnaies de Valens et, probablement, dHonorius.
lIllyricum, les Huns atteignirent mme Naissus quils Plus lOuest, au del de la Sava, en Pannonie
enlevrent. La gravit de la crise laquelle fut alors lpoque hunnique est marque par plusieurs d-
confront lEmpire est atteste par Priscus qui rapporte couvertes significatives. Cest la tombe de chef
quen 448 Attila alla jusqu exiger le retrait de toute militaire Ne{tin, ayant livr une longue pe et
la population romaine vivant entre Singidunum et Novae, plaque-boucle dcor cloisonn, typique de la priode
sur une profondeur de cinq jours de marche soutenue D2,35 ainsi que deux tombes de Vranja, dont une
en direction de Naissus. Toutefois, oubliant cette mme fminine, contenait des parures typiques de lpoque
exigence, Attila se contenta lanne suivante de proposer hunnique et lautre masculine, qui contenait un arc
de fixer la frontire sur le Danube.30 renforc des plaques en os36 (Fig. 6). Selon J. Tejral,
Quelques trsors montaires amasss le long du ces deux spultures appartiennent la phase D2
limes danubien tmoignent des dvastations hunniques. tardive, ou au dbut de la phase D2/D3, cest dire
On note Viminacium la dcouverte dun dpt de 420/430450, ce qui correspond, toujours selon J.
solidi de Thodose II, ainsi quun autre trsor de solidi Tejral, lhorizon de lempire hunnique sur le
de Thodose II trouv dans les environs dAquae. A Danube moyen.37 Citons galement une fibule en tle
Pontes, le sol dune maison incendie a livr 5 pices dargent provenant de Rakovac.38 Daprs sa taille de
dor de Thodose II. En plus des trsors de monnaies longueur de 11,1 cm, elle est comparable avec celles
dor on doit noter la dcouverte de nombreux dpts du type Mak Maklr Csongrd Werboczigasse,
de monnaies de bronze Viminacium qui a t mise en appartenant, selon J. Tejral la phase D2, cest--dire
relation avec lincursion des Huns en 441, ainsi que 380/400440/450 environ39 (Fig. 7.1). Une deuxime
deux dpts dHorreum Margi dats de 442/43.31 fibule, cette fois-ci en arbalte, du type Almgren 158,
Cependant les objets pouvant tre attribus aux a t mise au jour Rakovac.40 Daprs les proportions
Huns sont rares. Une de ces dcouvertes provenant de elle est proche de celles de Vranja et de Singidunum
lIllyricum du Nord qui pourrait peut tre lie aux IV. Deux fibules en tle dargent, de 21,1 et 22,1 cm de
Huns est un torque dor et une plaque-boucle dargent longueur, du type Smolin, proviennent dune tombe
provenant de Markovac, lieu situe auprs de la rivire dcouverte en 1883 Ilok41 (Fig. 7.2). Leur relative-
de Margus (Morava), celle-ci reprsente la grande ment grande taille suggre leur attribution plutt la
diagonale balkanique et la route vers le sud32 (Fig. 4).
Cette trouvaille pouvait faire partie du mobilier dune
tombe dtruite. Le torque et la plaque-boucle ressem-
27 Priscus, frag. 2 et 8.
blent ceux provenant de la tombe de Keszthely-
28 Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993; Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2002; Ivani-
Ziegelfabrik.33
{evi}, Kazanski 2009.
La ncropole dtruite de Singidunum IV Faubourg 29 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006.
Ouest, prs du Danube, un peu plus au Sud-Ouest par 30 Priscus frag. ib, 7, 14.
rapport la ncropole de Singidunum I Ville basse, a 31 Vasi} 1981, 123161; Vasi} 1990; Ivani{evi} 1999, 97107.
livr au moins une tombe de lpoque hunnique, date 32 Popovi} 2001, 8990, fig. 25.
2006.34 Cest une inhumation de guerrier, probablement 34 Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2009, 117139.
35 Vinski 1957, pl. 19.75 et pl. 23.88.
dun chef militaire, dans une fosse rectangulaire, la tte
36 Dautova-Ru{evljan 1981; Dautova-Ru{evljan 1998.
au Sud-Ouest. Elle tait accompagne notamment dune
37 Tejral 2007, 7881; Tejral 2011, 355, 367, 368.
fibule en arbalte, de tradition germanique, typique de 38 Vinski 1957, 31, Pl. 20.73.
la rgion danubienne et dune plaque-boucle, caract- 39 Tejral 2007, 76, Abb. 35, 8, 9.
ristique de la partie initiale de la priode D2/D3. La 40 Vinski 1978, Taf. 5.4.
panoplie de ce guerrier se compose dun bouclier 41 Brun{mid 1905, 210, fig. 31; Vinski 1978, Taf. 1, 2; Ger-
umbo conique, dune pe garde de fer, datable de la manen 1987, 224, V,10.a.
137
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 4
9 10 11
138
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3 4
5 6 7
8 9
11 12 13
10 14
15 16 17
139
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
APRS ATTILA
1 3 2
140
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
4
5
2 9
1 6 7
8 10
3 0 3 cm
11 12 13 14
Fig. 9. Singidunum I : 13) spulture 8 ; 46) spulture 16 ; 7) spulture 4 ; 8) spulture 10 ; 9, 10) spulture 9 ;
11, 12) spulture 7 ; 13, 14) spulture 14 (Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993)
Sl. 9. Singidunum I: 13) grob 8; 46) grob 16; 7) grob 4; 8) grob 10; 9, 10) grob 9;
11, 12) grob 7; 13, 14) grob 14 (Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993)
date de la priode D2/D3.46 Les tombes de la priode En loccurrence, celle de Singidunum perdure de
D2/D3 apparaissent aussi Singidunum I Ville basse,47 toute vidence durant la priode suivante, savoir les
(Fig. 9) et Singidunum II Castrum48 (Fig. 10). Les priodes D3 (450470/480) et E (470/480510), alors
tombes isoles de Belgrade, exhum en 1911 sur un site que cet horizon est moins important Viminacium. Si on
inconnu,49 et de Karaburma50 appartiennent la mme y ajoute dautres trouvailles provenant du territoire de
poque. Ce processus dinstallation barbare est attest Singidunum, telles une tombe dgage Ostru`nica53 et
galement Viminacium par les ncropoles de Vimina-
cium I Burdelj et de Viminacium II Vi{e grobalja
secteur sud-est,51 dont une partie considrable des
inhumations appartient la phase D2/D352 (Fig. 11). 42 cf. Tejral 2007, 90; Bierbrauer 2008, 126, 127.
La culture matrielle, atteste dans ces ncropoles, 43 Brun{mid 1905, 214, fig. 33; Bierbrauer 1975, 127129,
serait principalement attribuable des Germains Taf. 86.15; Germanen 1987, 230, 231, V, 21; Prohazka 2007.
44 Kiss 1979, n 5; Prohazka 2007.
orientaux. Cette prsence de vastes ncropoles barba-
45 Tejral 2007, 90, 92.
res sur le sol des deux principales villes frontalires
46 Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2002.
Viminacium et Singidunum illustrent bien les impor- 47 Spultures 7 et 14: Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993, fig. 8.
tants changements dmographiques survenus la suite 48 Spultures 14 et 15: Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993, fig. 10.
de ltablissement dun nouveau rapport de forces et 49 Tejral 1988, fig. 34.410.
dune nouvelle situation sur le plan politique. Lanalyse 50 Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993, fig. 6.
de la culture matrielle dnote cependant une importante 51 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006.
diffrence quand la dure mme des ncropoles de Sin- 52 Voir Tejral 1988; 1997 et 2005.
gidunum, dune part, et de Viminacium, dautre part. 53 Tati}-Duri} 1958; Bierbrauer 1975, Taf. 78.
141
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 4 7 10
0 3 cm
2
3 6 9 11
Fig. 10. Singidunum II : 13) spulture 14 ; 4) spulture 10 ; 511) spulture 15 (Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993)
Sl. 10. Singidunum II: 13) grob 14; 4) grob 10; 511) grob 15 (Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993)
une seconde, Rospi ]uprija, avec une pe-spatha et LES OSTROGOTHS EN ILLYRICUM
une boucle appartenant, daprs son dcor cloisonn,
lhorizon ApahidaBlu~inaTournai,54 il savre que De nouveaux grands changements survinrent en 488
cet horizon atteste Singidunum une forte implantation lorsque, sous la conduite de Thodoric, les Ostrogoths
de Germains. Cette ville est le point stratgique cl prirent la route de lItalie o ils devaient sassurer une
qui contrlait les voies de communication en direction base solide. De l, savancant au nord, ils tendirent
de la Pannonie et de la Msie I. bientt les frontires de leur Etat jusquaux rives du
La prsence de Germains Singidunum et dans ses Danube, de la Save et de la Drina. Ils roccuprent ainsi
environs est galement signale par les sources histo- la rgion de Sirmium en 504, quils rattachrent au
riques. Nous savons ainsi que cest proximit de Sin- royaume ostrogothique dItalie qui perdura jusquen
gidunum que sjournaient les Ostrogoths avec lesquels 535. Cette mme anne 504, la partie septentrionale de
lempereur Marcien (450457) conclut un foedus. De la Msie I vit la pntration dun alli des Goths, le
mme, des donnes quelques peu confuses fournies prince gpide Mundo. Il semble toutefois, au vu du trait
par Jordans laissent penser que les Goths occuprent conclu entre Byzance et les Ostrogoths, que la Msie I et
un certain temps Singidunum. Certaines tombes de Sin- la partie orientale de la Pannonie II, y compris la ville
gidunum III en effet contiennent des objets typiques de Bassianae, revenaient lEmpire, alors que les
des Ostrogoths55 (Fig. 12). Linstabilit persistante de Ostrogoths conservaient la plus grande partie de cette
la situation militaire devait conduire de nouveaux province avec Sirmium.56
mouvements parmi les barbares. Ainsi, les Goths
passrent en 475 en Msie II, avec lapprobation de 54 Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993, 136, fig. 11.1.
lempereur Znon (474475; 476491), alors que les 55 Ivani{evi~, Kazanski 2002, fig. 8, 11.
Gpides sinstallaient leur place en Pannonie. 56 Mirkovi} 2006.
142
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
6 3
4 5
10
9 8 7
12 11
13 14 15 16
17 18
19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26
Fig. 11. Viminacium I et Viminacium II (secteur sud-est) : 112) spulture 39 ; 1321) spulture 1193 ;
2226) spulture 1758 (Ivani{evi} et alii 2006)
Sl. 11. Viminacium I i Viminacium II (jugoisto~ni sektor): 112) grob 39; 1321) grob 1193;
2226) grob 1758 (Ivani{evi} et alii 2006)
143
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
4 5
1 2 3
144
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
LES GPIDES
Fig. 14. Batajnica, spulture de chef militaire casque
Quant aux Gpides, leurs sites archologiques (Vogt 2006)
attests dans la rgion de Sirmium par plusieurs dcou- Sl. 14. Batajnica, grob vojnog zapovednika {lem
vertes. Cest la tombe de chef militaire Batajnica, (Vogt 2006)
contenant un casque du type Baldenheim, une pe, un
bouclier umbo, une lance, des mors de cheval62 (Fig.
14). Lpe, dcouverte Rakovac,63 provient sans D3/MD1 (430460), en juger daprs les dcouvertes
doute dune autre tombe du mme type (Fig. 18.1). dans la tombe 15.19561957 des fibules du type
Une plaque-boucle, orne de tte daigle provenant de Viminacium.70 Une plaque-boucle plaque rniforme
Sirmium 64 est considre comme caractristique des ayant des parallles Vy{kov,71 appartient la priode
Gpides65 (Fig. 15). Une des rares ncropoles gpides E/MD3 (470/480510). La ncropole existe jusqu la
au nord du Danube a t fouille Constantia (Kovin), priode MD4 (510540/550) au moins, comme le
fortin construit contra Margum au IVe s. Notons parmi tmoignent les dcouvertes des boucles ardillon
les objets dcouverts encore une plaque-boucle, orne
de tte daigle.66
La culture matrielle gpide peut tre suivie
57 Ercegovi}-Pavlovi} 1980, 15, 39, pl. 18 et 31.
Sirmium mme. Les fouilles des dernires annes ont
58 Kiss 1984, 5860.
rvl de nombreux restes de cabanes construite
59 Germanen 1987, 231, V.19.
lintrieure du soi-disant palais imprial, ainsi que des 60 Bierbrauer 1975, Taf. 78.1; Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011,
tombes.67 Dautre part il est plus difficile didentifier 421.
culturellement les tombes dcouvertes Sirmium, autour 61Vinski 1964, 157178.
du mausole octogonal.68 Dune part ces tombes ont livr 62Vinski 1957, 327, Pl. 19.
un rcipient, habituel des contextes funraires gpides, 63 Vinski 1957, 34, Pl. 22.80; Germanen 1987, 230, V, 18.b.
64 Vinski 1957, 33, sl. 94.
mais dautre part, leur mobilier rduit, essentiellement
65 Bna 1976, 2830; Nagy 2002.
des boucles de ceinture et des peignes, est plus carac-
66 Milinkovi} 2005, 208212; Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2008, 45,
tristique de la population romaine, qui sans doute
fig. 8; Kazanski 2013, 115130.
restait Sirmium. 67 Jeremi} 2002, 4358; Pejovi}, Lu~i} 2011, 389413.
La ncropole de KormadinJakovo, dans la rgion 68 Brukner 1995.
de Srem69 est dhabitude considre comme gpide. 69 Dimitrijevi} 1960; Dimitrijevi} 1964.
(450470/480) de la chronologie danubienne, voire D2/ 71 cf. Tejral 2005, fig. 6.B.3.
145
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
base scutiforme et rivets scutiformes, voire plus tard. le cadre de la reconstruction du systme dfensif.74 De
En effet, la plaque-boucle dite mditerranenne du type fait, on peut difficilement concevoir que cette restaura-
LegouxPrinVallet 161, dcouverte dans une spulture tion dune frontire sre, incluant galement le relve-
de KormadinJakovo, est datable de la priode MA2 ment de forteresses intrieures, soit luvre dune seule
tardive de chronologie mrovingienne (520/530 poque et dun seul souverain. A lappui de cette thse
560/570) et surtout de celle de MA3 (560/570600/ citons lexemple de Ratiaria pour laquelle Procope
610)72 (Fig. 16). Les plaques-boucles de mme type sont mentionne quelle a t restaure pendant le rgne de
galement attestes dans la ncropole de Sirmium.73 Justinien Ier, ce qui est rejeter, conformment lins-
cription Anastasiana Ratiaria semper floreat trouve
dans le site, qui indique clairement que la reconstruction
LA RESTAURATION DU LIMES fut commenc durant le rgne de Anastase Ier.75
AU VIe SICLE ET LES HRULES Cest avec lapprobation de lempereur Anastase Ier
que les Hrules sinstallent vers 512 sur le territoire de
La restauration du limes danubien commenca sous lEmpire.76 Sous Justinien Ier ce peuple sinstalla dans
le rgne dAnastase Ier. Selon Procope (De aedificiis)
cest louvre de Justinien, qui a relev les fortifications
dtruites et en a difi de nouvelles. Les vastes fouilles 72 Legoux, Prin, Vallet 2004, n 161.
archologiques effectus le long du Danube sont venues 73 Germanen 1987, 230231, V, 24.
confirmer cette restauration du limes danubien, tout en 74 Kondi} 1984, 147155.
ramenant la lumire du jour de nombreuses forteresses 75 Velkov 1985, 883891.
inconnues des sources crites, riges ou releves dans 76 Mirkovi} 1981, 103104.
146
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3 4
5 6
7 8 9
aux expditions de larme byzantine sur les nombreux 240241; 39, 262; IV, 26, 295296, 3031, 309; Procope BV I, 11,
fronts de lEmpire contre les Vandales, les Goths et 29; Agathias, Historia, I, 11, 337; II, 7, 361.
80 Procope, BG III.34.40.
la Perse ainsi qu la rpression de la sdition dite 81 Partant de la notion dune famille biologique moyenne de 4
Nika Constantinople.79 5 personnes.
Le nombre des Hrules tait considrable. Sous 82 Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2010, 147157; Sarantis 2011, 361402.
Justinien Ier, larme hrule reprsentait plus de 4500 83 Le recours aux Barbares pour assurer la dfense du Danube
combattants,80 ce qui permet destimer leur nombre en a t impose par le dficit dmographique provoqu par la peste
2000025000 personnes81. On peut donc supposer que qui a frapp lEmpire en 541543, auquel sajoutait lengagement
de larme sur un grand nombre de fronts travers tout lEmpire
tout ce monde occupait, part Singidunum,82 dautres (Teall 1965, 319322). Il faut noter aussi que Justin, le magister
forteresses proches du Danube.83 militum per Illyricum a t engag dans les campagnes dItalie, ainsi
A Svetinja, au nord-ouest de la ville romaine de que Vitalius et finalement Jean, ce qui indique que les commandants,
ainsi que leurs armes ont t absents de 537 jusquaux annes 550
Viminacium, ont t reprs les restes dun ouvrage
de leur territoire les Balkans (PLRE III, 748749, 13801381 et
dfensif rig, trs vraisemblablement, aprs 542. Il 652662). A part les Hrules lEmpire a engag dans son arme
sagit en loccurrence dun rempart dune longueur de dautres Barbares de la frontire danubienne. Ainsi les Huns, les
100 110 m, flanqu de deux tours rectangulaires ses Antes et les Sclavnes sont prsents dans larme de Blisaire (voir
pour plus des dtails: Kazanski 2009). Narss, quand lui, dispo-
extrmits. Outre cela, on a constat dans lespace
sait, part 3000 Hrules, de 2500 cavaliers et 3000 cuyers lom-
ferm par ce mur, la prsence dune srie dhabitations bardes, de 400 Gpides, ainsi que des ressortissants dautres peuples,
qui abritaient, en juger par les trouvailles de dont les effectifs ne sont pas mentionns (Procope BG IV, 26, 517).
147
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3
Fig. 18. Epes chape dntre en bande mtallique : cramique et dautres objets, une population forme de
1) Rakovac (Germanen 1987) ; fdrs. Cet habitat est dat des annes 570580.84
2) Viminacium, tombe 1876 (Ivani{evi} et alii 2006) Enfin quelques restes dune couche palo-byzantine
ont galement t identifis Seli{te, prs de laire
Sl. 18. Ma~ i metalni tokovi korica:
occupe par la ville romaine.
1) Rakovac (Germanen 1987);
2) Viminacium, grob 1876 (Ivani{evi} et alii 2006) Cest celle-ci que pourraient tre rattaches les
ncropoles du VIe s. Burdelj (Viminacium I) et Vi{e
grobalja (Viminacium II),85 et, plus particulirement, le
secteur nord-ouest de cette seconde ncropole. Celui-ci
peut tre trs prcisment dat entre la fin de la phase
MD 4 et le dbut de la phase MD 6 de la chronologie du
Barbaricum danubien, soit de 530 560.86 Daprs le
mobilier la ncropole de Viminacium II Vi{e grobalja
le secteur nord-ouest, peut tre attribue des fdrs
chargs de la dfense des frontires de lEmpire sous
Justinien Ier. Ce mobilier dnote une influence de la
culture matrielle des Germains septentrionaux et
occidentaux. Ainsi, le port des fibules, pour certaines,
en haut de la poitrine et au niveau du bassin (Vimina-
cium, tombes 112, 132, 133, 144), et pour dautres, au
niveau du bassin et des jambes (tombe 143) est carac-
tristique des Germains occidentaux.87 Dautre part
trois couteaux de tisserand dcouvertes Viminacium,
(tombes 118, 143 et 2083)88 sont bien connus chez les
148
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
2 3
1 4 5 6
7 8
9 10 11 12
Lombards du Danube.89 Typiques de ce peuple,90 ils occidentaux et septentrionaux, tels les Lombards,
sont galement attests en Angleterre du Sud, en voire les Alamans et les Thuringiens.
Allemagne entre le Rhin Moyen et lElbe moyenne, La prsence des crnes portant des traces de dfor-
par ex. chez les Thuringiens, plus rarement en Gaule, mation artificielle dans certaines tombes de cette phase98
en Italie et en Pannonie.91 Deux fibules tte
rectangulaire et pied motifs zoomorphes dgrads
(tombes 133 et 138) sont galement typique avant tout 89 Werner 1962, Taf. 1.10, 16.7, 55.9; Bna, Horvth 2009,
pour les Germains occidentaux et septentrionaux Taf. 20.2.2, 22.18.1, 29.6.2, 50.9, 138.1,2; Tejral et alii 2011, Taf.
Lombards, thuringiens, Francs, alamans, Scandinaves, 42.28.2, 51.13.
90 Werner 1962, 82,84.
Anglo-Saxons etc92 (Fig. 17.12). Une bande mtallique
91 La carte de diffusion : Werner 1962, Taf. 68.2, Fundliste 2.
de fourreau porte un dcor en tresse provenant de la 92 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006, 15.
tombe 187693 (Fig. 18.2).94 Les chapes dentre en 93 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006, 38.
bande mtallique sont attestes surtout en Gaule du 94 Elle rappelle celle de Rakovac, dcouverte en 1909 (Vinski
Nord et de lEst, en Germanie, en Angleterre, pisodi- 1957, pl. 22.80, Germanen 1987, 230, V,18.d), cette dernire porte
quement en Scandinavie, en Espagne, en Finlande et cependant un dcor linaire et appartient donc au type Entringen
rarement sur le Danube moyen.95 Les umbo des tombes Sindelfingen, caractristique de lAlemagne du Sud-Ouest (Menghin
1983, Abb. 50).
115 et 2093 possdent des rivets plaqus dargent,96 95 Menghin 1983, Abb. 11 et 12.
caractristiques de lOccident mrovingien, ainsi que 96 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006, 42.
des Lombards et des Thuringiens.97 Tous ces traits 97 Werner 1962, Fundliste 1.
149
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
ne soppose pas ce rapprochement. Cette pratique est de tradition lombarde (Fig. 19). Les fibules digites,
rare, certes, chez les Lombards au Nord du Danube,99 dcor gomtrique et un arque sur les doigts de la
mais atteste davantage chez les Thuringiens et les tte, mais pied de forme u diffrente, sont attestes
Alamans lpoque post-hunnique.100 Or, la mme chez les Lombards en Pannonie, donc avant lexode de
poque, les crnes dforms sont bien connus chez les 568.110 En Italie les fibules semblables, du type BF4a,
Germains orientaux du Danube101 et leur prsence sont dates de 570590.111
Viminacium pourrait alors tmoigner de lintgration
des Germains danubiens. Paralllement on note aussi
une influence byzantine sur le costume de cette
nouvelle population, qui portait notamment des fibules 99 Un cas dans la ncropole de Lu`ice nous est signal par J.
pied attach de tradition balkanique.102 Tejral, la publication de la ncropole: Tejral et alii 2011, 225312.
100 Werner 1962, 116, 117, Fundliste 8; Anke 1998, 130, 131.
Un horizon semblable des tombes a t identifi
101 Anke 1998, 129, 130.
dans la ncropole de Singidunum aux environs duquel 102 Uenze 1992, 146154.
staient installs des Hrules103 Ainsi, on peut mettre 103 Procope, BG II.15.30; III.33.13; Ivani{evi}, Kazanski
la hypothse de lappartenance aux Hrules des tombes 2002, 124.
de Viminacium.104 Cela expliquerait la dcouverte de 104 Ivani{evi} et alii 2006, 133, 134; Ivani{evi}, Kazanski
deux fibules de tradition sud-scandinave, tte rectan- 110 Par ex. Werner 1962, Taf. 1.1,2, 9.1,2.
gulaire, datables de 550600109 et une fibule digite, 111 Jrgensen 1992, fig. 5.
150
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
A cette mme priode peuvent tre assigne deux quoique la culture matrielle des Gpides se distingue
tubuli avec solidi mis jour sur le limes danubien nettement de celle des Barbares de Viminacium. Or, ce
Udovice prs de Grocka (Ad sextum miliarem ?), non peuple qui occupait de vastes territoires aux portes de
loin de Singidunum. Le premier tubulus comporte deux lEmpire, a pratiquement t en conflit permanent avec
solidi, dont un de Valentinien III frapp Rome ou les Byzantins.123 Toute une srie dinformations re-
Ravenne en 425455, et lautre de Severus issue latives aux vnements militaires touchant lIllyricum,
Ravenne en 461465. Le second tubulus comprend le font prcisment apparatre au nombre des principaux
aussi deux solidi mis Ravenne, un de Valentinien III adversaires de lEmpire sur cette partie de la frontire
de 425455 et un dHonorius frapp en 421. (Fig. 20) sous Justinien Ier. Qui plus est, entre 535 et 567, les
Cette trouvaille est selon Ivana Popovi} originaire de Gpides ont tenu une partie de la Pannonie avec la ville
lItalie du Nord et elle date de la priode doccupation de Sirmium, et ce contre la volont de Constantinople.
barbare du limes de lIllyricum du Nord.112 Dautre part Pour ces raisons, nous serions enclins penser quaux
Svante Fischer indique que ces tubuli ont t fabriqus fins de dfendre ses frontires lEmpire veillait
en Scandinavie du Sud aprs 475. Ils tmoignent, selon recruter des peuples germaniques hostiles aux
lauteur, de la prsence des mercenaires barbares, entre Gpides. Dailleurs un des piliers de la politique
475 et 500, sur le limes danubien.113 Cependant, comme militaire de lempereur Justinien tait prcisment,
la justement soulign I. Popovi}, en sappuyant sur les comme le rapporte Procope, dopposer les barbares les
archologiques scandinaves, les colliers de ce type ont la uns aux autres.124
datation trs large, du dbut du IVe au dbut du VIIe s.114 Les rgions sises aux confins de lIllyricum nen
Ainsi, le fameux torque en or provenant dAlleberg et restaient pas moins sous la menace constante des
contenant des lments comparables est attribu par V. incursions barbares. Une des plus srieuses, survenue
Holmqvist la premire moiti du VIe s., et un autre en 548549, aboutit un affrontement opposant
torque du mme type, dcouvert Mne) au VIe s.115 Germains du Danube, Gpides et Hrules rebelles,
Ainsi, on peut admettre que cette dcouverte peut tre dune part, des Lombards, Romains et Hrules fdrs,
mise en liaison avec le sjour des Hrules sur le Danube dautre part. En dpit de la victoire de ses troupes,
sous Justinien. lEmpire fut dailleurs contraint, en raison du danger
Dautre part J. Tejral a remarqu les parallles entre de nouvelles incursions des Gpides, de laisser une
la cramique de certaines tombes de Singidunum (57,
61, 85, 106)116 et celle de lpoque pr-lombarde au
Nord du Danube.117 Cette zone est habituellement
attribue aux Hrules avant leur dfaite par les Lom- 112 Popovi} 2001, 5558, fig. 9; Popovi} 2008.
bards.118 Cependant une diffrence notable existe de la 113 Fischer 2008, 8188 ; Voir aussi : Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2010,
culture matrielle entre les tombes de Viminacium et 154157, fig. 7.
114 Popovi} 2008 : 78.
celles de la phase pr-lombarde (phase MD 3, ou la
115 Holmqvist 1965 : 168, 169.
priode E 470/480510) au Nord du Danube.119 Ceci
116 La tombe 85, daprs les grosses perles en ambre est data-
nous rappelle la prudence quant lattribution hrule
ble plutt de la priode D2/D3 ou D3E1. Celles 57, 61 et 106 ne
des tombes de Viminacium.120 De toute facon, il est bien contiennent pas dautre mobilier qui se prte la datation.
possible que les Hrules, lors de leur migration, ont Cependant daprs les parallles provenant de Viminacium (tombes
entrain avec eux dautres groupes germaniques et non 136 et 143), les cruches provenant des tombes 61 et 106 appartien-
nent plutt au VIe s. La petite cruche de la tombe 61 est proche,
germaniques, y compris trs probablement ceux des
quant elle, celle de lpoque pr-lombarde, provenant de [aratice
Germains dElbe (Lombards, Thuringiens), qui taient (Tejral 2005, fig. 8.C.6).
leurs voisins dans le pays nord-danubien.121 117 Tejral 2005, 135, fig. 8.AC; Tejral 2007, 102, Abb. 26.
Nous rattachons donc la population du VIe s. 118 Par ex. Wolfram 1990, 273, carte 5.
119 Nombreuses fibules digites dans des tombes fminines, peu
enterre dans les ncropoles de Viminacium II Vi{e
grobalja secteur nord-est et Singidunum III (phase darmes dans des tombes masculines : voir Tejral 2005, fig. 5 et 6.
120 Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2010, 147157.
tardive) des Germains occidentaux et septentrionaux, 121 Tejral et alii 2011, 6466.
sans vouloir considrer ici plus avant le problme de 122 Zotovi}, 1994, 183190 ; Milinkovi} 1998, 242244 ; Mir-
leur appartenance ethnique, compte tenu de lvident kovi} 1998, 123125.
mlange de culture matrielle. Notons cependant que 123 Voir en dernier lieu Kazanski 2013.
ces ncropoles ont t attribues aux Gpides,122 124 Procope Hist. arc. 11.
151
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
partie de larme sur le Danube au lieu de lenvoyer en prcisment cette poque, ont t recruts en grand
Italie.125 nombre par lempereur Tibre II.
Par la suite, nous savons que ces mmes Germains
ont suivi Maurice lors de sa campagne sur le lointain
LES SLAVES, LES AVARS front perse.134 Ajoutons quen 582 Maurice a t le
ET LA FIN DU LIMES dernier empereur connu recevoir le titre de comte des
fdrs.135 Viminacium tait cette poque une impor-
La situation sur la frontire danubienne saggrave tante place stratgique face au Barbaricum, ainsi qu
avec lapparition des nouveaux ennemis, les Sclavnes la province de Pannonie, actuelle rgion de Srem. Ceci
et les Antes. Selon Procope ds le dbut du rgne de est notamment attest par lexistence dune fabrica ou
Justinien les Huns, les Sclavnes et les Antes chaque fabricenses identifies dans une inscription fragmentaire
anne font des incursions sur lIllyricum et sur la non publie, trouve Viminacium et date du rgne de
Thrace.126 En 548552 les invasions sclavnes se Tibre II. On y reconnat la dernire ligne, parfaitement
produisent en Illyricum pratiquement chaque anne, lisible, les termes IMP.TIB.FABRI.136 Toute limportance
de plus en plus dvastatrices.127 La carte des trsors stratgique de Viminacium devait dailleurs saffirmer
montaires montre une situation de stresse militaire dans quelque temps plus tard, en 600, lors de la dernire
la partie orientale dIllyricum.128 On peut noter deux tentative de Byzance visant endiguer la pntration
priodes dans les guerres des Slaves contre lEmpire. des Avars dans la valle du Danube moyen. Cette place
La premire englobe les annes 527578, quand les servira alors de base pour les oprations lances en
Sclavnes se contentent de faire des incursions sur le profondeur en territoire ennemi.
territoire byzantin, sans essayer de rester dans les Bal- Nous pouvons galement rattacher cet horizon,
kans. La deuxime priode des guerres danubiennes va attestant la prsence de barbares dans la partie nord de
de 579/580 626. Durant cette priode, les Sclavnes lIllyricum, toute une srie de trouvailles provenant du
restent dfinitivement sur le territoire de la pninsule
balkanique129. Les cartes de rpartition des trsors mo-
ntaires montre que pratiquement toute la pninsule
125 (Procope BG III, 35.) Si le recours aux Barbares restait
balkanique est expose au danger.130 A cette poque les
principalement destin la lutte contre dautres peuples hostiles, les
Sclavnes agissent soit en tant que les allis subordonns auxiliaires germaniques de lEmpire apparaissent, loccasion,
des Avars, soit, trs souvent, leur propre compte.131 dans la rsolution de certains conflits internes du monde barbare.
Les Barbares continurent leur garde sur la fron- On sait ainsi quen 551, rpondant un appel des Lombards en con-
flit contre les Gpides, Byzance leur envoya un dtachement de
tire du nord de lIllyricum sous le rgne de Tibre II forces mixtes commandes par les fils du gnral byzantin
et de Maurice, comme lont montr les travaux de Germain, Justin et Justinien, Aratius Kamsarakan, lex-roi Hrule
fouilles sur louvrage dfensif byzantin sis Svetinja, Svartua et Amalafrede, fils dun neveu de Thodoric et beau-frre
dans lagglomration de Viminacium. Ceux-ci ont mis du roi lombard Avdui. Finalement, seul Amalafrede se porta au
devant des Lombards avec lesquels il dfit les Gpides, alors que
au jour, proximit mme, les traces dun habitat de les autres chefs, sur ordre de lempereur, restrent Ulpiana, dans
fdrs comptant plusieurs habitations qui a t attribu la province de Dardanie, compte tenu quune rvolte tait survenue
aux Gpides par M. Popovi}. Daprs ce mme auteur, dans la ville en raison de querelles religieuses (Procope BG IV, 25).
126 Procope, Hist. arc. 18.20.
il sagirait des lments gpides qui, sous la conduite
127 Procope, BG III.29.1, 2, 38.123, IV.25.15.
dUsdibade, sont passs sur le territoire de lEmpire
128 Morrisson et alii 2006, carte 3.
aprs la dfaite de Gpides face au Lombards en 567.132 129 Cependant les premiers traces archologiques incontesta-
Les trouvailles mmes, constitues de tessons provenant bles de la prsence des Slaves dans la pninsule balkanique remon-
de 14 pots dont douze orns de motifs estampills et tent prsent au VIIe s. (par ex. Vida, Vlling 2000) ; voir aussi :
deux avec dcoration lustre, peuvent toutefois aussi Popovi} 1975, 1978 et 1980.
130 Morrisson et alii 2006, cartes 58.
bien sinscrire dans lhritage gpide que dans celui des
131 Kazanski 1999, 6576.
Lombards. Cette cramique est en effet caractristique
132 Popovi} 1988, 2123, fig. 17.
du bassin des Carpates, mais aussi de lItalie du Nord, 133 Werner 1962, 51, fig. 4, 5457, 176178, pl. 1819; von
o se sont installs les Lombards en 568.133 La garnison Hessen 1968.
de fdrs cantonns Svetinja, dont la prsence peut 134 Haldon 1979, 22, n 8.
tre date des annes 570580, pourrait donc tout aussi 135 Zuckerman 2004, 168.
bien tre mise en relation avec les Lombards qui, 136 Mirkovi} 1998, 124127.
152
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3 4
limes, mais aussi de sites se trouvant plus lintrieur Louvrage dfensif de Svetinja a t endommag,
du territoire byzantin. Sur le limes cest par ex. la et lhabitat voisin incendi, au cours de lt 584, lors
tombe isole de Bole~ica, en aval du castrum de la grande perce des Avars, comme lont montr les
dOctavum prs de Singidunum, dont proviennent une trouvailles numismatiques.143 Cette avance des Avars,
boucle de fer ovale et un peigne une range de dents, lorsque, selon Thophylactes Simokatts, sont galement
qui prsente de nombreuses analogies prcisment tombes Singidunum, et Avgusta, a mis un terme la
avec le matriel de la ncropole Viminacium III longue rsistance de Viminacium en tant que ville fron-
secteur nord-ouest. On peut galement voquer les talire de lEmpire.144
trouvailles de cramique estampille provenant des On a constat dans les ruines de Svetinja un second
forteresses de Taliata (Veliki Gradac) et de Transdierna niveau, refltant une nouvelle installation ne renfermant
(Tekija) (Simoni 1978, 215216, 226, n. 108, Pl. III 1). plus aucune trace de cramique estampille caractris-
Il faut noter aussi quatre tombes mises jour Mar- tique, bien que certaines trouvailles, telles un tui de
gum,137 ainsi que deux spultures isoles dcouvertes peigne et un manipule de bouclier sont typiques de la
Kamenovo, prs de Petrovac na Mlavi, au sud de culture matrielle des Germains145. La fortification de
Viminacium, sur laxe principal conduisant Naissus. Svetinja a perdu sa fonction durant la dernire dcennie
Ces deux spultures de Kamenovo, dont une de du VIe s., vraisemblablement loccasion dune
guerrier, possdent de nombreux parallles dans le incursion des Avars en 593, ou 596.146
matriel de la ncropole la plus rcente de Viminacium
II Vi{e grobalja. K. Simoni les a rattaches aux
Gpides ayant trouv refuge sur le territoire de
lEmpire aprs leur dfaite en 567.138 137 Cunjak 1992, 3440 ; Bugarski, Ivani{evi} 2013.
138 Simoni 1978, 209214.
En ce qui concerne les territoires situs plus
139 Brmboli} 1986, 204, fig. 207.
lintrieur de lEmpire, nous mentionnerons les
140 Popovi} 1984, 160178; Ivani{evi} 2012, 5769.
dcouvertes dans le massif du Juhor,139 Cari~in Grad 141 Milinkovi} 2000, 352359.
(Justiniana Prima)140 ainsi que Jelica, o lon a mis 142 Dailleurs ces territoires intrieurs taient alors peu
au jour de la cramique, un tui de peigne, une agrafe scuriss. Ainsi en 579580 lambassadeur avar a t tu en
avec plaque cordiforme et une fibule circulaire avec Illyricum par les Sclavnes, qui taient en train de dvaster cette
protomes. Ces dcouvertes, ainsi que dautres objets, rgion (Mnandre, fr. 64).
143 Popovi} 1988, 3435.
mis au jour en Serbie, sont rattaches par M. Milinkovi}
144 Thophylacte Simocatts, Hist, I, 3, 4.
aux Gpides.141 Cependant toutes ces trouvailles 145 Les manipules de bouclier comparables ont t galement
cependant prsentent nouveau, dans une large mis au jour au Proche-Oruent, dans le contexte purement byzantin
mesure, des traites typiques galement de la culture (Quast 2012, 357, Abb. 5.2).
des Lombards et dautres Germains.142 146 Popovi} 1988, 2635, fig. 20.5 et 24.
153
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
154
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
SOURCES:
BIBLIOGRAPHIE:
Anke 1998 B. Anke, Studien zur reiternomadischen Bna, Nagy 2002 I. Bna, M. Nagy, Gepidische
Kultur des 4. Bis 5. Jahrhunders, Weissbach 1998. Grberfelder am Tiszagebiet I, Budapest 2002.
Bavant 2008 B. Bavant, Fragments de casques de Bna, Horvth 2009 I. Bna, J. B. Horvth,
type Baldenheim trouvs Cari~in Grad, Mlanges de Langobardische Grberfelder in West-Ungarn, Budapest
lcole francaise de Rome Moyen ge 120, 2008, 2009.
327353. Bondoc 2009 D. Bondoc, The Roman Rule to the
Bierbrauer 1975 V. Bierbrauer, Die ostgotischen North of the Lower Danube, Cluj Napoca 2009.
Grab- und Schatzfunde in Italien, Spoleto 1975. Brmboli} 1986 M. Brmboli}, Ranovizantijsko
Bierbrauer 2008 V. Bierbrauer, Ethnos und utvr|ewe na Juhoru. Zbornik Narodnog muzeja u Beo-
Mobilitt im 5. Jahrhundert aus archoloigscher Sicht: gradu 12.1, 1986, 190210.
Vom Kaukasus bis nach Niedersterreich, Mnchen Brukner 1995 O. Brukner, Mauzolej oktogo-
2008. nalna gra|evina. In : Arheolo{ko istra`ivawa du`
Bjelajac, Ivani{evi} 1993 Lj. Bjelajac, V. Ivani- autoputa kroz Srem, Novi Sad 1995, 175180.
{evi}, Les tmoignages archologiques des Grandes Brun{mid 1905 J. Brun{mid, Starine ranijega
Invasions Singidunum, Starinar 42, 1991, 123139. srednjega vijeka iz Hrvatske i Slavonije, Vjesnik Hrvat-
Bhme 1974 H.-W. Bhme, Germanische Grab- skoga arheolo{koga dru{tva, 8, 1905, 208220.
funde des 4. bis 5. Jahrhunderts zwichen unterer Elbe Bugarski, Ivani{evi} 2012 I. Bugarski, V. Iva-
und Loire, Mnchen 1974. ni{evi~, Pograni~e Rimsko imperii i varvarov:
Bna 1976 I. Bna, A laube du Moyen Age. sistema oboron Imperii ot Kuci do Lederat:
Gpides et Lombards dans le bassin des Carpates, Lesna i lesostepna zon Vosto~no Evrop v
Budapest 1976. pohi rimskih vlini i Velikogo pereseleni
155
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
156
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
tions Singidunum. In: Singidunum 3, Belgrade 2002, Legoux, Prin, Vallet 2004 R. Legoux, P. Prin,
101157. F. Vallet, Chronologie normalise du mobilier funraire
Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2009 V. Ivani{evi}, M. mrovingien entre Manche et Lorraine, Saint-Germain-
Kazanski, Nouvelle ncropole des Grandes Migrations en-Laye 2004.
de Singidunum, Starinar LVIII, 2009, 117139. Miki} 1994 Z. Miki}, Erste Ergebnisse Anthrop-
Ivani{evi}, Kazanski 2010 V. Ivani{evi~, M. logischer Untersuchung des Germanenfriedhofes von
Kazanski, Gerul stiniana v Severnome Illi- Viminacium/Serbien, Starinar 4344, 1994, 191199.
rikume i ih arheologi~eskie sled, Startum plus 5, Milinkovi} 1998 M. Milinkovi}, Germanska
2010, 147157. plemena na Balkanu. Arheolo{ki nalazi iz vremena
Jankovi} 1989 M. Jankovi}, Arheolo{ki nalaz seobe naroda, Beograd 1998 (Thse doctorale non
iz okoline Beograda, grob VI veka, Godi{wak grada publie).
Beograda 36, 1989, 515. Milinkovi} 2000 M. Milinkovi}, Ulpijana kod
Jovanovi} 1996 A. Jovanovi}, The Problem of the Gra~anice na Kosovu i Gradina na Jelici kod ^a~ka
Location of Lederata. In: Roman Limes on the Middle and u svetlu akulturacionih procesa u Iliriku VI v. In :
Lower Danube, d. P. Petrovi}, Belgrade 1996, 6972. Tre}a jugoslovenska konferencia vizantologa, Kru-
Jeremi} 2002 M. Jeremi}, Graditeljstvo Sirmijuma {evac 2000, 343360.
u V i VI veku, Saop{tenja 34, 2002, 4358. Milinkovi} 2003 M. Milinkovi}, O tzv. `en-
Jeremi} 2009 G. Jeremi}, Saldum, Roman and skom germanskom grobu iz Ulpiane. In: Spomenica
Early Byzantine Fortification, Belgrade 2009. Jovana Kova~evi}a, Beograd 2003, 143178.
Jrgensen 1992 L. Jrgensen, A.D. 568 A Milinkovi} 2005 M. Milinkovi}, Serbien. Real-
Chronological Analysis of Lombard Graves in Italy. In: lexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, H. Beck, D.
Chronological Studies of Anglo-Saxon England, Lombard Geuenich, H. Steuer (dir.), 28, Berlin 2005, 197218.
Italy and Vendel Periode Sweden, ed. L. Jrgensen, Mirkovi} 1981 M. Mirkovi}, Centralne bal-
Copenhagen 1992, 94122. kanske oblasti u doba poznog carstva. In: Istorija
Kazanski 1980 M. Kazanski, A propos de srpskog naroda, d. S. ]irkovi}, Beograd 1981,
lapparition de la coutume de la dformation crnienne 89105.
artificielle chez les tribus germaniques de la Gaule. Bul- Mirkovi} 1986 M. Mirkovi}, Inscription de la
letin de liaison de lAssociation francaise dArchologie Msie Superieure II, Viminacium et Margum, Belgrade
mrovingienne, 1980, 8588. 1986.
Kazanski 1999 M. Kazanski, Les Slaves. Les Mirkovi} 1998 M. Mirkovi}, The Legionary
origines, IerVIIe sicle aprs J.-C., Paris 1999. Camps at Singidunum and Viminacium in the Defensive
Kazanski 2009 M. Kazanski, La cavalerie slave System in the fourth-fifth and sixth centuries: Romans
lpoque de Justinien, Archaeologia Baltica 11, 2009, and Barbarians. In: The Roman Frontier at the Lower
229239. danube 4th6th centuries, Studia Danubiana I, Bucharest,
Kazanski 2013 M. Kazanski, Les Gpides et la 1998, 117130.
Crime, Starinar 63, 2013, 115130. Mirkovi} 2006 M. Mirkovi}, Sirmium Istorija
Kazanski 2013a M. Kazanski, The Middle Dnieper rimskog grada od I do kraja VI veka, Sremska Mitrovica
area in the seventh century: an archaeological survey, 2006.
Travaux et Mmoires 17, 2013, p. 769864. Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011 N. Miladinovi}-
Kiss 1979 A. Kiss, Ein Versuch die Funde und das Radmilovi}, Sirmium. Necropolis, Beograd Sremska
Siedlungsgebiet der Ostgotyrn in Pannonien zwischen Mitrovica 2011.
456471 zu bestimmen, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Morrisson et alii 2006 C. Morrisson, V. Popovi},
Scientarum Hungaricae 31, 1979, 329339. V. Ivani{evi}, Les Trsors montaires byzantins des
Kiss 1984 A. Kiss, ber eine silbervergoldete Balkans et dAsie Mineure (491713), Paris 2006.
gepidische Schnalle aus dem 5. Jahrhundert von Ungarn, Nagy 2002 M. Nagy, Die Gepidischen Adlersch-
Folia Archaeologica 35, 1984, 5776. nallen und ihre Beziehungen, Budapest Rgisgei
Kondi} 1984 V. Kondi}, Les formes des fortifica- XXXVI, 2002, 363392.
tions protobyzantines dans la rgion des Portes de Fer. Nsman 1984 U. Nsman, Zwei Relieffibeln von
In : Villes et peuplement dans lIllyricum protobyzantin, der Insel land, Prhistorische Zeitschrift 59/1, 1984,
Rome 1984, 147155. 4880.
157
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
PLRE III The Prosopography of the Later Roman Neglected Barbarians, F. Curta ed., Brepols, Turnhout
Empire III, d. J. R. Martindale, Cambridge 1992. 2011, 361402.
Pejovi}, Lu~i} 2011 Z. Pejovi}, B. Lu~i}, Nekro- Simoni 1978 K. Simoni, Dva priloga istra`ivanju
pola iz perioda seobe naroda sa lokaliteta 1a Sirmijuma, germanskih nalaza seobe naroda u Jugoslaviju, Vjesnik
Zbornik Narodnog muzeja serija: Arheologija 20.1, Arheolo{kog muzeja u Zagrebu 1011, 1978, 209233.
2011, 389413. Sjvold 1993 T. Sjvold, The Scandinavian relief
Petkovi} 2006 S. Petkovi}, Unilateral antler combs brooches of the Migration Period. An attempt at a new
from Romuliana, Starinar 56, 2006, 363366. classification (Norske oldfunn 15), Oslo 1993.
Pop-Lazi} 2013 S. Pop-Lazi}, Pregled rimske Sommer 1984 M. Sommer, Die Grtel und Grtel-
vojske u Srbiji tokom kasne antike, In: Konstantin Veli- beschlage des 4. und 5. Jahrhunderts im rmischen
ki i Milanski edikt 313, d. I. Popovi}, Beograd 2013, Reich, Bonn 1984.
6073. Soproni 1969 S. Soproni, Limes Sarmatiae. Mra
Popovi} 1975 V. Popovi}, Les tmoins archolo- Ferenc Mzeum vknyve 2, 117135
giques des invasions avaro-slaves dans lIllyricum Tati}-\uri} 1958 M. Tati}-\uri}, Gotski grob
byzantin, Mlanges de lcole francaise de Rome. iz Ostru`nice, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja I,
Antiquit 87, 1975, p. 445504. 1958, 161185.
Popovi} 1978 V. Popovi}, La descente des Teall 1965 J. Teall, The Barbarians in Justinians
Koutrigours, des Slaves et Avars vers la mer ge: le Armies, Speculum, 40, 1965, 294322.
tmoignage de larchologie, Acadmie des Inscriptions Tejral 1988 J. Tejral, Zur Chronologie der frhen
et Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendus, 1978, p. 596648. Vlkerwanderungszeit im mittleren Donauraum,
Popovi} 1980 V. Popovi}, Aux origines de la Archaeologia Austriaca 72, 1988, 223304.
slavisation des Balkans : la constitution des premires Tejral 1997 J. Tejral, Neue Aspekte der frhvlker-
sklavinies macdoniennes vers la fin du VIe sicle, Aca- wanderungszeitlichen Chronologie im Mitteldonauraum.
dmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Comptes In: Neue Beitrge zur Erforschnug der Sptantike im
rendus, 1978, p. 230257. mittleren Donauraum, d. J. Tejral, H. Friesinger, M.
Popovi} 1984 V. Popovi}, Un tui de peigne en os Kazanski, Brno 1997, 321392.
de type mrovingien et les objets dorigine ethnique Tejral 2005 J. Tejral, Zur Unterscheidung des
trangre Cari~in Grad, Cari~in Grad I, Belgrade vorlangobardischen und elbgermanisch-lanogbardis-
Rome 1984, 160178. chen Nachlasses. In: Die Langobarden. Herrschaft und
Popovi} 1987 V. Popovi}, Die sddanubischen Identitt, Vienne 2005, 103200.
Provinzen in der Sptantike vom Ende des 4. bis zur Tejral 2007 J. Tejral, Das Hunnenreich und die
Mitte des 5. Jahrhunderts. In: Die Vlker Sdeuropas im Identittsfragen der barbarischen gentes im Mittel-
6. bis 8. Jahrhunderts, BerlinMunich 1987, 95140. donauraum aus der Sicht de Archologie. In: Barbaren
Popovi} 1988 M. Popovi}, Svetiwa, novi po- im Wandel, ed. J. Tejral, Brno 2007, 55119.
daci o ranovizantijskom Viminacijumu, Starinar Tejral 2011 J. Tejral, Einhemische und Fremde.
38, 1988, 135. Das norddanubische Gebiet zur Zeit der Vlkerwande-
Popovi} 2001 I. Popovi}, Kasnoanti~ki i ra- rung, Brno 2011.
novizantijski nakit od zlata u Narodnom muzeju u Tejral et alii 2011 J. Tejral, S. Stuchlk, M.
Beogradu, Beograd 2001. ^i`mr, Z. Klanica, S. Klanicov, Langobardische
Popovi} 2008 I. Popovi}, Solidi with Filgereed Grberfelder in Mhren I, Brno 2011.
Tubular Suspension Loops from Udovice in Serbia. Uenze 1992 S. Uenze, Die sptantiken Befesti-
Fornvnnen, 103, p. 7380. gungen von Sadovec (Bulgarien), Munich 1992.
Prohszka 2007 P. Prohszka, Ein altes ostgo- Vaday 2001 A. Vaday, Militia inermis, militia
tisches Frauengrad aus BeogradZemun, Folia armata. Bemerkungen zur Frage des Limes Sarmatiae,
Archaeologica 3, 2007, 179192. Slovensk Archeolgia 49, 249276.
Quast 2012 D. Quast, Einige alte und neue Waffen- Vasi} 1906 M. Vasi}, Starosrpska nalazi{ta
fundeaus dem frhbyzantinischen Reich. In: Thesaurus u Srbiji, VI Kostolac, Starinar I, 1906, 5666.
Avarorum, ed. T. Vida, Budapest 2012, 351370. Vasi} 1981 M. Vasi}, Ostava rimskog bronzanog
Sarantis 2011 A. Sarantis, The Justinianic Herules: novca IV i V veka iz Viminacijuma, Starinar XXXI,
from allied barbarians to Roman provincials, In: 1981, 123161.
158
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Vasi} 1990 M. Vasi}, Nalazi rimskog bronzanog Vinski 1964 Z. Vinski, Okov Teodorikova vremena
novca IV i V veka iz municipijuma Horreum Margi, s ostrva Sapaja na Dunavu, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja
Beograd 1990. IV, 157178.
Vasi} 2008 M. Vasi}, Zlatni i srebrni novac kasne Vinski 1978 Z. Vinski, Archologische Spuren
antike 284450. godine iz zbirke Narodnog muzeja u ostgotischer Anwesenheit im heutigen Bereich Jugosla-
Beogradu, Beograd 2008. wiens. In: Problemi seoba naroda u Karpatskoj kotlini,
Velkov 1985 V. Velkov, Frhbyzantinische Inschrif- Novi Sad 1978, 3347.
ten aus Dacia Ripensis, Byzantina 13, 1985, 883891 Werner 1962 J. Werner, Die Langobarden in
Vida, Vlling 2000 T. Vida, T. Vlling, Das sla- Pannonien, Mnchen 1962.
wische Brandgrberfeld von Olympia, Rahden/Westf. Wolfram 1990 H. Wolfram, Histoire des Goths,
2000. Paris 1990.
Vierck 1981 H. Vierck, Imitatio imperii und inter- Zotovi} 1994 Lj. Zotovi}, Die Gepidische Nekro-
pretatio Germanica vor der Wikingerzeit. In: Les pays pole bei Viminacium, Starinar 4344, 1994, 183190.
du Nord et Byzance (Scandinavie et Byzance), Upsalla Zuckerman 2004 C. Zuckerman, Larme. In: Le
1981, 64113. Monde byzantin I Lempire romain dOrient (330641),
Vinski 1957 Z. Vinski, Arheolo{ki spomenici ve- d. C. Morrisson, Paris 2004, 143180.
like seobe naroda u Srijemu (Situla 2), Ljubljana 1957.
159
IVANI[EVI], KAZANSKI, Illyricum du Nord et les Barbares lpoque des Grandes Migrations (131160) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Kqu~ne re~i. Ilirik, Balkan, kasna antika, velike seobe, Germani, Huni, Sloveni.
Autori daju pregled naseqavawa Varvara na prostoru Se- na grob vojnog zapovednika iz Batajnice, ali i na ostatke
vernog Ilirika od kraja 4. do kraja 6. veka (sl. 1). Velike koliba i grobova iz Sirmijuma (sl. 14). Poznata nekropola
istorijske i dru{tvene promene nastupaju nakon poraza iz Jakovo-Kormadina u Sremu se naj~e{}e pripisuje Gepi-
carske vojske kod Hadrijanopoqa 378. godine, ~ime je otvo- dima (sl. 1516).
ren put za upade i naseqavawe u prvom redu Germana, a ka- Uprkos zna~ajnim politi~kim promenama i obnovi
snije i drugih Varvara. Prvi talas podrazumevao je nase- carske vlasti u Severnom Iliriku po~etkom 6. veka, va`nu
qavawe grani~nih provincija, {to je dovelo do povla~ewa ulogu nastavqaju da igraju Varvari jedni kao federati, a
autohtonog stanovni{tva dubqe u unutra{wost. Taj proces drugi kao neprijateqi Carstva. Justinijan I naseqava He-
se na prostoru Severnog Ilirika jasno prati na osnovu rule u blizini Singidunuma, gde se oni zadr`avaju do 550.
brojnih sporadi~nih grobova otkrivenih du` dunavske godine. Tom periodu pripadaju nekropole Viminacijum I
granice na nekropolama u Viminacijumu, Vajugi i Pontesu Burdeq i Viminacijum II Vi{e Grobaqa severozapadni
(sl. 23). Ovde vredi pomenuti i brojne nalaze, u prvom re- sektor, koje se mogu pripisati federatima. Prilozi u gro-
du fibule i ~e{qeve, koji pripadaju kulturi ^erwahov bovima odra`avaju uticaje materijalne kulture severnih i
Sintana de Mure{, ~iji su glavni nosioci bili Goti i wi- zapadnih Germana (sl. 1718). Sli~an horizont je konsta-
hovi saveznici. Osim isto~nih Germana, prisutni su i no- tovan i u Singidunumu, u ~ijoj okolini su bili naseqeni
sioci zapadnog rimsko-germanskog kulturnog kruga. Heruli. U prilog prisustvu Herula govorio bi i niz pred-
Velike promene na prostoru Severnog Ilirika nastu- meta u nekropolama jasne skandinavske tradicije. I pozna-
paju s dolaskom Huna i wihovim prodorom duboko u unutra- ti grob iz Ulpijane mo`e se delom vezati za severne i za-
{wost balkanskih provincija. U tim naletima postradali padne Germane (Heruli i Tirin`ani), dok bi se tubulusi
su gradovi na dunavskoj granici (Singidunum, Margum, Vi- iz Udovica mogli pripisati severnim Germanima (sl.
minacijum), kao i oni u unutra{wosti (Naisus i dr.). O 1920).
ovom naletu svedo~e ostave novca, posebno solida Teodosi- Situacija na prostoru Severnog Ilirika se iznova
ja II, i drugi retki nalazi, kao {to je zlatni torkves iz Mar- mewa kada se na dunavskoj granici pojavquju Sklaveni i
kovca (sl. 4). Hunskom periodu pripadaju i grobovi iz nekro- Anti, a kasnije i Avari. Granicu i daqe ~uvaju federati
pola Singidunum IV i iz Vrawa kod Hrtkovaca (sl. 56). Germani kako pokazuje analiza naseobine na Svetiwi po-
Smrt Atile 453. godine i poraz Huna 454/455. godine red samog Viminacijuma. Garnizon federata na Svetiwi,
na reci Nedao dove{}e do sloma Hunskog saveza i otvori- ~ije se prisustvo datuje oko 570580. godine i kasnije, mo`e
}e {irom vrata naseqavawu Varvara na podru~je Severnog se dovesti u vezu sa Langobardima regrutovanim u velikom
Ilirika, posebno podunavskih provincija i gradova, poput broju od strane cara Tiberija. Ovom horizontu pripadaju i
Singidunuma i Viminacijuma. O ovom talasu naseqavawa nalazi iz Talijate, Transdijerne, Kamenova i dr., kao i
svedo~e brojni grobovi u nekropolama Singidunum IIII i grobovi iz nekropola u Viminacijumu II severozapadni
Viminacijum I i II jugoisto~ni sektor (sl. 912). Materi- sektor, Viminacijumu III Lanci i u Singidunumu III (sl.
jalna kultura se najve}im delom mo`e pripisati isto~nim 21). Iz unutra{wosti su to arheolo{ki predmeti, mahom
Germanima (sl. 78). Postojawe velikih varvarskih nekro- kerami~ke posude, otkriveni na Juhoru, Jelici i Cari~i-
pola na podru~ju dva glavna grani~na grada Singidunuma nom gradu. Sa ovog posledweg nalazi{ta posebno se izdva-
i Viminacijuma jasno ilustruje velike demografske pro- jaju nalazi dve slovenske fibule. Jedna od fibula pred-
mene koje se javqaju kao posledica novih dru{tvenih i po- stavqa tipi~an nalaz u ostavama tipa Martinovka, koje se
liti~kih prilika. vezuju za Ante, i kulturu Penkovka. Druga fibula, dunav-
Nove promene nastaju 488. godine kada Ostrogoti, sa skog tipa Kiskoros-Sarmizegetusa, javqa se tako|e i u kon-
Teodorikom na ~elu, odlaze u Italiju, koju osvajaju da bi, tekstu kulture Prag (sl. 22).
naknadno, svoje granice pro{irili sve do Sirmijuma. Ovom Pad dunavskog limesa po~etkom 7. veka predstavqao je
horizontu pripada nekoliko nalaza sa tog podru~ja, iz Ma- kraj vizantijske uprave nad Severnim Ilirikom. Re~ je o jed-
~vanske Mitrovice, Rovina i samog Sirmijuma, kao i iz nom dugom istorijskom procesu u kome su Varvari, u prvom
Translederate (sl. 13). redu Germani, a kasnije Sloveni i Avari, igrali va`nu ulo-
Nove prostore osvajaju i Gepidi, ~iji se tragovi mogu gu u oblikovawu politi~kih i dru{tvenih odnosa u podu-
pratiti u arheolo{kom materijalu. To se posebno odnosi navskim provincijama Carstva.
160
MIROSLAV VUJOVI]
Odeqewe za arheologiju, Filozofski fakultet, Beograd
RANOVIZANTIJSKI KANTAR
IZ BEOGRADA
Apstrakt. Rad je posve}en kantaru od bakarne legure na|enom u Beogradu 1929. godine u okviru slu~ajnog nalaza grupe
predmeta, koji }e se, sticajem okolnosti, na}i u zbirkama Narodnog muzeja i Muzeja grada Beograda. Delovi kantara,
koji su ~inili poluga sa dvostrukom mernom skalom i punktiranim natpisom, lan~ani sistem sa kukama i teg u obliku
biste vizantijske carice, bivaju razdvojeni, a podaci o wihovom zajedni~kom poreklu zanemareni. Poluga kantara je
prvobitno zavedena u okviru Tursko-austrijske zbirke Muzeja grada Beograda, da bi kasnije ispravno bila opredeqena
u ranovizantijski period. Teg je zasebno publikovan i datovan u kraj V veka, dok se lanac sa kukama prvi put publikuje
ovom prilikom. Autor iznosi osnovne stilsko-hronolo{ke, epigrafske i metri~ke osobenosti ovog nalaza.
Posebna pa`wa posve}ena je ~itawu natpisa koji do sada nije bio detaqnije tuma~en.
Kantar je datovan u posledwe decenije V i prvu polovinu VI veka.
P
rvobitni ciq ovog rada bio je detaqno reta koji se ~uvaju u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu.
publikovawe, nau~nim krugovima nedo- Detaqnijim pregledom muzejskih inventarnih
voqno poznate, poluge ranovizantijskog kwiga, u najve}oj meri je rasvetqen neobi~an splet
kantara koji se ~uva u Muzeju grada Beograda, sa okolnosti koji je, pre vi{e od osamdeset godina,
posebnim osvrtom na wegove metri~ke odlike i tu- doveo do razdvajawa sastavnih delova beogradskog
ma~ewe natpisa punktiranog na kra}em kraku. Me- kantara.
|utim, nakon uvida u muzejsku dokumentaciju Mu-
zeja grada Beograda i Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, ***
pri~a o kantaru iz Singidunuma dobila je potpuno
nov tok. Kako }e se ispostaviti, potvr|ena je pret- Kantari, kao i druga sredstva za merewe ranovi-
postavka da poluga kantara iz Muzeja grada Beo- zantijske epohe poput terazija, merica i raznorod-
grada predstavqa deo istog skupnog nalaza sa dobro nih tegova, predstavqaju ne tako ~este nalaze na
poznatim tegom u obliku poprsja vizantijske ca- tlu Srbije. Posebno su retki i zna~ajni oni koji
rice i lan~anim sistemom sa kukama za ka~ewe te- poti~u sa sistematski istra`enih arheolo{kih
* Ovaj rad je nastao anga`ovawem autora na projektu Romanizacija, urbanizacija i transformacija urbanih centara civilnog,
vojnog i rezidencijalnog karaktera u rimskim provincijama na tlu Srbije (br. 177007), koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete,
nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike Srbije.
161
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
stu vage navodi pod terminom campana.5 Kantari 3 ODB I, 1947 (kampanj).
4 Kada je kantar uravnote`en, proizvod mase merenog te-
su naj~e{}e izra|ivani od bakarne legure (bronza,
mesing), mada su u upotrebi bili i primerci od reta i du`inske vrednosti izme|u fulkruma i ta~ke oslonca
tereta na kra}em kraku poluge jednaka je proizvodu mase kon-
gvo`|a, drveta ili kombinacije metala i drveta. tratega i du`inske vrednosti izme|u fulkruma i pozicije
Svaki kantar sastoji se od poluge sa du`im krakom kontratega na mernoj skali du`eg kraka.
(scapus), na kome je merna skala, i kra}im krakom, 5 Wei{ 2001, 200.
162
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
na kome je nazna~ena najmawe jedna fiksna ta~ka prsja od bakarne legure, koje je naknadno ispuwa-
oslonca kantara (fulcrum) u vidu kuke (ansa) o koju vano olovom kako bi se postigla odgovaraju}a masa
je kantar ve{an. Kod rimskih i vizantijskih kan- saglasna fizi~kim karakteristikama poluge odre-
tara (Sl. 1) postoje obi~no dva fulkruma jedan |enog kantara. Ta poprsja nekad prikazuju obi~ne
na gorwoj a drugi na dowoj strani kra}eg kraka po- smrtnike, negroide ili predstavnike nekih egzo-
luge, kao i dve naspramno postavqene merne skale ti~nih zanimawa, poput atleta, i imaju uglavnom
ozna~ene na skapusu.6 Takav kantar je imao debqu dekorativni karakter. U rimskom periodu su znat-
i tawu meru, koje su omogu}avale merewe tereta no ~e{}i bili tegovi u vidu likova anti~kih bo-
mawih ili ve}ih te`ina u zavisnosti od trenutne `anstava, a posebno onih pod ~ijom jurisdikcijom
potrebe. Vrstu mere odre|ivala je udaqenost ful- su se nalazili trgovina i merewe (Atena, Miner-
kruma od centra ravnote`e, te bi fulkrum bli`i va). Budu}i da je od ispravnosti ovog tega zavisi-
kraju kra}eg kraka bio za te`e terete a onaj bli`i la ta~nost merewa i po{tena trgovina, prikaz od-
centru ravnote`e za lak{e. Postoje, me|utim, i govaraju}eg bo`anstva trebalo je da potvr|uje ili
kantari koji, osim debqe i tawe mere, imaju jo{ obezbedi verodostojnost merewa. Tokom kasnoan-
jednu sredwu meru, kojoj je odgovarala posebna ti~ke i ranovizantijske epohe ustali}e se upotre-
merna skala na skapusu.7 ba tegova u formi poprsja careva ili carica, ~iji
Pored poluge kantar je imao i lan~ani sistem su likovi, poput onih na novcu, ozna~avali i po-
sa kukama ili tasom za ka~ewe tereta. Ukoliko je tvr|ivali oficijelnost mere.12 Osim toga {to su
kantar imao tas, obi~no su postojala tri lanca za bile garancija vrednosti, ove predstave su ujedno
ka~ewe. U zavisnosti od robe koja je merena, sistem podse}ale na kazne za kr{ewe pravila i ne~asnu
za suspenziju tereta je mogao imati tri lanca, koja upotrebu vladarskog lika kao zakonodavca.
su osloncima postavqenim pod 120 omogu}avali U Teodosijevom kodeksu je nekoliko zakona po-
stabilnost tasa, ili dva lanca sa kukama za ve{a- sve}eno upravo pravnom regulisawu kori{}ewa
we kabastog tereta poput ve}ih komada mesa, robe odgovaraju}ih mera i tegova (mensurae et pondera),
u vre}ama ili balama.8 Na lan~anim sistemima sa odnosno zloupotreba tegova mase ve}e od predvi|e-
kukama mogla je na kantarima biti merena i roba ne me|u poreskim slu`benicima.13 U Kwizi Pre-
transportovana u amforama.9 Pojedini primerci fekata, istina znatno kasnijoj (IX vek), navedeni
kantara mogli su imati i kombinovani sistem sa su carigradski piqari (saldamaroi) koji su posedo-
tasom i kukom.10 Lanci su bili naj~e{}e spojeni vali tegove lak{e od zvani~nih mera.14 Upotreba
sa lu~nom pre|icom i s potkovi~asto oblikova- kantara bila je propisana za merewe upravo u pi-
nim nosa~em koji se oslawao na posebno predvi|e- qarnicama koje su prodavale doma}u, naj~e{}e pre-
no le`i{te na kraju kra}eg kraka kantara. Trago- hrambenu robu za potrebe lokalnog `ivqa.15 U oba
vi pohabanosti, usled stalnog kori{}ewa i trewa slu~aja su vlasnici tih neispravnih mera zgrtali
metalnih delova kantara, jasno ukazuju da se to le-
`i{te, odnosno ta~ka oslonca merenog tereta, na-
lazilo u `lebu urezanom ispred ukrasnog dugmeta 6 Pitarakis 2012, 407410.
na kraju kra}eg kraka i fulkruma.11 7 Za tehni~ke karakteristike i klasifikaciju kantara
Veoma zna~ajan deo kantara je pomi~ni kontra- vidi: Jenemann 1989; Franken 1993; Jenemann 1995.
teg (aequipondium). On je ka~en o skapus pomo}u ku- 8 Hill 1955, 5155.
9 Sams 1982, 212219; Van Alen 1996, 205.
ke sa naro~ito oblikovanim, spqo{tenim lukom
10 Ross 1962, 6364, T XLIII.
koji omogu}ava lak{e klizawe tega i wegovo preci-
11 Ta~na upotreba ovog dela kantara ~esto nije odgovaraju-
zno pozicionirawe du` merne skale, a samim tim
}e nazna~ena na ilustracijama publikovanih primeraka. Tako
i ta~no odre|ivawe te`inske vrednosti merene ovaj lanac za ka~ewe tereta ~esto zaluta i biva oka~en na ska-
robe. Tegovi kantara su naj~e{}e izra|ivani od pus ili kuku fulkruma (Anti~ka bronza u Jugoslaviji 1969, sl.
olova, nekad prevu~enog tawim limom od bakarne 338), {to nikako ne odgovara wegovoj funkcionalnoj nameni.
12 Franken 1994; Pitarakis 2012, Fig. 16.15.
legure. Neki od tih tegova su bili liveni i mogli
13 Ch.T. XI. 8.3 (409).
su da imaju jednostavniji ili slo`eniji oblik. 14 T ^parcikn bibl/on, 13, 5.
Najve}i broj je koni~nog, bikoni~nog, loptastog 15 U ovim trgovinama su se, za razliku od prodavnica uvo-
ili ovoidnog oblika. Ima i onih koji su figural- zne robe, poput za~ina, sapuna, voska i mirisa, merene na fini-
no modelovani u vidu {upqeg antropomorfnog po- jim jednokrakim vagama, mogli kupiti usoqeno ili su{eno meso
163
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
nezakonitu zaradu koja je mogla biti zakonski sank- ri~kim oznakama te`ine (T. II). Wihovo ba`dare-
cionisana.16 Sve do IV veka, nadzor nad standard- we izvedeno je u skladu sa anti~kim duodecimalnim
nim merama i tegovima obavqali su odgovaraju}i sistemom mera koji je kori{}en u rimskom i vizan-
kuralni zvani~nici (aediles, agronomoi) koji su bi- tijskom periodu. To se dobro vidi na tawoj odno-
li postavqeni u svakom gradu. Zbog u~estalog kri- sno lak{oj skali skapusa, gde su izdvojeni podeoci
votvorewa novca i drugih malverzacija, dr`ava }e gravirani na poluskupine od {est kra}ih ureza,
ve} od vremena cara Julijana (363. godine) po~eti dok je svaki {esti podelak du`i. Po~etni i svaki
da postavqa posebne gradske slu`benike mera~e dvanaesti podelak obele`eni su punktiranom ozna-
(zygostates), pod ~iju nadle`nost su spadali sporo- kom za litru, koja podse}a na obrnuto slovo Y.23
vi kupaca i trgovaca.17 Merna skala sa desne, tawe strane (T. II/1) po-
~iwe slovom A (broj 1) i zavr{ava se sa E, koje bi
trebalo da ozna~ava broj 5, ali ovde je zapravo obe-
POLUGA KANTARA le`en broj 15 jer mu na skali prethodi broj 10 obe-
IZ MUZEJA GRADA BEOGRADA18 le`en gr~kim slovom I. Visina slova (numeri~kih
oznaka) iznosi oko 1 cm. Slovo A je izvedeno sa pre-
Poluga kantara (Sl. 25; T. I/1) ~uva se u zbir- lomqenom popre~nom crtom a E s jednakim hori-
ci Sredwovekovnog odeqewa Muzeja grada Beogra-
da zajedno sa jednim mawim tegom (Sl. 6; T. I/2).19
U inventaru ove zbirke, oba predmeta nose isti
inventarski broj i zavedena su kao slu~ajni nalaz i riba, maslac, sir, uqe, med, povr}e, mahunarke, konopqa, lan,
razli~ite posude i gvo`|arska roba: Dagron 2002, 461; T
iz Beograda, bez poznatog mesta i uslova nalaza. ^parcikn bibl/on, 10.1, 56; 11.8; 13.1.
Prema navodu iz Kwige inventara Tursko-austrij- 16 Hendy 1994, 331332.
ske zbirke u kojoj su se prvobitno nalazili, poluga 17 Jones 1940, 216, 255, 317318.
kantara i teg otkupqeni su od Milosava M. Stoja- 18 Jankovi} 1997, 312, 333, kat. br. 577.
dinovi}a iz Beograda, {to je, kako }e se pokazati, 19 Poluga kantara i teg se od 1965. godine ~uvaju u okviru
samo delimi~no ta~no.20 Tursko-austrijske zbirke Muzeja grada Beograda pod istim in-
ventarskim brojem (TAZ 935).
Poluga kantara je izra|ena od mesinga tehnikom 20 Milosav M. Stojadinovi} bio je potpredsednik beo-
livewa, a detaqi su izvedeni urezivawem i punk- gradske op{tine u godinama pred izbijawe Drugog svetskog ra-
tirawem.21 Dimenzije kantara su: du`ina 61 cm i ta, a privremeno i gradona~elnik okupiranog Beograda tokom
{irina osovine 2 cm. O~uvana masa kantara danas 1941. godine. Kao qubiteq starina, kolekcionar i zvani~nik
gradske uprave uticao je na razvijawe rada i na status Muzeja
iznosi 950 g, ali je nekada bila ve}a.22 Kra}i krak
grada. U dokumentaciji Muzeja se pomiwe kao donator, odno-
kantara je pravougaonog preseka i zavr{ava se biko- sno, u posleratnim godinama i kao prodavac antikviteta i
ni~nim dugmetom. Du`i krak je romboidnog prese- umetnina.
21 Fizi~ko-hemijske analize sastava legure izvr{ene su
ka (a = 1,3 cm) i ima dve kalibrisane i naspramno
postavqene skale za vagawe lak{ih odnosno te`ih metodom atomske apsorpcione spektrofotometrije na instru-
mentu AAS Perkin Elmer 1100 u Vojno-tehni~kom zavodu u Beo-
mera. Zavr{en je dugmetom u obliku ~etvorostrane gradu, u laboratoriji Sektora za materijale. Ove analize su
piramide. pokazale da je poluga kantara izra|ena od bakarne legure koja
Sude}i prema kompletno o~uvanim primercima po sastavu odgovara mesingu (Cu 80%, Zn 20%).
22 Budu}i da jedna kuka fulkruma nedostaje (kao i polo-
ranovizantijskih kantara, poluzi kantara iz Muze-
vina jedne karike sa kojom je ona bila povezana), dana{wa ma-
ja grada Beograda nedostaje jedna kuka fulkruma. U sa kantara ne odgovara onoj prvobitnoj. U `eqi da rekonstru-
posebnom le`i{tu na kra}em kraku poluge o~uvana i{emo originalnu masu, izmerili smo pojedina~no postoje}u
je samo fragmentovana karika za kuku predvi|enu za kuku kao i kariku za koju je ova bila pri~vr{}ena. Uz pretpo-
ka~ewe kantara pri vagawu u te`em mernom re`imu. stavku da su mase postoje}ih i nedostaju}ih delova kantara bi-
le identi~ne, o~uvanoj masi kantara (950 g) dodali smo vred-
Kantaru nedostaje jo{ i lan~ani sistem za ve{awe nosti masa kuke (75 g) i polovine karike (2,5 g). Wihov zbir
merenog tereta, ali mu, kako }emo ne{to kasnije od 1027,5 g bi najpribli`nije odgovarao prvobitnoj masi kan-
pokazati, nedostaje i odgovaraju}i kontrateg. tara bez pokretnog tega i lan~anog sistema za ve{awe tereta.
Dobijena te`inska vrednost pribli`no se podudara sa 3 rano-
vizantijske litre (logarik l/tra), koja je iznosila dana-
Merna skala {wih 322 g. Za vrednost litre videti: Schilbach 1970, 166.
Poluga kantara ima dve merne skale koje su raz- 23 Razdaqina izme|u dve oznake za litru na skali iznosi
164
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
zontalama. Numeri~ka vrednost iskazana slovima E, zatim slede slova postavqena pravilno: M, E i,
odnosi se na litre (logarik l/tra), vizantijski na kraju, N. Numeri~ke oznake upu}uju na to da su
pandan anti~koj rimskoj libri, koje su pomenutim na ovoj debqoj mernoj skali merene vrednosti od
punktiranim znacima obele`ene du` merne skale. 15 (IE) do 50 (N) litri.
Vertikalnim podeocima du` skale obele`ene su i Sude}i prema upisanim numeri~kim vredno-
ungije (ogg/a), kojih je bilo 12 u litri, {to se ja- stima, ranovizantijski kantar ~ija poluga se da-
sno vidi i na na{em razmerniku. nas ~uva u Muzeju grada Beograda mogao je da meri
Sa suprotne, odnosno debqe strane (T. II/2), do 50 litri tereta, odnosno, u dana{wim merama,
merna skala ne zapo~iwe posledwim brojem na ta- ne{to vi{e od 16 kg.
woj strani slovom E, ve} oznakom IE za broj 15,
a potom sledi skala obele`ena du`im podeocima
za svaku litru i kra}im podeocima za polovinu
wene vrednosti.24 U nastavku se du` ove skale ~i- 24 Udaqenost izme|u ve}ih podelaka kojima su obele`e-
165
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 4 i 5. Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda, detaq kra}eg kraka sa natpisom (lak{a i te`a strana).
Muzej grada Beograda (foto: N. Bori})
Fig. 4 and 5. Inscription on the shorter arm of the Early Byzantine steelyard from Belgrade
(lighter and heavier weight range side). Belgrade City Museum (Photo: N. Bori})
166
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
znik i, odnosno ka/ ili ke, kako se tako|e nekad (episkopi) ne bi kompromitovali u slu~aju even-
navodi. Ovaj veznik se uobi~ajeno javqa u suvreme- tualnih pronevera ili sporova. Ista odredba po-
nim natpisima u skra}ewu kao K sa malom repatom tvr|ena je i u odlukama sedmog Vaseqenskog sabo-
sigmom u nastavku dowe kose crte Ks. Mo`e se la- ra u Nikeji 787. godine (kanon 11), s tom razlikom
ko pretpostaviti mogu}nost da je zanatlija koji je {to je obaveza naimenovawa ikonoma preneta i na
iskucavao natpis na kantar prema datom predlo- manastire. Tako|e, kanonom 25 Halkedonskog sa-
{ku, ne nu`no i pismen, napravio gre{ku kombi- bora regulisano je da u slu~aju smrti episkopa
nuju}i svakodnevni izgovor sa ligaturom. ikonom nastavqa da raspola`e crkvenom svojinom
U posledwem delu ovog natpisa (OIKONOMOU) i vodi brigu o woj sve dok se episkopija nalazi u
navedena je u genitivu poznata funkcija ikonoma udovi{tvu, odnosno sve do izbora novog episko-
(okonmoj). Ovim terminom ozna~avana je osoba, pa.32 Na izuzetan zna~aj koji su ikonomi imali
sve{teno lice, monah ili laik, koja je upravqala ukazuje i odstupawe od tog pravila onda kada su bi-
svojinom, prihodima i rashodima crkvenog sedi- li neophodni stru~nost i iskustvo. U Konstanti-
{ta, manastirskog imawa ili zadu`bine.28 Broj nopoqu su tako, tokom perioda VVI veka, ikonomi
ikonoma zavisio je od zna~aja crkvenog ili mona- kao najvi{i slu`benici u crkvenoj organizaciji
sti~kog centra ali i od veli~ine poseda. Za vlade birani i iz redova mirjana.33
Justinijana I, na primer, Vaseqensku patrijar{i- 2. Natpis +KURSFIL(IKO)S+ punktiran na
ju Konstantinopoqa opslu`ivalo je ~ak 9 ikonoma te`oj strani ukazuje na li~no ime Filika (Fi-
razli~itih statusa i zadu`ewa.29 likj), osobe svakako vi{eg ranga (krioj) koja je
Ikonom manastira je bio stariji monah zadu`en overila ta~nost kantara ili kojoj je on pripadao.34
za upravqawe manastirskom imovinom, a posebno Za li~na imena koja su ~esto upisana na kra}im
poqoprivrednim imawima, kao i za odr`avawe krakovima poluga kantara smatra se da predstavqa-
manastirskih zgrada. On je obi~no bio visoko ran- ju imena vlasnika ili zvani~nika koji su provera-
giran u monasti~koj hijerarhiji, odmah iza iguma- vali i potvr|ivali ta~nost mere.35 Prema drugom
na (hegoumenos), koga je naj~e{}e i nasle|ivao. mi{qewu, mogu}e je da ti natpisi upu}uju na mana-
Crkveni ikonomi se pomiwu i na dva mesta u stire i crkve u kojima su kantari i tegovi ~uvani
Teodosijevom kodeksu. U ranijoj naredbi careva kao merni instrumenti i slu`ili za provere te-
Arkadija i Honorija, upu}enoj prefektu pretorija `inskih vrednosti.36 U slu~aju beogradskog nalaza
Evtihijanu 27. jula 398. godine, ure|uje se problem ~ini nam se najizvesnijom mogu}nost da je Filik
begunaca koji od zakona na|u uto~i{te u crkvama ime sve{tenika kome je, kao ikonomu (episkopske?)
ili manastirima. Ovde se ikonomi ~ak jasno defi- crkve ili manastira, poveren kantar. Natpis bi u
ni{u kao oni koji obi~no upravqaju crkvenim ra~u- ovoj varijanti glasio:
nima.30 Naredba odre|uje da takvi begunci ne samo +krioj Filikj+
moraju biti predati vlastima ve} i da ikonomi mo- +papa(s) kes(sic) oikonmou+
raju podmiriti, o ra~unu crkve koja zlo~ince skri-
va, svaki javni ili privatni dug tih osoba. Potowa
naredba, potpisana 15. decembra 434. godine od stra- 28 ODB 3, 1517 (oikonomos).
ne careva Teodosija i Valentinijana,31 upu}ena je 29 Funkcija glavnog ikonoma (enoikion skrinion) prera{}e
pretorijanskom prefektu Taurusu i odnosi se na od IX veka u polo`aj jednog patrijar{ijskog ikonoma. Od X ve-
pravo crkve ili manastira da nasledi imovinu sve- ka, naimenovawe tog glavnog ikonoma bi}e pod carskom kon-
trolom, a u isto vreme javqa se i zvawe megas oikonomos kao
{tenika ili monaha koji premine bez naslednika najvi{e zvawe za ~inovnika u slu`bi vaseqenskog patrijarha.
ili testamenta. Ikonomima, drugim re~ima crkvi Ikonomi su tako|e bili pridru`eni velikim javnim crkvama
ili manastiru, to nasle|e se ne sme odricati. u Konstantinopoqu, a javqaju se i u kontekstu carskih zadu-
Dve odluke Halkedonskog sabora iz 451. godi- `bina i manastirskih poseda: ODB 3, 1517 (oikonomos).
30 CTh 9.45. 3.
ne odre|uju da episkopi ne smeju samostalno da 31 CTh 5.3. 1.
upravqaju poslovima svog sedi{ta (26. kanon), ve} 32 Pililh 1985, 54.
moraju da imenuju ikonoma iz redova wemu podre- 33 Pililh 1985, 53.
|enog sve{tenstva. Ovo je svakako bilo stoga da se 34 Pape 1911, 746.
crkvena imovina ne bi nekontrolisano rasipala, 35 Ross 1962, 62; Franken 1993, 106.
ali i zato da se crkva i weni velikodostojnici 36 Ridder 1905, no. 335, 651, 652.
167
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
KONTRATEG KANTARA
IZ MUZEJA GRADA BEOGRADA
168
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Kako i kada je do{lo do spajawa ova dva dela ispustima, i spojenih nitnama (Sl. 1). Takav na-
razli~itih kantara delimi~no mo`e da rasvetli ~in ka~ewa kuka, izme|u ostalog, omogu}avao je bo-
uvid u muzejsku dokumentaciju Muzeja grada Beo- qu pokretqivost prilikom balansirawa, a samim
grada. U starim kwigama inventara Muzeja grada, tim i ve}u preciznost pri merewu. Osim uobi~aje-
koje se vode od 1955. godine, nije bilo mogu}e na}i nih zavr{etaka krakova u obliku bikoni~nih ili
podatak o tome kada je ovaj nalaz prvi put evidenti- piramidalnih dugmadi, na ve}im kantarima tipa
ran, {to ukazuje da je dospeo u Muzej pre te godine. Konstantinopoq mogu se na ovim mestima javiti i
U inventarske kwige kasnije formirane Tursko- `ivotiwske protome glave lava ili divqeg vepra,
austrijske zbirke Muzeja grada poluga kantara i teg koje su obi~no nasa|ene na polugu i zalemqene. Ta-
zavedeni su tek deset godina kasnije, nakon zavr{e- ko|e, posebnu karakteristiku ovog tipa predsta-
ne konzervacije u decembru 1965. godine. vqaju i kontrategovi koji mogu biti i figuralno
Poreklo i vreme nabavke tega mo`e se nasluti- modelovani u obliku poprsja Minerve (Atene) ili
ti iz jednog navoda u Kwizi ulaza i izlaza muzejskih predstava careva i carica. Dok se vladari mogu ja-
objekata Muzeja grada Beograda (AK 125). U woj se, viti prikazani i kako sede na prestolu,45 ranovi-
pod rednim brojem 264, navodi da je 16. 12. 1952. zantijske carice su obi~no predstavqene u formi
godine, pored nekoliko drugih i hronolo{ki veo- poprsja. Na ovom tipu kantara ~esto se javqaju
ma raznorodnih predmeta, nare~eni Milosav M. li~na imena koja, kako je ve} napomenuto, ukazuju
Stojadinovi} ponudio na otkup i jedne terazije. U na vlasnika ili slu`benika koji je overavao ta~-
dopisu od 5. 1. 1953, koji je on uputio upravi Mu- nost mere.
zeja, prilo`en je i spisak ponu|enih predmeta gde Kantari tipa Konstantinopoq datuju se uglav-
se, pod brojem 4, navodi slede}e: Male kovane te- nom u razdobqe VVII veka, a, sude}i prema najve-
razije na|ene su pri iskopavawu doweg dela 7. jula }oj koncentraciji nalaza (Karta 1) i natpisima na
ulice /ranije Kr. Petra a u pro{lom veku zvane Du- gr~kom jeziku, mesto wihove izrade je isto~ni Me-
brova~ke/.42 Smatramo, stoga, da je gore opisani diteran.46 Sli~ni primerci kompletnih kantara
mawi teg zapravo deo kantara (pogre{no nazvanog i wihovih delova otkriveni su u najve}em broju na
terazije, koje zapravo ozna~avaju jednakokraku va- tlu dana{we Turske47 i Gr~ke48 kao i na tra~kom
gu) koji je naveden u ovom dopisu, te da je, iz jo{ prostoru (Gradi{te, Qutibrod, Mihailovgrad),
uvek nepoznatih razloga, pridru`en poluzi kanta- ali i u Ma|arskoj49 i Rumuniji50 tako|e. Kantari
ra kojoj nikako, prema svojim dimenzijama i tipo- ovog tipa na|eni su u Srbiji jo{ i na Gamzigradu
lo{kim karakteristikama, nije mogao pripadati. i Cari~inom gradu.51 Kantar iz Gamzigrada ima
Na pitawe kada je i gde otkrivena sama poluga polugu sa tri fulkruma i o~uvan lan~ani sistem
kantara odgovori}emo u nastavku ovog rada. Pre
toga izlo`i}emo tipolo{ko-hronolo{ko oprede-
qewe ovog nalaza.
42 Pismo je zavr{eno slede}im re~ima: Nadam se da }e
169
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
170
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
v g
171
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
perforacija. U maniru uobi~ajenom za tu vrstu Isti teg je zaveden 1950. godine pod rednim
mernih instrumenata, vizantijska carica je prika- brojem 1718 u kasnijoj, prvoj Kwizi inventara
zana u bogato ukra{enoj odori, sa jednom rukom po- Sredwovekovnog odeqewa Narodnog muzeja kao jaje
dignutom u gestu blagosiqawa i svitkom u drugoj. koje visi na kantaru i pri tome ilustrovan crte-
Detaqi kojima je nagla{ena luksuzna tkanina izve- `om. Iz sukcesivnih napomena zabele`enih pod
deni su kombinovawem ureza, punktirawa i kru`- istim rednim brojem ovog inventara a nastalih
nica. Na glavi vladarke nalazi se rasko{na kruna, tokom naredne decenije mo`e se jasno videti da je
pod kojom se naslu}uje kosa formirana u visoku teg sa likom vizantijske carice najpre datovan u
frizuru sa kapom i dijademom. Predstava je oprede- XVII vek, da bi kasnije, svakako po objavqivawu
qena kao lik carice Arijadne, `ene careva Zeno- tega od strane M. Tati}-\uri} 1962. godine, wegovo
na i Anastasija I, i datovana je u kraj V veka.56 stilsko-hronolo{ko opredeqewe u inventaru bi-
O uslovima nalaza ovog kontratega nije mnogo lo prepravqeno u slede}e: vizantijski, VVI vek.
re~eno prilikom prvog objavqivawa 1962. godine, Tre}i deo kantara lan~ani sistem sa kukama
osim da je na|en neobi~nim sticajem okolnosti, uveden je 1955. godine u novu, drugu Kwigu inven-
me|u objektima XVII veka slu~ajno iskopanim to- tara Sredwovekovne zbirke pod rednim brojem
kom radova u Danijelovoj ulici u Beogradu.57 Pre- 2860, i to kao sinxir i kuka za ve{awe. On je i tom
ciznije, i za na{ rad presudne, podatke o mestu i prilikom opredeqen kao kasnosredwovekovan. Jed-
uslovima nalaza ovog tega potra`ili smo u kwiga- na napomena dopisana u istoj rubrici ukazuje na
ma inventara Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu. jo{ jedan va`an podatak za daqu sudbinu nalaza iz
U delu kwige Inventara istoriske zbirke58, Danijelove ulice, a posebno za sudbinu poluge
pod rednim brojem 1517, zaveden je popis objekata kantara on je predvi|en za rashodovawe odnosno
(predmeta)59 otkupqenih 26. avgusta 1932. godine predaju Etnografskom muzeju ili Muzeju grada Be-
od Sotira Zari}a: ograda.
Gvozdeni sud (mangale) za zagrevawe, dubok
gvozdeni predmeti za raspirivawe vatre 2
kom. LAN^ANI SISTEM ZA KA^EWE
Krug sa sinxirima i kukama za ve{awe TERETA, NARODNI MUZEJ U BEOGRADU
metalno patinirano kandilo
(metalni patinirani) svetwak veliki 1 m. Lan~ani sistem od dva lanca sastavqen je od
mo`e se izdu`iti po 15 dvojnih karika u obliku osmice, ~ije su alke
Kantar, patiniran, ukovanim imenom Papa tordirane pod uglom od 90 stepeni (Sl. 8; T IV).
Keso Ikonom, s druge strane: Kir Lanci su na krajevima zavr{eni masivnim kukama
jaje koje visi na kantaru od bronze sa stilizo-
vanom bistom orientalnom
56 Tati}-\uri} 1962, 126.
U nastavku, u odgovaraju}im rubrikama dodato 57 Tati}-\uri} 1962, 115. Treba, me|utim, napomenuti da
je i slede}e: se pod vi{ezna~nim terminom objekti, koji je, kako }e se poka-
Na|eno prilikom kopawa temeqa za ku}u u Da- zati, bukvalno prepisan iz Kwiga inventara Sredwovekovnog
ni(e)lovoj ulici kod Topovskih {upa u Beogradu. odeqewa Narodnog muzeja, ovde zapravo ne radi o nekakvim ar-
hitektonskim objektima ve} o grupi zajedno otkrivenih pred-
Kao komentar hronologije nalaza dopisano je meta koji su prvobitno opredeqeni u XVII vek. U inventarnim
jo{ i slede}e: iz 17. veka. kwigama nema nikakvih opisa eventualnih arhitektonskih osta-
Iz ovog zapisa se jasno mo`e zakqu~iti da je taka niti podataka o zvani~noj poseti stru~waka mestu nalaza
koji bi potvrdili wihovo postojawe. Ova terminolo{ka zabu-
poluga kantara koja se danas ~uva u Muzeju grada
na je umnogome doprinela da se atribucija pojedinih nalaza iz
Beograda zapravo ona ista poluga kantara koja se Danijelove ulice u kasnosredwovekovni period zadr`i kako u
navodi u spisku predmeta otkupqenih 1932. godi- muzejskoj dokumentaciji, tako i u publikovanom radu o ranovi-
ne za Narodni muzej, {to pre svega potvr|uje iden- zantijskom tegu.
58 Inventar istoriske zbirke (kwiga vo|ena od 1928. do
ti~an natpis ukovan na kantaru. Ovde nalazimo i
1947. godine), strana 248, br. 1517, delovodni protokol 573/
podatak da su zajedno sa ovom polugom otkriveni i 1932. U arhivi Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, na`alost, nedostaju
drugi delovi kantara: figuralno oblikovan teg i upravo dokumenti pod ovim brojem delovodnog protokola.
lan~ani sistem sa kukama za ka~ewe tereta. 59 Vidi napomenu 57.
172
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
173
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
veze. Podatak zabele`en u kwizi inventara Muze- Danijelovoj ulici (oko 1 km), Topovske {upe su
ja grada da su kantar i teg otkupqeni od Milosava o~igledno navedene samo kao tada najbli`a i jedi-
M. Stojadinovi}a iz Beograda, zapravo se odnosi na urbana referentna ta~ka u onovremenom okru-
samo na teg koji je pripadao nekom mawem, verovat- `ewu vo`dova~kih vo}waka i wiva, a ne i kao u`e
no poznijem kantaru. mesto otkri}a.
Dodatne detaqe o ta~nom vremenu i mestu ovog Iz popisa predmeta na|enih u Danijelovoj
nalaza dobili smo usmenim putem od Viktorije ulici se mo`e zakqu~iti da delovi kantara nisu
Alimpijevi} (ro|ene Zari}), unuke nalaza~a So- bili i jedini predmeti iz ranovizantijske epohe u
tira Zari}a ( 1964). On je 1929. godine, prilikom ovom nalazu. Verovatno se radi o ostavi koja je sa-
kopawa temeqa za porodi~nu ku}u u Danijelovoj
ulici (dana{wi broj 25) na Vo`dovcu (Karta 2),
otkrio pomenuti skupni nalaz koji je prodao Na- 60 Ovaj podatak obja{wava i to da stru~waci iz Narodnog
rodnom muzeju 1932. godine.60 Kao mesto ovog nala- muzeja nisu mogli da iza|u na mesto nalaza neposredno po otkri-
za u inventarskim kwigama i u kasnijim radovima }u predmeta iz Danijelove ulice jer je do otkupa pro{lo neko-
koji su se bavili ranovizantijskim tegom61 navode liko godina, {to iskqu~uje konstatovawe eventualnih arhi-
tektonskih objekata (iz XVII veka) na ovom lokalitetu.
se Topovske {upe, odnosno prostor nekada{weg 61 Jankovi} 1997, 333, kat. br 576.
artiqerijskog poligona Vojske Kraqevine Jugo- 62 Ova lokacija poznata je i kao mesto zloglasnog koncen-
slavije i pomo}nih zgrada kasarne Kraqevi} An- tracionog prolaznog logora za Jevreje i Rome iz 1941. godine:
drej.62 Budu}i prili~no udaqene od mesta nalaza u \uri}-Zamolo, Nedi} 19931994, 68; @arkovi} 2009.
174
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
dr`ala i druge predmete, mahom crkvenog karakte- skog mitropolita, pod ~iju nadle`nost je spadao i
ra. Osim kantara, ~iji natpis jasno upu}uje na to Singidunum.71 Nakon toga, imena episkopa ovoga
da je bio u posedu crkvenog ili manastirskog iko- grada se dugo ne spomiwu, a nema ni pomena episko-
noma, navedeni su jo{ kandilo i svetwak, odnosno pije.72 Razlog tome je svakako nezaustavqivi nalet
kandelabar, najverovatnije oba izra|ena od bakar- Gota i Huna, koji je u~inio kraj vizantijske vlasti
ne legure.63 Dok o izgledu i dimenzijama kandila na ovom tlu. Dele}i sudbinu ostalih velikih gra-
nema, na`alost, nikakvih podataka, pomenuti dova na ovoj teritoriji, Singidunum biva razoren.
svetwak je interesantan ne samo zbog svoje veli- O razmerama tog pusto{ewa, a posebno o stradawu
~ine (visina: 1 m)64 ve} i zbog komentara mo`e se hri{}ana, svedo~i opis bla`enog Jeronima iz 396.
izdu`iti, koji upu}uje na to da se verovatno radi godine: Episkopi su zarobqeni, sve{tenici i crkve-
o podesivom kandelabru. Takvi kandelabri sa te- ni qudi razli~itih rodova poubijani. Poru{eni su
leskopskom konstrukcijom osovine, koja je omogu- hramovi. Uz Bo`ije oltare stoje kowi kao u kowu-
}avala prilago|avawe visine na kojoj se nalazila {nicama. Premetnute su mo{ti mu~enika.73 Ob-
svetiqka, poznati su u kasnoanti~kom periodu javquju}i odluke halkedonskog sabora 451. godine,
(IIIIV vek) kako u luksuznijim varijantama od sre- car Lav I upu}uje 458. godine akt svim episkopima
bra, tako i od bakarne legure.65 Pojedini primer- u Carstvu, u kome se ne spomiwu episkopi Gorwe
ci takvih kandelabara, me|utim, javqaju se i ka- Mezije i Priobalne Dakije. Ovo, izme|u ostalog,
snije, sve do VI veka.66 potvr|uje da su po~etkom druge polovine V veka
Budu}i da se radi o slu~ajnom nalazu bez de- gradovi u tim oblastima, ako ne potpuno zapuste-
taqnijih pokazateqa konteksta, preciznije hro- li, ono svakako ostali van vizantijske kontrole i
nolo{ko opredeqewe kantara iz Beograda nije iz- bez crkvene organizacije. Singidunum }e u ru{evi-
vesno. Kantari tipa Konstantinopoq datuju se u nama ostati najverovatnije do vremena Justinijana
{irem rasponu od V do VII veka, kada je svakako ko-
ri{}en i na{ primerak. Detaqna stilska i ikono-
grafska analiza tega ukazala je, na osnovu analog- 63 Na ovo upu}uje kori{}ewe termina metalno patinira-
nih primeraka i predstava sa novca, da je na wemu no, za razliku od najpre navedenog suda za zagrevawe i predme-
predstavqena bista carice Arijadne, `ene cara ta za raspirivawe vatre (`ara~, ma{ice?) koji su jasno kvali-
fikovani kao gvozdeni.
Zenona (425491).67 Na osnovu ornata i elemenata 64 Kandelabri na trono`nom postoqu, visoki i po
odore, teg je preciznije datovan u period od 474. do 120160 cm, poznati su jo{ iz ranocarskog perioda (Bailey
490. godine.68 1996, 9191; Q 38673876).
65 Bailey 1996, 102104; Q 39173918; Xantopolou 2010,
Podaci o episkopima i episkopskoj crkvi Sin-
gidunuma, pod ~iju nadle`nost je, kako je ve} pome- 3334, CD 2.0012.002.
66 Baratte 1998, 78.
nuto, spadalo i ~uvawe zvani~nih mera i mernih 67 ODB I, 166167(Ariadne).
instrumenata,69 veoma su {turi. O ta~nom mestu na 68 Tati}-\uri} 1962, 126.
kome se ova crkva nalazila ne zna se jo{ uvek ni{ta. 69 Treba, naravno, pomenuti i mogu}nost da je kantar sa
Od ranih, arijanstvu naklowenih episkopa Singi- ostalim nalazima liturgijskog karaktera iz Danijelove ulice
dunuma, koji su bili pod jurisdikcijom episkopa u mogao biti svojina nekog, nama jo{ uvek nepoznatog, crkvenog
Viminacijumu, prvi se, u kontekstu sabora u Tri- ili manastirskog imawa koje se nalazilo bli`e mestu nalaza
u okolini Singidunuma. O tome da je neposredno okru`ewe me-
ru 335, pomiwe Ursacije koji stoluje do oko 370.70 sta nalaza kantara bilo kori{}eno kao poqoprivredno ze-
U wegovo vreme, u Singidunumu biva 366. godine mqi{te u kasnoanti~kom periodu svedo~e retki ali intere-
odr`an i jedan sabor arijanskih episkopa Pano- santni arheolo{ki nalazi, koji upu}uju na mogu}e postojawe
vila rustika na padinama mokrolu{kog i kumodra{kog poto-
nije, Mezije i Priobalne Dakije. Wegov nasled-
ka: Bojovi} 1977; Pop-Lazi} 2002, 33, G-226, 227, sl. 23/16. Ko-
nik, episkop Sekundijan, tako|e arijanac, bio je lega S. Pop-Lazi} ukazao mi je na ove nalaze, na ~emu mu naji-
381. godine, nakon crkvenog sabora u Akvileji, skrenije zahvaqujem.
70 Jankovi} 1996, 306; Popovi} 1995, 187195.
osu|en za jeres i prinu|en da napusti Singidunum
71 Istorija Beograda I, 106.
i svoju dijecezu. Kasnije, odlukama papa Siracija
72 Tek krajem VI veka, o wenom postojawu usputno sazna-
(389399) i Ino}entija I (401407), koji su bezuspe-
jemo u kontekstu zakletve avarskog kagana Bajana vizantijskom
{no ali istrajno poku{avali da povrate primat strategu Setu nad svetim kwigama koje {aqe neimenovani epi-
Rima na ovoj teritoriji, ovla{}ewa rukopolagawa skop Singidunuma: VIINJ I, 9394.
episkopa u ~itavom Iliriku preneta su na solun- 73 Popovi} 1995, 199200.
175
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
I (527567), koji ga obnovi i, opasav{i ga ~vrstim sudna, naro~ito u pograni~nim oblastima udaqe-
bedemom, ponovo stvori sjajan i velike hvale do- nim od glavnih centara mo}i, vlasti i fiskalne
stojan grad.74 kontrole. Crkva se u takvim kriznim okolnostima
Mogu}e je, me|utim, da je upe~atqiviji povra- javqa ne samo kao duhovni sto`er ve} i kao glavni
tak Vizantije na ove teritorije zapo~eo ubrzo na- eksponent dr`ave u ekonomskoj organizaciji, pa i
kon odlaska Gota 488. godine, odnosno kasnije, to- kao direktan u~esnik u finansirawu vojske i vojne
kom vladavine cara Anastasija I (491518). Taj car logistike. Snabdevawe trupa u kriznim vremeni-
sklapa sa Teodorihom mirovni sporazum 510. godi- ma bio je problem sa kojim se vizantijska dr`ava
ne, prema kome Singidunum biva ponovo ukqu~en u suo~avala od samog po~etka. Kako bi ovo re{io, Ju-
sastav vizantijske dr`ave.75 Kako je i koliko brzo stinijan osniva posebnu pretorijansku prefekturu
pokrenut proces obnove dr`avne i crkvene vlasti u (quaestura exercitus), u ~iju nadle`nost su spadali
oslobo|enim pograni~nim oblastima te{ko je re- Kipar, Karija, egejska ostrva ali i podunavske pro-
}i. Pojava kantara sa tegom u liku carice Arijad- vincije Skitija i Druga Mezija. Jedna od glavnih
ne, koja nakon Zenonove smrti postaje i `ena Ana- briga nadle`nog kvestora je bilo snabdevawe trupa
stasija I, nije bez zna~aja u ovom pogledu. Pored stacioniranih na severnim pograni~nim terito-
vojnog prisustva, od nasu{ne va`nosti za organi- rijama, uveliko opustelim i ispo{}enim stalnim
zaciju ponovo zaposednutih krajeva u Podunavqu ratovima i epidemijama.80 O ovoj ekonomskoj ulo-
bilo je uspostavqawe dr`avne kontrole nad finan- zi crkve i u ne{to kasnijim, ali tako|e kriznim,
sijama i redovno prikupqawe poreza. To, izme|u vremenima Iraklijeve vlade svedo~i natpis sa
ostalog, ilustruje i jedan podatak iz ranije, ali poznatog kantara signiranog imenom sve{tenika-
istim te{ko}ama bremenite, istorije ovih prosto- kapetana Georgija (+GEORGIOU PRESBUTEROU
ra. Ekonomske prilike u carstvu izlo`enom upa- NAUKLEROU) iz broda potonulog kod Jasi Ade.81
dima varvara nisu bile nimalo povoqne ni u po- Kantar sa tegom u liku carice Arijadne iz Be-
sledwoj ~etvrtini IV veka. U naredbi upu}enoj 29. ograda mogao bi, dakle, da predstavqa trag tih me-
jula 386. godine Eusigniju, pretorijanskom pre- ra vizantijske dr`ave koje su preduzimane u smi-
fektu Ilirika, carevi Gracijan, Valentinijan II slu obnove fiskalne organizacije i snabdevawa
i Teodosije I nala`u da nadle`ni dr`avni slu`be- vojske u pograni~nim oblastima Podunavqa jo{ u
nici, koji su zbog dejstva neprijateqa zanemarili vreme Anastasija I, a sasvim izvesno i kasnije, za
svoje du`nosti, nastave sa prikupqawem poreza.76
Kontrola mera je u ovom smislu imala poseban zna-
~aj, {to je podrazumevalo namensko obezbe|ivawe
74 Procopii opera, De aedificilis IV, 5; VIIW I, 66.
zvani~nih mernih instrumenata poput tegova, meri-
75 Istorija Beograda I, 109.
ca i vaga. Najraniji zakon koji se bavi zvani~nom 76 Ch.T. 1.32.5.
distribucijom tegova je iz vremena Teodosija I 77 Ch.T. XII. 6.19.
(389. godina). On predvi|a zakonsku obavezu javnog 78 Ova naredba, potpisana od istih careva kao i prethod-
izlagawa oficijelnih tegova i mera na svakoj put- na (Valentinijan II, Teodosije I i Arkadije), propisuje da me-
noj stanici (statio), sa ciqem da se osujete preva- rice za suve ili te~ne mere izra|ene od kamena ili bronze
re.77 O izuzetnom zna~aju tih mera svedo~i i ubr- (modii, sextarii) kao i tegovi (pondera) moraju biti sme{teni na
svakoj stanici (mansio) i u svakom gradu, kako bi poreski ob-
zo zatim donet zakon sa preciznijim odredbama veznici (tributarii) znali koliko ~ega duguju; Ch.T. XI.6.21.
koje su propisivale proveru vrednosti robe saku- 79 Teoretski, ovaj zakon je predvi|ao da se distribucijom
pqane za porez, ali i ka`wavawe onih koji su vr- i overom mera i tegova za trgova~ku robu bave prefekt preto-
{ili zloupotrebe.78 Ovaj zakon bi}e kasnije pre- rija i gradski prefekti, a monetarnim tegovima komes carske
riznice (comes sacrorum largitionum), {to se navodi u 15. gla-
pisan u Justinijanov kodeks, s napomenom da u
vi CXXVII novele datovanoj u 545. godinu (CI X.72.9). Sude}i
slu~aju spora izme|u obveznika i sakupqa~a pore- po sa~uvanim natpisima na tegovima, ova striktna podela nije
za o{te}ene plati{e mogu da sa najvi{eg mesta za`ivela u praksi, pa tegove obe vrste izdaju i prefekti i ko-
(Comes sacrorum largitionus) potra`uju referent- mesi. Me|u ostalim titulama koje se pojavquju uz imena zvani~-
nika na overenim tegovima javqaju se jo{ i comes, comes rei
ne mere i tegove, koji se imaju ~uvati u najsvetijoj
privatae, anthypatos kao i prokonzuli, vir laudibilis i vir claris-
(episkopskoj) crkvi svakog grada.79 simus; Entwistle 2008, 4041.
Uloga crkve i crkvenih zvani~nika u ekonom- 80 Van Alfen 1996, 211213.
176
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
vlade Justina I (518527)82 i potowem zamahu Ju- zeja grada Beograda, koje su mi omogu}ile da detaq-
stinijanove obnove limesa. no prou~im i publikujem polugu ranovizantijskog
Iako smo skloni da prihvatimo rezultate de- kantara koji se ~uva u Sredwovekovnoj zbirci Mu-
taqne ikonografske analize M. Tati}-\uri}, ko- zeja grada Beograda. Pored wih, zahvaqujem i Jeleni
ja je opredelila predstavu sa tega beogradskog kan- Vasi}, koja mi je omogu}ila uvid u dokumentaciju
tara kao lik carice Arijadne, treba izdvojiti i i arhivsku gra|u Muzeja grada Beograda. Posebno
druga~ija tuma~ewa. Lik carice sa veoma sli~nog zahvaqujem mr Jeleni Kondi} na korisnim saveti-
tega iz kolekcije Severeanu83 opredeqen je kao ma i mogu}nosti da publikujem ranovizantijski
predstava Elije Pulherije (399453), }erke cara teg iz Kasnoanti~ke zbirke Narodnog muzeja, kao i
Arkadija, koja titulu avguste dobija od senata 414. dr Slobodanu Fidanovskom i dr Emini Ze~evi},
godine, a kasnije postaje i `ena cara Markijana.84 koji su mi pomogli ne samo da u muzejskoj dokumen-
Time bi datovawe beogradskog kantara bilo za vi- taciji i depou Sredwovekovne zbirke istog muzeja
{e od pola veka ranije, {to bi dalo osnova da se u|em u trag lan~anom sistemu kantara ve} i da pre-
sakrivawe ostave iz Danijelove ulice u Beogradu gledom inventarskih kwiga rekonstrui{em sve
pove`e sa hunskim ru{ewem gradova u Podunavqu elemente nalaza iz Danijelove ulice u Beogradu.
441. godine, me|u kojima se nalazio i Singidu- Zahvalnost dugujem i mr Veri Bogosavqevi}-Pe-
num.85 Tako|e, pomenu}emo i mi{qewe prema kome trovi}, mr Dragani Eremi} i Jeleni ]eriman iz
su na figuralno modelovanim tegovima prikazani Odeqewa za dokumentaciju Narodnog muzeja u Beo-
zapravo uop{teni prikazi vladarki, a ne konkretne gradu. @elim i ovom prilikom da istaknem pomo}
osobe.86 One bi, tako, predstavqale personifika- mr Du{ana Vra~ari}a, Nata{e Kari{ik i Mirja-
ciju vrlina carskog autoriteta ali i ikonograf- ne Dimi}, iz Vojno-tehni~kog zavoda u Beogradu, u
ske i apotropejske tekovine razli~itih ranije po- obavqawu fizi~ko-hemijskih analiza sastava legu-
{tovanih bo`anstava (Fortune, Pravde i Tihe), re poluge kantara iz Muzeja grada Beograda kao i
{to se generalno uklapa u svet trgovine i razmene. tuma~ewu rezultata ovih istra`ivawa. Za pomo}
Lik carice prikazane na tegu trebalo je, prema pri ~itawu natpisa sa kantara zahvaqujem profe-
ovom mi{qewu, da bdi nad uspe{nom trgovinom i soru dr Marici [uput, sa Odeqewa za istoriju
donese sre}u i bogatstvo korisniku. umetnosti Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, i
Kao zvani~ni merni instrumenti kantari su, u Ilu Akadu, sa Odeqewa za klasi~ne nauke Filo-
svakom slu~aju, a to se vidi i iz pomenutih zakon- zofskog fakulteta u Beogradu. Wihovo iskustvo i
skih spisa, poveravani na ~uvawe ve}im i zna~aj- korisne sugestije bile su od velikog zna~aja za for-
nijim crkvama, odnosno nadle`nim ikonomima, mulisawe ponu|enog ~itawa, dok odgovornost za
{to jasno pokazuje i natpis sa beogradskog kanta- eventualne oma{ke u pogledu iznesenog tuma~ewa
ra. Koliko je on bio u upotrebi i kada je i u kojim i opredeqewa snosi autor li~no.
okolnostima sakriven te{ko je re}i s ve}om si- Za kvalitetne fotografije i crte`e kojima je
gurno{}u. Budu}i da nam je kontekst nalaza iz Da- ilustrovan ovaj rad zahvaqujem Neboj{i Bori}u,
nijelove ulice u potpunosti nepoznat i po{to, za Veqku Ili}u i Awi Suboti}.
sada, ne znamo ni ta~an izgled ostalih predmeta
mahom liturgijskog karaktera, mo`emo samo da
pretpostavimo da je to najkasnije vreme od avarske
opsade i pqa~kawa Singidunuma 584. godine do ko-
na~nog uru{avawa dunavskog limesa u prvoj dece-
niji VII stole}a, kada se vizantijska dr`ava i cr-
kva povla~e pred naletom Avara i Slovena.
Milici Jankovi} i Niki Strugar, kustosima Mu- ja u kasnoanti~kom periodu videti: Herrin 20003, 35.
177
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAFIJA:
Alfldi, Ross 1959 A. Alfldi, M. Ross, Cornuti: The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh
A Teutonic Contigent in the Service of Constantine the through the Fifteenth Century (ed. Angeliki E. Laiou),
Great and its decisive role in the Battle at the Milvian Washington DC 2002.
Bridge, Dumberton Oaks Papers 13, 169183. Entwistle 2008 C. Entwistle, Late Roman and
Van Alfen 1996 P. G. van Alfen, New light on the Byzantine Weights and Weighing Equipment, 3846,
7th-c. Yassi Ada shipwreck: capacities and standard sizes in: The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies (ed. E.
of LRA 1 Amphoras, Journal of Roman Archaeology 9, Jeffreys and J. Haldon), Oxford 2008.
198213. Entwistle 2008a C. Entwistle, A Catalogue of the
Anti~ka bronza na tlu Jugoslavije 1969 An- Late Roman and Byzantine Weights and Weighing
ti~ka bronza na tlu Jugoslavije (ur. M. Kolari}), Equipment in the British Museum, London 2008.
Beograd 1969. Franken 1993 N. Franken, Zur Typologie Antiker
Baratte 1998 F. Baratte, Note propos dun trsor Schnellwaagen, Bonn. Jahrb. 193, 69120.
de vaisselle de bronze dpoque byzantine dcouvert Franken 1994 N. Franken, Aequipondia: Figr-
Pupput (Tunisie), Cahiers archologiques 1998, 7380. liche Laufgewichte rmischer und frhbyzantinischer
Bavant et all 1990 B. Bavant, Les petits objects, in: Schnellwaagen, Alfter 1994.
Cari~in Grad II: Le Quartier Sud-est de la Ville Haute, Franken 1995 N. Franken, Katalog der rmischen
(ed. Bavant, Kondi} and Spieser), Belgrade Rome 1990, Schnellwaagen im Rheinschen Landesmuseum Bonn,
191257. Bonn. Jahrb. 195, 425438.
Bendall 1996 S. Bendall, ByzantineWeights: An Garbsch 1988 J. Garbsch, Wagen oder Waagen?,
Introduction, London 1996. Bayerische Vorgeschbl. 53, 1988.
Bojovi} 1977 D. Bojovi}, Singidunum, Beograd, Gramatopol 1985 M. Gramatopol, Portretul
Bukovi~ka ul. br. 88 vila rustika, Arheolo{ki pregled roman n Romania, Bucureti 1985.
17, 1977, 156158. Hendy 1994 M. F. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine
ChT Codex Theodosianus, The Theodosian Code Monetary Economy c. 3001450., Cambridge 1994.
and Novels abd Sirmodian Constitutions (ed. C. Pharr), Herrin 2000 J. Herrin, The Imperial Feminine in
Princeton 1952. Byzantium, Past and Present 169, 335.
CI Codex Iustinianus (ed. Kruger, Paul), Berlin Hill 1955 D. K. Hill, When Romans went Shopping,
1959. Archaeology V (March 1955), 5155.
Covachev and Potrniche Z. Covachev, T. Potr- Istorija Beograda (grupa autora) Istorija
niche, Accesorii ale unei balane din bronz descoperite Beograda (ur. V. ^ubrilovi}), Beograd 1974.
n sectorul de est al Capidava vei, Pontica 43, 267275. Ivani{evi}, [pehar 2005 V. Ivani{evi}, P. [pehar,
Dagron 2002 G. Dagron, The Urban Economy, Early Byzantine finds from ^e~an and Gornji Streoc
Seventh-Twelfth Centuries, 393461, in: The Economic (Kosovo), Starinar 55, 133159.
History of Byzantium The Economic History of Byzantium James 2003 L. James, Whos That Girl? Personi-
2 (ed. A. E. Laiou), Washington DC 2002. fications of the Byzantine Empress, 5156, in: Through
Daremberg, Saglio 1877 C. Daremberg, E. Saglio, a Glass Brightly: Studies in Byzantine and Medieval Art
Dictionnaire des antiquitis grecques et romaines III, 2, and Archaeology Presented to David Buckton (ed. C.
Paris 1887. Entwistle), Oxford 2003.
Darrouzse 1970 J. Darrouzse, Recherches sur Jankovi} 1997 M. Jankovi}, Seoba naroda, u:
les Offikia de lEglise Byzantin, Paris 1970. Anti~ka bronza Singidunuma (ur. S. Kruni}), Beo-
Dr~a 2007 B. Dr~a, Kantar iz kasnoanti~ke grad 1997, 305342.
zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, Arhaika 1, Jenemann 1989 H. R. Jenemann, Zur Geschichte
188196. der Waagen mit variablem Armlngenverhltnis im
\uri}-Zamolo, Nedi} 19931994 D. \uri}- Altertum, Trierer Zeitschrift 52, 319352.
Zamolo, S. Nedi}, Stambeni delovi Beograda i wi- Jenemann 1995 H. R. Jenemann, Die Geschichte
hovi nazivi do 1941. godine, Godi{wak grada Beogra- der Waage im Mittelalter. Internationale Zeitschrift fr
da XLXLI, 65106. Geschichte und Ethik der Naturwissenschaften, Technik
Entwistle 2002 C. Entwistle, Byzantine Weights in: und Medizin: Neue Serie, 3, 145166.
178
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Jones 1940 A. H. M. Jones, The Greek City from Ridder 1905 A. de Ridder, Collection de Clercq,
Alexandar to Justinian, Oxford 1994. Catalogue III, Les bronzes, Paris 1905.
Jovanovi} 1984 A. Jovanovi}, Hajdu~ka Vode- Ross 1962 Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early
nica, kasnoanti~ko i ranovizantijsko utvr|ewe, Medieval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection,
Starinar 3334, 319335. Washington DC 1962.
Kadog glu 2007 M. Kadoglu, Menderes Nysas Sams 1982 G. K. Sams, The weighing implements,
ndan bir Kantar, PATRONVS, Cokun zgnele 65. Ya 217230, in: Yassi Ada vol. I A seventh-Century Byzan-
Armagan / Festschrift fr Cokun zgnel zum 65. tine Shipwreck, (eds. G. F. Bass, F. H. Van Doorninck Jr),
Geburtstag, ed. Betl Avunc, Basm 2007, 223230. College Station 1982.
Karudj 1998 N. Karudj, Clkinoj kam- Schilbach 1970 E. Schilbach, Byzantinische
panj (kantri) ap palaiocristianik paul thj Metrologie, Munich 1970.
Qessalon/khj, Mouse/o Buzantino Politismo Simi} 1987 Z. Simi}, Utvr|ewe na Kulini u
5/1998, 3641. Rogatcu, Novopazarski zbornik 11, Novi Pazar 1987,
Kosti} 1993 Z. Kosti}, Prilozi uz ranovi- 1319.
zantijsku metrologiju, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog Srejovi} i dr. 1983 D. Srejovi}, \. Jankovi},
dru{tva IX, 6772. A. Lalovi}, Gamzigrad kasnoanti~ki carski dvo-
Kosti} 2003 Z. Kosti}, Marginalije uz nekoli- rac, Beograd 1983.
ko epigrafskih spomenika iz Makedonije, 195219, tefan 1950 Gh. tefan, O balan roman din
u: Spomenica Jovana Kova~evi}a (ur. R. Bunarxi}, secolul VI e.n. descoperit n Dobrogea, SCIV I/2,
@. Miki}), Beograd. 152162.
Milinkovi} 2010 Gradina na Jelici, Beograd [pehar 2010 P. [pehar, Materijalna kultu-
2010. ra ranovizantijskih utvr|ewa u \erdapu, Beograd
ODB The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (ed. 2010.
A. P. Kahzdan), Oxford 1991. Thomas 1988 E. B. Thomas, Bronzebusten der
Pape 1911 W. Pape; G. E. Benseler, Wrterbuch Licinia Eudoxia in Ungarn, 501516, in: Ritratto ufficiale
der griechischen Eigennamen, Braunschweig 1911. e ritratto privato: Atti della II Conferenza Internationale
Petrovi} 1995 P. Petrovi}, Inscriptions de la Msie sul Ritratto Romano (ed. N. Bonacasa, G. Rizza), Roma.
Suprieure, Vol. III/2, Timacum Minus et la Vale du Tati}-\uri} 1962 M. Tati}-\uri}, Zbornik
Timok, Beograd 1995. Narodnog muzeja III, 115127.
Pililh 1985 I. Pilil, Titloi, off/kia kai T ^parcikn bibl/on Le Livre du Prfet ou
aximata en th Buzantin Autokrator/a kai th ldit de lempereur Lon le Sage sur les corporations de
Cristianik Orqodxw Ekklhs/a, Aqnai 1985. Constantinople (trans. J. Nicole), Genavae 1894.
Pitarakis 2012 B. Pitarakis, Daily Life at the @arkovi} 2009 N. @arkovi}, Prolazni logor
Marketplace in Late Antiquity and Byzantium, 399426, Topovske [upe, Nasle|e 10 (2009),103112.
in: Trade and Markets in Byzantium (ed. C. Morrisson), @ivi} 2003 M. @ivi}, Felix Romuliana 50
Washington DC 2012. godina odgonetawa, Zaje~ar 2003.
Pop-Lazi} 2002 S. Pop-Lazi}, Nekropole rimskog Visy 1994 Z. Visy, Romische und byzantinische
Singidunuma, Singidunum 3, 7100. Schnellwaagen aus der Turkei, 435444, in: Akten der 10.
Popovi} 1999 M. Popovi}, Tvr|ava Ras, Beo- Internationalen Tagung ber antike Bronzen, Freiburg,
grad 1999. 1822. July 1988, Stuttgart 1994.
Popovi} 1995 R. Popovi}, Rano hri{}anstvo VIINJ I Vizantijski izvori za istoriju na-
na Balkanu pre doseqavawa Slovena, Beograd 1995. roda Jugoslavije I (ur. G. Ostrogorski), Beograd 1955.
Procopii, De aedificilis Procopii opera, De aedi- Wei{{ 2001 P. Wei{, Schnellwaage, Der Neue
ficilis (ed. J. Haury), Lipsiae 1913. Pauly 11, 200204.
179
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Key words. Belgrade, Singidunum, steelyard, weight, epigraphy, metrology, early Byzantine period,
measuring instruments, oikonomos.
The initial aim of this paper was to present scholarly circles ments. In the case of the Belgrade find, it is most likely that the
with a detailed report about the insufficiently known Early name Philikos refers to the priest who, as an oikonomos of the
Byzantine steelyard beam (Figs. 25; Pl. I/1) treasured in Bel- (episcopal?) church or a monastery, was entrusted with the steel-
grade City Museum (further in the text BCM) together with a yard. That being the case, the inscription would probably read:
small counterweight (Fig. 6; Pl. I/2) which, judging by its dimen- +krioj Filikj + +papa(s) kes(sic) oikonmou+. In transla-
sions and weight, does not belong to it. However, after inspecting tion: (steelyard) of Master Philikos, the priest and oikonomos.
the documentation of BCM and the National Museum in Bel- According to its basic features, the steelyard beam from BCM
grade (further in the text NMB), the supposition that the steel- can be more precisely aligned with the Constantinople type (Fig.
yard beam from BCM represents a part of the same hoard with 1) which is dated to the period from the 5th to the 7th century.
the well known counterweight (Fig. 7) in the form of a bust of a Upon the examination of the inventory records of NMB, it
Byzantine empress, and the unpublished chain system with hooks was determined that the steelyard beam from BCM is a part of the
for hanging loads (Fig. 8; Pl. IV), which are kept in NMB, was hoard discovered during the construction works in Danijelova
confirmed. The detailed examination of the museum inventory Street in Belgrade in 1929 and repurchased for NMB in 1932.
records shed light on the set of circumstances which led to the The counterweight (Fig. 7), shaped like the bust of the Byzantine
separation of the parts of the Belgrade steelyard. Empress Ariadne (height: 13.4 cm, weight: 1,551 g), also belongs
The steelyard beam (length: 61 cm, width: 2 cm) originally to the same group of finds. Mentioned among these finds are
had two fulcrum hooks, only one of which has been preserved. one iron vessel, two iron tools for fanning a fire, one adjustable
It has two incised measuring scales with punched numerical candelabrum, a censer, a chain system with hooks (Fig. 8; Pl.
weight marks (Figs. 2, 3; Pl. II) in accordance with the duodecimal IV) and a steelyard beam with an inscription matching the one
system of measurement and its division into litrae (logarik from the steelyard beam from BCM. What preceded the separa-
l/tra) and ounces (ogg/a). Judging by the marks ranging tion of the steelyard parts and other finds from Danijelova
from A to N, the Early Byzantine steelyard from BCM could Street in Belgrade is the original chronological determination of
have been capable of weighing up to 50 litrae, that is, according the hoard to a much later period (17th century), whereby some
to todays measures, slightly more than 16 kg. contents of the hoard were distributed to different museum col-
On both sides of the shorter part of the beam of the steel- lections. The chain system with the hooks (length: 27.5 cm;
yard from BCM, there is a punched inscription that begins and weight: 821 g) which is certainly a part of the same steelyard,
ends with a cross. On the lighter weight range side of the short- remained in NMB, whilst we still do not know anything about
er part of the steelyard beam there is an inscription (Fig. 4; Pl. what happened to the other finds. Since we are dealing here with
II/1): +PAPAKESOIKONOMOU+; whilst on its heavier weight an accidental find, a more precise chronological determination
range side the inscription (Fig. 5; Pl. II/2) reads: +KURSFILI- of the steelyard from Belgrade is not possible at this time. The
KOS+. In the first part of the inscription +PAPAKESOIKO- detailed stylistic and iconographic analysis of the counter-
NOMOU+ a possible ecclesiastical rank ppa(s) is mentioned, weight indicated that the bust of the Empress Ariadne, the wife
referring to priests. What follows is KES, with OIKONOMOU of the Emperors Zeno and Anastasius I, is represented on it and,
at the end. based on the adornments and elements of the gown, it was more
KES could be read as the first three letters of a personal precisely dated to the period between 474 and 490. How long
name such as Kj (arios), but also as the conjunction and, that the steelyard had been in use and when, and in what circumstan-
is ka/ which usually appears in contemporary signs abbreviated ces, it had been hidden is difficult to say. Since we do not even
to Ks. In the final part of the inscription (OIKONOMOY), the know the actual appearance of other objects, of a mainly liturgi-
well known function of oikonomos (okonmoj) is mentioned cal character, from this hoard, we can only assume that it is, at
in the genitive case. This term denoted a person, a clergyman, the latest, the period between the Avar siege and the plundering
monk or a layman, who managed the property, income and of Singidunum in 584 and the final downfall of the Danube
expenses of the church seat, monastic estate or an endowment. Limes in the first decade of the 7th century, when the Byzantine
One of his duties entailed taking care of the measuring instru- state and church retreated from the Avar and Slav assault.
180
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
181
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
182
Miroslav VUJOVI], Ranovizantijski kantar iz Beograda (161183) STARINAR LXIV/2014
183
MILO[ P. SPASI], Muzej grada Beograda, Beograd
ADAM N. CRNOBRWA, Narodni muzej u Beogradu, Beograd
Apstrakt. Zdele sa protomama pojavquju se od samog po~etka vin~anske kulture i u gotovo neizmewenom obliku
traju do kraja neolita centralnog Balkana. Mogu}e je izdvojiti dva osnovna tipa ovih posuda: zdele sa ~etiri
i zdele sa osam, odnosno ~etiri udvojene protome. Protome na obodima modelovane su u vidu antropomorfnih,
zoomorfnih ili krajwe stilizovanih {ematizovanih predstava. Na svim analiziranim zdelama potpuno izostaju
fizi~ki tragovi bilo kakve upotrebe. U unutra{wosti recipijenata nisu vidqiva nikakva fizi~ka o{te}ewa
koja bi upu}ivala na to da se u wima ne{to mrvilo ili drobilo, a izostaju i tragovi izlagawa posuda na vatri
ili paqewa nekog sadr`aja u wima. Ako se imaju u vidu metri~ki i tehnolo{ki podaci, najverovatnijom se ~ini teza
da su zdele sa protomama slu`ile za konzumirawe ili odlagawe/izlagawe neke materije prilikom nekih sasvim
specifi~nih aktivnosti. Posude ovog tipa vidimo kao fizi~ku pojavnost sociokulturne prakse vin~anskih zajednica,
kao indikatore odnosa u zajednici, ali i kao konceptualizaciju percepcije neolitskog sveta.
P
ozni neolit centralnog Balkana obele`en je sociokulturne i ideolo{ke odlike.4 U nastavku
je razvojem vin~anske kulture.1 U poku{a- }emo pokazati kako ta sli~nost pojedinih oblika
ju da sumarno predstavimo {ta je to vin- materijalne kulture mo`e predstavqati i obrazac
~anska kultura parafrazira}emo obja{wewe D. i specifi~nost.
Bejlija i wegovih saradnika koji termin vin~an- Zdele sa protomama predstavqaju jedan od neko-
ska kultura obja{wavaju kao prekomernu genera- liko desetina tipova vin~anskih posuda od pe~e-
lizaciju, koja je u {irokoj upotrebi kada treba po- ne gline koje se ve} vi{e od jednog veka publikuju
jednostaviti kompleksnost neolitskih zajednica, kao nalazi sa iskopavawa na vin~anskim lokalite-
wihovog pona{awa i materijalne kulture na teri- tima. Kao i kod gotovo svih posebnih oblika vin~an-
torijama dana{we Srbije, zapadne Bugarske i jugo- ske keramike (`rtvenici, prosopomorfni poklop-
zapadne Rumunije.2 Tako se pod kategorijom ozna- ci, zoomorfne i antropomorfne posude i dr.) dobro
~enom kao vin~anska kultura na{ao nepregledan
niz razli~itih poznoneolitskih zajednica, koje, do
izvesne mere, dele sli~ne oblike materijalne kul-
ture.3 Iako se fizi~ka sli~nost materijalne kul- 1 Cf. Chapman 1981; Gara{anin 1951; idem 1979.
ture mo`e objasniti postojawem ili deqewem jed- 2 Bailey, Cochrane, Zambelli 2010, 161.
ne op{te ideje, kanona, matrice, u stvarnosti su 3 Crnobrnja 2012a, 163.
pojavne sli~nosti mogle imati i potpuno druga~i- 4 Cf. Spasi} 2012a, 295; idem 2012b, 14.
185
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
nam je poznata ve}ina wihovih stilsko-tipolo{kih stavqaju retki nalazi ukra{eni kanelovawem, ure-
karakteristika, geografska distribucija, pa goto- zivawem i gla~awem. Kanelovawem se izvode line-
vo i wihovo precizno datovawe. Ipak, nakon toliko arne kose trake (Jela, T. I/16) ili naizmeni~ne kose
godina i daqe izostaju temeqne studije o tehnolo- trake koje podse}aju na takozvani parketmuster or-
giji izrade vin~anskih posuda i wihovom kori{- nament (Jela, T. I/15), koji se ~esto pojavquje i na
}ewu, kontekstualne analize sa ostalim oblicima drugim tipovima zdela pozne Vin~e. Urezivawem se
materijalne kulture, tuma~ewe wihove simboli~- tako|e izvode jednostavni linearni motivi na obo-
ke uloge.5 Teku}a studija }e pokazati da teze o ri- du, ali i na spoqnim povr{inama zidova (Mal~a, T.
tualnoj ili kultnoj ulozi ovih predmeta ne moraju III/33; Rast, T. III/34). Na obodu zdele sa Stublina
biti pogre{ne, ve} da moraju imati utemeqewe u se tako|e pojavquju paralelni linearni urezi, ko-
opse`noj analizi svih parametara bitnih za in- ji su postavqeni u naizmeni~nom nizu od po 4 i 6
terpretaciju wihove uloge. ureza izme|u protoma. Izuzetak u ovom krajwe sve-
Povod za pisawe ovoga rada bila je zdela sa osam denom ornamentalnom izrazu predstavqa nalaz zde-
protoma koja je tokom istra`ivawa vin~anskog na- le sa protomama sa lokaliteta BeqinGradu{ina
seqa na lokalitetu Crkvine kod sela Stubline na obali Save, izme|u Obrenovca i [apca, ~ije su
prona|ena na podu ku}e 1/2010 (Sl. 1).6 Jasno pona- i unutra{wa i spoqna povr{ina zidova ukra{ene
vqawe ikonografskog obrasca koji je do tada bio slo`enom kompozicijom urezanih {ahovskih po-
prisutan samo na zdeli otkrivenoj nekoliko godi- qa u kojima se nalaze naizmeni~no postavqeni
na ranije na Vin~i, kao i prisutnost u istoj ku}i kru`no punktirani ornamenti i urezane spirale
jo{ nekih elemenata koji su upu}ivali na ponavqa- (Beqin, T. II/21). Ova kompozicija se sasvim retko
we obrazaca vezanih za posebne radwe neolitske pojavquje u ornamentalnom repertoaru vin~anske
populacije u {irem arealu, ukazali su na neophod- kerami~ke produkcije.9 Jedini primeri zdele sa
nost temeqnijeg prou~avawa pojavnosti posuda sa protomama ukra{ene tehnikom gla~awa je nalaz iz
protomama u vin~anskoj kulturi. objekta 03/03 u Vin~i, ~ija je unutra{wost ukra-
{ena horizontalnim linijama (T. I/3), i fragment
zdele iz Crnokala~ke bare (T. III/32).
STILSKO-TIPOLO[KA Finiju tipolo{ku klasifikaciju ovih zdela
I FUNKCIONALNA ANALIZA7 mogu}e je izvesti na osnovu broja, polo`aja i vrste
protoma na obodu. Ote`avaju}u okolnost pri raz-
Vin~anske zdele sa protomama predstavqaju vijawu tipologije predstavqa ~iwenica da je re~,
veoma ujedna~enu klasu posuda od pe~ene gline. izuzev nekoliko nalaza, o veoma fragmentovanim
Re~ je o zdelama izrazito koni~ne profilacije, ko- predmetima sa o~uvanim malim delom posude sa
sih ili blago zaobqenih zidova i ravnog ili bla- protomom na obodu. Rekonstrukcija izgleda ostat-
go prstenastog dna. Izuzetak ~ini jedna zdela ~iji ka posude, broja i vrste protoma se u takvim slu~a-
je recipijent, u maniru modelovawa takozvanih jevima ~esto ~ini plauzibilna. Generalno posma-
`rtvenika, postavqen na tri kratke noge (Vin~a,
T. I/5). Pojedine zdele imaju blago zadebqan obod
(Jela, T. I/15, II/19), a jedini nalaz koji ima i dve
male, lateralno postavqene jezi~aste dr{ke je 5 Novi milenijum u srpskoj neolitskoj arheologiji je ipak
zdela iz objekta 03/03 sa Vin~e (T. I/3). Zdele su iz- doneo zna~ajan napredak u prou~avawu navedenih aspekata
ra|ene od gline sa malom koli~inom neorganskih vin~anske keramike cf. Vukovi} 2013; Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008;
Por~i} 2012; Tasi} 2007.
primesa. Spoqne i unutra{we povr{ine zidova su 6 Crnobrnja 2012b, 53, fig. 14. O istra`ivawima lokaliteta
gla~ane, ponekad i polirane do visokog sjaja.8 Ve- CrkvineStubline, cf. Todorovi} 1967; Simi}, Crnobrwa 2008;
}ina nalaza pe~ena je u uslovima potpune ili ne- Crnobrnja et al. 2010.
potpune oksidacije, {to je rezultiralo dobijawem 7 Veliku zahvalnost dugujemo kolegama M. Cerovi}u, iz
oker i okermrkih tonova zidova, a nisu retke ni Narodnog muzeja u [apcu, i M. Igwatovi}u, iz Muzeja grada
Beograda, na ustupqenom materijalu i dokumentaciji.
zdele sa protomomama pe~ene u uslovima redukci- 8 Tasi} 2007, Pl. II.
je, tamnosive i, re|e, crne boje, kakav je slu~aj sa 9 U tipologiji M. Gara{anina i S. Stankovi}a, slo`ene
ve}inom nalaza sa lokaliteta Jela[abac. Zdele kompozicije {ahovskih poqa nose oznaku C3a i C4f, cf. Gara-
su u ve}ini slu~ajeva neukra{ene, a izuzetak pred- {anin, Stankovi} 1985, 29.
186
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
trano, re~ je o izuzetno stilizovanim predstavama Vrlo je verovatno da }e budu}i nalazi omogu}iti i
qudskih, `ivotiwskih ili hibridnih glava. Pro- izdvajawe tre}eg podtipa ove kategorije zdela sa
tome su uglavnom blago izvu~ene iz oboda posude, protomama, i to zdela sa po dve zoomorfne i dve
malih su dimenzija (0,53 cm) i po pravilu su antropomorfne protome. Dok je kod prve kategori-
okrenute ka unutra{wosti posude. One mawe i {e- je nalaza sa ~etiri protome na obodu donekle bilo
matizovanije su modelovane s izvla~ewem maweg mogu}e tipovati i one predmete koji su fragmen-
dela gline iz ose oboda, dok su ve}e i detaqnije tovani, u drugoj kategoriji, koju ~ine zdele sa osam
predstave aplicirane na obod. Predstave su u ve}i- protoma na obodu, to je gotovo nemogu}e izvesti sa
ni slu~ajeva krajwe {ematizovane, tako da gotovo sigurno{}u. Zdele sa osam protoma imaju zapravo
nije mogu}e odrediti da li se radi o antropomorf- ~etiri naspramno postavqene uparene predstave.
noj ili zoomorfnoj predstavi. Izuzetak ~ine oni Bilo je mogu}e izdvojiti dva podtipa i to na osno-
nalazi gde su jasno definisani anatomski detaqi vu predmeta koji su o~uvani u celosti. Prvom tipu
na glavi, pre svih rogovi ili veoma izdu`ene u{i, pripada zdela iz takozvanog ritualnog seta iz
nos ili wu{ka, te detaqi na licu, koji predstavqa- Vin~e, sa po dve uparene naspramno postavqene
ju ustaqene obrasce u modelovawu antropomorfnih zoomorfne i po dve uparene antropomorfne pro-
predstava. S tim u vezi, dva nalaza sa Vin~e (T. tome (T. I/3).10 Drugom podtipu pripada zdela iz
I/6,7) i jedan sa lokaliteta Jela Benska bara (T. ku}e 1/2010 sa Stublina, sa po ~etiri istovetne,
I/15) jesu jedini nalazi koji se sigurno mogu defi- uparene, krajwe stilizovane i {ematizovane pred-
nisati kao antropomorfne protome, budu}i da je stave, ~ija je bli`a identifikacija nemogu}a (T.
manir modelovawa nosa, o~iju, pa ~ak i maske i ne- I/1).11 Ovom podtipu verovatno pripada i frag-
ke vrste kape, identi~an pristupu u oblikovawu mentovana zdela sa uparenim {ematizovanim
antropomorfne figuralne plastike. Sigurne zoo- predstavama sa lokaliteta Jela Benska bara (T.
morfne predstave ne mogu se odrediti do odre|ene II/19).12 Fragment zdele sa dve uparene antropo-
vrste, budu}i da prisustvo rogova na stilizovanoj morfne predstave sa istog lokaliteta (T. I/15)
glavi mo`e upu}ivati na nekoliko razli~itih `i- ostaje za sad van izvedene tipologije, budu}i da je
votiwskih vrsta koje su vin~anske zajednice gajile nemogu}e pretpostaviti da li je zdela imala 2 x 2
ili lovile (bik, jarac, ovan, jelen). U sasvim izu- antropomorfne i 2 x 2 zoomorfne protome, ili su
zetnim slu~ajevima je mogu}e identifikovati i sve predstave bile antropomorfne.13 Zdela sa upa-
neke druge vrste osim pobrojanih. Nalaz zdele iz renim protomama sa iskopavawa na Gorwem gradu
okoline Ni{a ima ne{to detaqnije modelovanu Beogradske tvr|ave predstavqa jedinstven nalaz u
predstavu koja se, mo`da, mo`e identifikovati s ovoj kategoriji, budu}i da su dve krajwe stilizova-
nekom vrstom ptice (T. III/33), dok jedan slu~ajan ne i {ematizovane predstave razli~itih dimenzija
nalaz sa lokaliteta Jablanica u Mladenovcu ima (T. II/25). Zna~aj tog nalaza vidimo i u ~iwenici
protom u vidu neke vrste gmizavca na obodu. da su nam do sada ostali potpuno nepoznati pri-
Ako se uzmu u obzir sve stilsko-tipolo{ke ka- merci zdela gde jedan par protoma ~ine dve razli-
rakteristike, mogu}e je izdvojiti dve koherentne ~ite predstave.
kategorije nalaza. Prvu ~ine zdele sa ~etiri na- Kao prilog razmatrawu funkcije zdela ovog
spramno postavqene protome. U ovoj grupi mogu}e tipa, u obzir uzimamo metri~ke podatke, tehnologi-
je izdvojiti dva podtipa, i to zdele sa sve ~etiri ju izrade i tragove upotrebe. Gotovo sve analizira-
antropomorfne predstave (Rast, T. III/34; Vin~a, ne zdele sa protomama su posude malih dimenzija,
T. I/6,7) i zdele sa sve ~etiri zoomorfne predsta- ~ija visina, gotovo po pravilu, ne prelazi 10 cm,
ve (Vin~a, T. I/5, 8, 9; Mal~a, T. III/33). Kao kod dok pre~nik oboda varira izme|u 7 cm i 12 cm. Sa-
svih zdela sa protomama, i u ovoj grupi veliki deo svim izuzetno se pojavquju i zdele ve}ih dimenzija,
predstava odlazi na krajwe {ematizovane prikaze
glava koje nije mogu}e identifikovati ni kao an-
tropomorfne ni kao zoomorfne (Jela, T. I/16, 17;
Rast, T. III/35; Grivac, T. II/28, 29; Gomolava, T. 10 Tasi} 2007.
I/14). Jedan takav nalaz zdele sa lokaliteta Jela 11 Crnobrnja 2012b, 57, fig. 14.
Benska bara ima protomu koja odgovara hibridnim 12 Stoji}, Cerovi} 2011, 321, T. CL/65.
predstavama u antropomorfnoj plastici (T. I/16). 13 Stoji}, Cerovi} 2011, 315, T. CXLIV/25.
187
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
kao {to je slu~aj sa nalazima sa Gorweg grada na i najkompletniji stilsko-tipolo{ki presek posu-
Kalemegdanu i sa lokaliteta Jela Benska bara da ovog tipa.
kod [apca, ~iji pre~nici iznose i skoro 30 cm (T. Zdele sa protomama su pronala`ene u razli~i-
II/20, T. II/25). U celosti o~uvane zdele sa Vin~e, tim kontekstima. Najvi{e nalaza poti~e iz naseo-
Stublina i Gomolave pokazuju da odnos visine i binskih konteksta iz ru{evina nadzemnih ku}a,
pre~nika zdela iznosi pribli`no 1:2. U ve}ini ispuna otpadnih jama i sli~nog (Vin~a, Jakovo,
slu~ajeva, zapremina zdela kod kojih je bila mogu- Stubline). Zdele iz otpadnih jama i nalazi koji su
}a metri~ka analiza ne prelazi 0,3 litra, dok je u drugim kontekstima deponovani kao otpad su po
zapremina zdela sa Stublina i sa iskopavawa na pravilu veoma fragmentovani, dok su primerci iz
Vin~i 2006. i znatno mawa.14 Na svim analizira- ku}a ponekad i potpuno o~uvani (Vin~a, Stubli-
nim zdelama potpuno izostaju fizi~ki tragovi bilo ne). Ne postoji striktan obrazac u mestu deponova-
kakve upotrebe. U unutra{wosti recipijenata nisu wa/~uvawa zdela sa protomama u ku}ama. Zdela sa
vidqiva nikakva fizi~ka o{te}ewa koja bi upu}i- osam protoma iz Vin~e prona|ena je u veoma malom
vala na to da se u wima ne{to mrvilo ili drobilo. nadzemnom objektu ~ija funkcija nije bila rezi-
Tako|e, za razliku od srodnih posuda tipa `rtve- dencijalnog karaktera;21 nalaz sa Stublina poti-
nika, na spoqa{wim i unutra{wim povr{inama ~e iz nadzemnog objekta u kom su prona|eni brojne
zdela izostaju tragovi izlagawa posuda na vatri instalacije i predmeti vezani za proizvodwu, ob-
ili paqewa nekog sadr`aja u wima.15 Ako se ima- radu i ~uvawe hrane;22 ku}u u Anzi u kojoj je pro-
ju u vidu metri~ki i tehnolo{ki podaci, najvero- na|ena zdela sa protomama, autorka tako|e oprede-
vatnijom se ~ini teza da su zdele sa protomama quje kao objekat posebne namene ili ~ak kao
slu`ile za konzumirawe ili odlagawe/izlagawe hram.23 S tim u vezi, oba nalaza sa novijih siste-
nekog sadr`aja prilikom nekih sasvim specifi~- matskih iskopavawa ukazuju na to da se zdele sa
nih aktivnosti.16 U prilog tome da su okolnosti protomama pojavquju u objektima ~ija osnovna
upotrebe ovakvih posuda nesvakida{we (ritualne?) funkcija nije stanovawe. Tako|e, oba pomenuta na-
aktivnosti ide i ~iwenica da sa svih pomenutih laza izgleda da ~ine integralni deo grupe predmeta
lokaliteta postoji ~itav niz kerami~kih oblika, seta kerami~kih posuda.24 Zdela sa Gomolave
sli~nih zapremina i dimenzija, namewenih konzu- predstavqa izuzetak i veoma va`an prilog ovoj
mirawu hrane i te~nosti. studiji pre svega zato {to je u celosti o~uvana
zdela, prona|ena u grobu. Re~ je o mu{kom skelet-
nom grobu u kome su prona|ene jo{ jedna kerami~-
GEOGRAFSKA DISTRIBUCIJA ka posuda, bakarna narukvica i sekira od gla~anog
I HRONOLO[KI POLO@AJ kamena.25 Razmatrawe raspolo`ivog, jo{ uvek nedo-
ZDELA SA PROTOMAMA voqnog, uzorka ide u prilog tezi da ne postoji veza
izme|u odre|enog tipa zdela sa protomama i odre-
Zdele sa protomama pojavquju se u gotovo svim
oblastima centralnog Balkana gde su `ivele zajed-
nice vin~anske kulture (Sl. 2). Najseverniji nalaz
14 Tasi} 2007, 204.
vezujemo za naseqe na lokalitetu Roszke-Ludvar u
15 Marangou 2008.
Ma|arskoj, koje se datuje u veoma rani period vin- 16 Iz pojedinih zdela sa protomama se nije mogla konzu-
~anske kulture.17 Kod Rasta u Rumuniji, lokalite- mirati te~nost. Takav je slu~aj sa zdelom iz Stublina, na ko-
ta koji ujedno predstavqa i jednu od najisto~nijih joj su uparene protome toliko gusto postavqene da iz wih nije
pozicija na kojima prepoznajemo vin~ansku mate- mogu}e direktno konzumirawe te~nosti.
17 Horvath 2006, 117, Pl. II/610.
rijalnu kulturu, tako|e su prona|ene zdele sa pro-
18 Dumitrescu 1980, Pl LXXV/96, 97, LXXVI/98.
tomama.18 Najju`niji nalaz poti~e sa iskopavawa 19 Gimbutas 1974, 59, fig. 30.
u ~uvenoj Anzi,19 dok su najzapadnije zdele sa pro- 20 Trbuhovi}, Vasiqevi} 1983, T. XXIXXII.
tomama prona|ene u vin~anskim naseqima u za- 21 Tasi} 2007, 207.
padnoj Srbiji i Podriwu.20 Najve}i broj zdela sa 22 Crnobrnja 2012b.
protomama poti~e sa lokaliteta u Podunavqu i 23 Gimbutas 1974, 61.
Posavini (Vin~a, Jakovo, Gomolava, Stubline, Je- 24 Crnobrnja 2012b, 57; Tasi} 2007, 204, 205.
la). Nalazi sa tih lokaliteta ujedno predstavqaju 25 Petrovi} 1984, 23; Bori} 2009, fig. 36.
188
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
|ene prakse i mesta kori{}ewa/deponovawa. Hro- Gomolavi imaju jasne asocijacije sa poznovin~an-
nolo{ki posmatrano, zdele sa protomama se pojav- skom keramikom, ali i radiokarbonsko datovawe
quju od samog po~etka vin~anske kulture do wenih ukazuje na sam kraj vin~anske kulture.28 Zdele sa
najpoznijih perioda. Nalazi iz Roszke-Ludvar-a, Jakova i Jele su tako|e veoma pozne, ali se verovat-
Anze i iz jame M sa Belog Brda u Vin~i pripadaju no mogu sinhronizovati sa ne{to starijom Vin~a
hronolo{ki najstarijim primercima.26 Nalazi iz D fazom, pre svega zahvaquju}i nalazima posuda
vin~anske zemunice M sa kote 8.98.7 sigurno se ukra{enih urezanim trakama ispuwenim kru`nim
datuju u najraniju fazu vin~anske kulture. Radio-
karbonski datumi sa Vin~e pokazuju da se ovi nala-
zi mogu okvirno datovati u period 53105200. pre 26 Horvath 2006, 117, Pl. II/610; Gimbutas 1974, 59, fig. 30;
n. e.27 S druge strane, najpozniji nalazi koji poti~u Vasi} 1936, 42.
iz objekta 03/03 sa Vin~e, objekta 1/2010 iz Stubli- 27 Bori} 2009, 203.
189
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1) Crkvine, Stubline;
2) Belo Brdo, Vin~a;
3) Gomolava;
4) Jela, [abac;
5) Gradu{tina, Beljin;
6) Kormadin, Jakovo;
7) Kalemegdan, Belgrade;
8) Kara{, Sremski Karlovci;
9) Supska;
10) Grivac;
11) Gradac, Zloku}ani;
12) Vito{evac, Ra`anj;
13) Crnokala~ka Bara;
14) Mala~a, Ni{;
15) Rast;
16) Anza
punktirawem.29 Trenutna evidencija pokazuje da me|u ta dva tipa posuda. Tipologija oblika vin~an-
ipak postoje hronolo{ke razlike u pojavi izdvoje- skih `rtvenika je mnogo raznovrsnija nego {to je
nih tipova zdela sa protomama. Naime, najraniji to slu~aj sa gotovo uniformisanim oblikom zdela
nalazi su oni sa ~etiri naspramno postavqene {e- sa protomama.31 Recipijent `rtvenika je plitak,
matizovane, antropomorfne ili zoomorfne pro- pravougaonog, trougaonog i, re|e, kru`nog oblika .
tome, i taj obrazac }e se zadr`ati do kraja vin~an- Mala zapremina recipijenta je jo{ jedna sli~nost
ske kulture, dok zdele sa osam protoma za sada nisu sa pojedinim zdelama sa protomama. Koncept mode-
poznate iz ranijih horizonata vin~anske kulture, lovawa antropomorfnih, zoomorfnih ili {ema-
pa se mo`e pretpostaviti da je obi~aj uparivawa tizovanih protoma na obodu recipijenta je mo`da
protoma verovatno poznijeg datuma. najva`nija stilska odlika obe kategorije nalaza.
Kod `rtvenika su protome obi~no modelovane na
DISKUSIJA
190
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
191
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
0 5m
Sl. 4. Osnova ku}e 1/2010, CrkvineStubline: levo plan ku}e, desno snimak iz ortogonalne projekcije:
1) zid; 2) rupe za stubove; 3) podnica; 4) pe} 1; 5) pe} 2; 6) kaseta za skladi{tewe; 7) glineni sto~i};
8) glinena konstrukcija `rvwa; 9) kamene radne povr{ine (palete`rvwevi); 10) grupe keramike na podu ku}e;
11) grupa tegova za razboj; 12a) isto~na glava; 12b) zapadna glava; 12c) ju`na glava; 13) jama 1; 14) jama 2;
15) ju`ni lep; 16) zdela sa protomama
Fig. 4. Plan of house 1/2010, CrkvineStubline, left plan of house, right orthogonal projection:
1) wall; 2) post holes; 3) floor; 4) oven 1; 5) oven 2; 6) storage container; 7) small clay table;
8) clay millstone structure; 9) stone work-surfaces (slabs of millstones); 10) groups of pottery on the house floor;
11) group of loom weights; 12a) eastern head; 12b) western head; 12c) southern head; 13) pit 1; 14) pit 2;
15) southern daub; 16) bowl with protoma
oblasti Kosova i Metohije i ju`nog Pomoravqa.36 vin~anskoj kulturi. U isto vreme, zdele sa protoma-
Hronolo{ki i teritorijalno se razlikuju ~ak i ma se gotovo ne mewaju ni hronolo{ki ni regional-
dimenzije `rtvenika i figurina.37 Za figuralnu no. [ematizovane, antropomorfne i zoomorfne
plastiku i `rtvenike se tako|e ~esto navodi da po- predstave na protomama se pojavquju i u ranoj i u
stoji jasna tendencija u opadawu kvaliteta izrade, poznoj Vin~i, a oblik zdela i oskudna ornamenti-
{ematizaciji i hibridizaciji predstava u poznoj ka su tako|e veoma postojani. Jedinu specifi~nost
192
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
bi mogla predstavqati hronolo{ka osetqivost dva to da su za gradwu zidova bile kori{}ene {iroke
izdvojena tipa zdela sa protomama. Zdele sa osam, tesane talpe, a ne uobi~ajeni pleter; iznad sever-
odnosno ~etiri para protoma nisu poznate u rani- nog dela ku}e uo~eni su tragovi koji ukazuju da je
jim horizontima Vin~e i, kako se ~ini na osnovu ona imala i gorwi eta` odnosno potkrovnu kon-
sada{we evidencije, one predstavqaju odliku po- strukciju; supstrukcija masivne podnice gra|ena
znije vin~anske kulture. Istovremeno, zdele sa je od delova zidova ranije izgorelih ku}a; u ku}i su
~etiri protome su prisutne tokom celog trajawa se nalazile dve velike pe}i kao i obiqe pokretnog
vin~anske kulture. U nastavku }e biti pokazano da materijala. Izme|u pe}i 1 i zapadnog zida ku}e,
pojava zdela sa ~etiri uparene protome ne mora unutar mno{tva ulomaka velikih skladi{nih po-
biti samo naznaka promena u stilu i na~inu mode- suda (pitosa) koji su ~inili jednu grupu keramike
lovawa, ve} i signal neke markantnije promene so- (GK17), prona|ena je i zdela sa osam protoma (Sl.
ciokulturnog ili ideolo{kog diskursa. 4/16). Ona je bila okrenuta otvorom nadole i nala-
Najve}a razlika izme|u ostalih posebnih obli- zila se ispod masivnog sloja jako zape~enih ostata-
ka vin~anske keramike i zdela sa protomama bi ka ku}e, sa tragovima izgorelih greda i elemenata
ipak mogla da bude ona upotrebna. Tako se u reci- potkrovne konstrukcije. Izme|u zdele i podnice
pijentima `rtvenika ~esto nalaze tragovi paqewa nalazio se grumen amorfnog lepa, dok su se nepo-
ne~ega, dok zdele sa protomama nemaju nikakve sredno iznad i oko we nalazili veliki delovi trbu-
tragove upotrebe. S tim u vezi, `rtvenici su naj- ha pitosa (Sl. 5). Sama zdelica, kao i fragmenti
~e{}e tuma~eni kao recipijenti u kojima je paqe- pitosa uz koje se nalazila, imali su intenzivne
na neka materija koja je osloba|ala svetlost ili tragove sekundarnog gorewa. U neposrednoj blizi-
neki miris, {to su fizi~ko-hemijske analize i po- ni posude sa osam protoma nalazilo se jo{ nekoli-
tvrdile.38 Kontekstualne asocijacije sa ostalim ko predmeta ~ija bi se pretpostavqena namena mo-
klasama predmeta i praksom deponovawa su sli~- gla, u naj{irem smislu, opredeliti kao kultna. Na
ne i ukazuju na neku vrstu ritualne aktivnosti. oko 0,8 m severno od posude sa osam protoma, tako-
Analiza grupe posuda sa tzv. Hajd vazom i grupe sa |e zatrpana ulomcima iste grupe pitosa (GK17),
antropomorfnom posudom sa Vin~e donela je zna- nalazila se loptasta posuda na tri kratke noge, a na
~ajne rezultate koji govore u prilog ritualnog ka- oko 1 m isto~no prona|ena je bikoni~na zdelica
raktera obe grupe posuda.39 Hajd vaza je prona|ena sli~ne zapremine kao i zdela sa osam protoma. Pri
sa deset, u celosti o~uvanih, posuda u plitkoj ja- tome svakako treba imati u vidu i nalaze dva bu-
mi, dok je antropomorfna posuda, zajedno sa jo{ 11 kraniona koji su se nalazili na stubovima ispred
posuda, dva prosopomorfna poklopca, 16 minija- pe}i 1.44 O eventualnim me|usobnim vezama ovih
turnih posuda i amforom sa dve predstave lica, predmeta bi}e vi{e re~i u nastavku, a za sada tre-
prona|ena u jednom nadzemnom objektu.40 Kona~na ba podvu}i da su nalazi zdela sa osam protoma sa
interpretacija vrste i karaktera rituala u kojima Vin~e i Stublina bili deo nekog ve}eg seta posu-
su kori{}ene antropomorfna posuda i Hajd vaza je da ili drugih oblika materijalne kulture, kao {to
nemogu}a, ali je i sama ~iwenica da su posude bile je to slu~aj i sa opisanim kontekstima nalaza Hajd
namewene svakodnevnoj upotrebi i da su kori{}e- vaze i antropomorfne posude iz Vin~e. Dodatnu
ne i/ili deponovane zajedno sa posebnim oblicima
veoma va`an pokazateq. Va`nim se ~ini i podatak
da u objektu u kojem je prona|ena grupa sa antropo- 36 Tasi} 1957.
morfnom posudom nije postojala pe}.41 Na istom 37 Galovi} 1966.
lokalitetu, jedan vek kasnije, u objektu u kojem ta- 38 Marangou, Stern 2008.
ko|e nije bilo pe}i prona|en je ritualni set sa 39 Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008.
zdelom sa ~etiri para protoma.42 40 Za Hajd vazu vidi: Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008, 5158, Fig. 5;
Uslovi nalaza zdele sa osam protoma sa Stu- za grupu sa antropomorfnom posudom vidi: Nikoli}, Vukovi}
2008, 5864, Fig. 8.
blina su naizgled potpuno druga~iji.43 Zdela je pro- 41 Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008, 58, 60.
na|ena u ku}i 1/2010, dimenzija 13,10 m h 5,10 m, 42 Tasi} 2007, 206207.
koja se nalazi na jugozapadnom delu centralne zone 43 Crnobrnja 2012b, 57.
naseqa. Ku}a je bila veoma solidno gra|ena. Malo- 44 Crnobrnja 2012b, 5859, Fig. 16, 17, 20; Spasi} 2012a,
brojni o~uvani delovi zidnih platana upu}uju na 300, 301, Fig. 11/1, 2.
193
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
analogiju u obi~aju deponovawa tih posuda vidimo vih namena samo su slu~ajno zaostali materijalni
i u praksi postavqawa sudova obodom ka dole, {to ostaci koji su slu`ili u procesu artikulacije
je slu~aj sa zdelom sa osam protoma sa Stublina ali kompleksnih verovawa, radwi i mi{qewa. Ako raz-
i s antropomorfnom posudom sa Vin~e.45 Jedina mi{qamo na taj na~in, asocijacije bi se mogle
zdela sa protomama bez analogije u praksi depono- tra`iti i u nagove{tajima obrazaca pona{awa i
vawa je nalaz iz groba 12 sa Gomolave.46 mi{qewa qudi toga vremena. Interesantan isko-
Simboli~ki aspekti zdela sa protomama i{~i- rak u tom smeru na~inili su P. Racki i A. Anders,
tavaju se iz wihove pojavnosti, vrste predstava na sagledavaju}i na~ine upotrebe prostora i delat-
obodu kao i iz wihove asocijacije sa ostalim ob- nosti koje su se odvijale u dva dela poznoneolit-
licima materijalne kulture sa markantnim sim- skog naseqa u Polgar ^o{halomu: rondelu okru-
boli~kim asocijacijama i zna~ewem. Udvojene fi- `enom rovovima i velikom ravnom nasequ unutar
guralne predstave na protomama imaju analogije u koga se rondel nalazio.49 Detaqnom analizom svih
konceptualizaciji parnih predstava i u drugim dostupnih podataka (artefakata, polo`aja i vrste
klasama materijala. Takav je slu~aj sa dvoglavim
antropomorfnim figurinama47 i posudom sa dva
plasti~no predstavqena lica.48
45 Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008, 60.
Me|utim, ako kao verovatnu uzmemo pretpostav-
46 Premala evidencija o nekropolama vin~anske kulture
ku da su posude sa protomama, kao i druge klase pred-
ograni~ava raspravu o praksi polagawa bilo kog oblika mate-
meta posebne namene (`rtvenici, prosopomorfni rijalne kulture u grobovima.
poklopci), svoju osnovnu namenu imale u okviru 47 Petrovi} i dr. 2009, 81.
kultne/obredne prakse, analogije ne bi trebalo tra- 48 Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008, Fig. 8/14.
194
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
objekata, `ivotiwskih kostiju), autori su do{li vin~anske kulture.54 Imaju}i u vidu ve} navedena
do zakqu~ka o postojawu vi{estrukih opozita iz- razmatrawa I. Hodera, P. Rackog i A. Anders, po-
me|u praksi koje su se odvijale u dva dela toga na- stojawe principa binarnih parova i u vin~anskoj
seqa u rondelu i ravnom nasequ: divqe/pitomo kulturi mo`emo smatrati o~ekivanim, a kada ih
(nalazi kostiju `ivotiwa), mu{ko/`ensko (prisu- najzad i prepoznajemo, mo`emo se zapitati i zbog
stvo i na~in sahrawivawa), radijalno/linearno ~ega nismo u mogu}nosti da taj princip prepozna-
(orijentacije ku}a), vertikalno/horizontalno mo i u vi{e sfera tada{weg `ivota. Mo`da bi i
(pravci obnavqawa ku}a), gore/dole (vertikalni suprotna orijentacija protoma na zdelama koje raz-
rast tela naspram postojawa jama i bunara), frag- matramo (ka unutra) i istovremenim `rtvenicima
mentarnost/celovitost (kerami~ki nalazi), luksu- (ka spoqa) tako|e mogla da bude jedna od manifesta-
zno/svakodnevno (kori{}ene sirovine, keramika). cija toga principa, i to ne samo u fizi~kom smislu
Na taj na~in je op{teprepoznat princip domus/ ve} i u sferi obi~aja, verovawa, mi{qewa?
agrios u evropskoj praistoriji50 dobio svoju punu Razmi{qawe o nameni zdela sa protomama je
potvrdu upravo u nasequ Polgar ^o{halom. te`ak zadatak sa neizvesnim i dalekim ishodom,
Sli~an princip parova binarnih opozita mo- ali bi se pritom neizostavno moralo istovremeno
`emo naslutiti i u vin~anskoj kulturi, a putokaz tragati i za namenom i smislom `rtvenika kao wi-
u tom smeru bio nam je i raspored posebnih predme- hovog opozita, kroz wihove fizi~ke i stilske ka-
ta unutar ku}e 1/2010 u Stublinama, u kojoj je pro- rakteristike kao i kontekste u kojima su nala`eni.
na|ena zdelica sa osam protoma. U neposrednoj Takav na~in razmi{qawa nosi veliku prednost,
blizini nalaza zdele sa protomama nalazila se ve- jer se slika o nameni predmeta dobija iz dva izvo-
lika pe}, ispred koje su prona|ena dva velika gli- ra: iz samoga razmatranoga predmeta i iz wegovog
nena modela bukraniona. Oba su le`ala na podu opozita, kroz ~iju drugost mo`emo sagledati i {ta
ku}e licem okrenuta nadole i nalazila su se po- razmatrani predmet nije da bismo dobili kom-
kraj predwih uglova pe}i. Gledano iz ugla posma- pleksnije saznawe o tome {ta je sve mogao biti.
tra~a, levi bukranion je sasvim sumarno modelovan Pri tome, sve vreme treba imati na umu da se
i kraj wega su prona|eni ostaci ro`ine gove~eta, zdele sa protomama pojavquju u veoma dugom vre-
dok je desni ne{to pa`qivije modelovan, sa jasno menskom rasponu i na veoma {irokoj teritoriji,
nazna~enim o~ima (u najosnovnijim crtama podse- kao i da je wihova pojavnost i u vremenskom i u
}a na likove vin~anskih figurina), i kraj wega su prostornom smislu jasno ograni~ena. One se mogu
otkriveni ostaci jelewih rogova. Ikonografski vezati, barem na osnovu do sada poznatih podataka,
obrasci sa dve razli~ite antropomorfne predsta- iskqu~ivo za pojavnost koju nazivamo vin~anskom
ve ili kombinacije antropomorfne i zoomorfne kulturom. Prisutne su ta~no onoliko koliko i sa-
predstave nisu nepoznanica u neolitu centralnog ma vin~anska kultura, pojavquju se kad i ona i za-
Balkana i okoline.51 Sli~ne predstave prisutne jedno sa wom i nestaju. Prve posude sa protomama
su na rekonstruisanom `rtveniku sa vin~anskog okrenutim ka unutra{wosti recipijenta javqaju
lokaliteta u Parci.52 Ponavqawe dva ikonograf- se gotovo sinhrono na samom po~etku vin~anske
ska obrasca udvajawa razli~itih vrsta predstava kulture, to jest poznog neolita Balkana, u sredi-
danas je vi{e nego evidentno. S jedne strane ima- {tu wenog areala (Vin~a i Grivac) ali i u krajwim,
mo nalaz dve za sada jedine cele, zdele sa ~etiri rubnim zonama (Roszke-Ludvar i Anza). Ve} na po-
para protoma okrenutih ka unutra{wosti posude ~etku pojave ovih posuda jasno je definisan obra-
(Vin~a i Stubline), dok, s druge strane, imamo kom- zac wihovog fizi~kog izgleda: koni~an profil i
poziciju od dva bukraniona (glave) koja simboli-
zuju dva opozitna principa (mu{ko/`ensko, divqe/
pitomo) i flankiraju kultni objekat (`rtvenik
50
u Parci i pe} u Stublinama53). Hodder 1990, 2092.
51 Cf. Gimbutas 1989, 121/86, 122/90, 229, 76, 77.
Prepoznavawe opozita divqe/pitomo ili mu-
52 Lazarovici, Lazarovici 2006, 314317.
{ko/`ensko u razli~itim parovima protoma na 53 O mogu}im kultnim aspektima koji su mogli biti vezani
posudi iz Vin~e kao i u kompozicijama bukranio- za pe}i u neolitskim ku}ama pisano je vi{e puta cf. Petro-
na iz Parce i Stublina, jedno je od prvih mesta na vi} 2000/2001; Naumov 2010, 230, 232.
kojima taj princip mo`emo prepoznati i u arealu 54 Cf. Spasi} 2012a, 305, 306.
195
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
ravan obod na kome se nalaze ~etiri naspramno ve}i stepen nepromenqivosti kanona, ve}i ~ak i
raspore|ene protome okrenute ka sredi{tu reci- od `rtvenika i prosopomorfnih poklopaca.55
pijenta. Taj obrazac osta}e jedinstven, uz kasniju Mo`emo li se usuditi da pretpostavimo kako
pojavu ~etiri para protoma, kroz ~itavo vreme i na pred sobom imamo jasno kanonizovan materijalni
~itavom prostoru na kome su bile u upotrebi. Na obrazac kroz koji se mo`e naslutiti i jasno defi-
Vin~i, eponimnom lokalitetu, mo`e se najkomplet- nisan na~in mi{qewa/verovawa jedne odre|ene po-
nije sagledati vremenski raspon u kome se javqa pulacije? Pojava ovih zdela je nejasna, prve posu-
ova vrsta posuda (Sl. 3). Hronolo{ki najmla|e po- de s takvim ikonografskim obrascem javqaju se u
jave ovih posuda prona|ene su u Vin~i, Crkvinama samoj Vin~i kao i na rubnim zonama vin~anske kul-
u Stublinama i na Gomolavi. Ovako dug period, od ture u okviru materijala drugih kulturnih gru-
gotovo 700 godina, u kome bez znatnijih izmena (iz- pa,56 ali wihov nagli nestanak, zajedno s nestan-
uzimaju}i stilske karakteristike samih protoma) kom vin~anske kulture, odnosno poznoneolitskog
opstaje jedan kompleksan igonografski obrazac, na~ina `ivota, ne treba da iznena|uje. Promena
ukazuje pre svega na dugove~an i nepromewen obra- koja dolazi sa napu{tawem posledwih vin~anskih
zac obi~aj/verovawe/obred koji se o~igledno mo`e naseqa nije samo promena koja se prime}uje u ma-
vezati iskqu~ivo za populacije unutar vin~anske terijalnoj kulturi ve}, i iznad svega, u promenama
kulture. dru{tvenog sistema i organizovawa zajednice.57
Obi~aji, verovawa i obredi koji ih prate pred- Korenite promene dru{tvenog ure|ewa sredinom
stavqaju osnovu identiteta i kohezioni faktor V milenijuma pre n. e. su o~igledno dovele i do
zajednica u svim epohama. Predmeti vezani za wih uru{avawa i nestanka mnogih temeqnih vrednosti
najsporije se mewaju i uporno zadr`avaju svoju prvo- tada{wih zajednica, pa i samog sistema verovawa
bitnu i osnovnu formu, ~esto je ne mewaju}i ~ak i i predawa, {to je rezultiralo i nestankom iz upo-
kada dolazi do izvesnih promena u praksama. Ovde je trebe zdela sa protomama, jedne od najpostojanijih
va`no ista}i da zdele sa protomama pokazuju naj- materijalnih manifestacija vin~anske kulture.
196
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Tabela 1. *Redni brojevi u tabeli odgovaraju rednim brojevima slika na prilo`enim tablama
Table 1. *Ordinal numbers in the table correspond to those of pictures presented in plates
197
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAFIJA:
Bailey, Cochrane, Zambelli 2010 D. Bailey, A. Gimbutas 1989 M. Gimbutas, The Goddesses
Cochrane, J. Zambeli, Unearthed: a comparative study and Gods of Old Europe, Berkeley Los Angeles 1989.
of Jmon Dog and Neolithic figurines, Norwich 2010. Dumitrescu 1980 V. Dumitrescu, The Neolithic
Bogdanovi} 1996 M. Bogdanovi}, Neolitska Settlement at Rast, BAR International Series 72, Oxford
naseqa u Grivcu, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{- 1980.
tva 11, 1996, 2740. Jovanovi} 1982 B. Jovanovi}, Rudna Glava: naj-
Bogdanovi} 2006 M. Bogdanovi}, Early Vin~a in starije rudarstvo bakra na centralnom Balkanu, Bor
Central Serbia, in: Vorgi} B., Brukner B. (eds.), Current Beograd 1982.
problems of the Transition Period: From Star~evo to Krsti} 1964 D. Krsti}, Neolitsko naseqe u
Vin~a Culture, Zrenjanin 2006, 179196. Vito{evcu kod Ra`wa, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja IV,
Bori} 2009 D. Bori}, Absolute Dating of Metal- 1964, 5163.
lurgical Innovations in the Vin~a Culture of the Balkans, Lazarovici, Lazarovici 2006 C. M. Lazarovici,
in: T. K. Kienlin, B. W. Roberts (eds.): Metals and G. Lazarovici, Arhitectura neoliticului si epocii cuprului
Societies: Studies in honour of Barbara S. Ottaway, din Romania I (Neoliticul), Iasi 2006.
Bonn 2009, 191245. Marangou, Stern 2008 C. Marangou, B. Stern,
Bulatovi}, Jovi} 2010 A. Bulatovi}, S. Jovi}, Neolithic zoomorphic vessels from Eastern Macedonia,
Leskovac: kulturna stratigrafija praistorijskih Greece: Issues of function, Archaeometry 51, 2008,
lokaliteta u leskova~koj regiji, Beograd Leskovac 397412.
2010. Naumov 2010 G. Naumov, Neolithic anthropo-
Bulatovi} i dr 2010 A. Bulatovi}, A. Kapu- centrism: the principles of imagery and symbolic mani-
ran, N. Strugar, Neolitski stratum na lokalitetu festation of corporeality in the Balkans, Documenta
Kormadin u Jakovu iskopavawa 2008. godine, Go- Praehistorica XXXVII, 2010, 227238.
di{wak grada Beograda LVII, 2010, 1142. Nikoli} 2004 D. Nikoli}, Kerami~ko posu|e, u:
Vukovi} 2013 J. Vukovi}, Fragmenti grn~arije Grivac: naselja protostar~eva~ke i vin~anske culture,
kao alatke u kasnoneolitskoj Vin~i, Starinar LXIII, (ur.) M. Bogdanovi}, Kragujevac 2004, 203315.
2013, 191207. Nikoli}, Vukovi} 2008 D. Nikoli}, J. Vukovi},
Galovi} 1966 R. Galovi}, The Monumental Pre- Vin~a ritual vessels: Archaeological context and possible
historic Clay Figures of the Middle Balkans, American meaning, Starinar LVIII, 2008, 5169.
Journal of Archaeology 70/4, 1966, 370371. Petrovi} 1984 J. Petrovi}, Gomolava: arheolo{ko
Gara{anin 1951 M. Gara{anin, Hronologija vin- nalazi{te, Ruma Novi Sad 1984.
~anske grupe, Ljubljana, 1951. Petrovi} 2001/2002 B. Petrovi}, Model pe}i
Gara{anin 1979 M. Gara{anin, Centralnobalkan- iz Progara, Godi{wak muzeja grada Beograda 47/48,
ska zona, u: Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja II, (ur.) 2001/2002, 1123.
A. Benac, Sarajevo 1979, 79212. Petrovi} i dr. 2009 B. Petrovi}, V. Kati},
Gara{anin, Gara{anin 1979 D. Gara{anin, M. Spasi}, @ivot u glini: neolitska umetnost na
M. Gara{anin, Supska Stublina praistorijsko tlu Beograda figuralna plastika iz zbirki Muzeja
naseqe vin~anske grupe, Beograd 1979. grada Beograda, Beograd 2009.
Gara{anin, Stankovi} 1985 M. Gara{anin, Peri} 2006 S. Peri}, The Gradac Period in the
S. Stankovi}, Razrada tipologije vin~anske grupe: Neolithic Settlements in the Middle Morava
prilog jedinstvenoj arheolo{koj dokumentaciji, Valey, in: Homage to Milutin Gara{anin, (eds.) N.
Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 2, 1985, 1030. Tasi}, C. Grozdanov, Belgrade 2006, 235251.
Ga~i} 1990 \. Ga~i}, Novi rezultati istra`i- Por~i} 2012 M. Por~i}, De facto refuse or struc-
vawa lokaliteta Laka Staza kod Sremskih Karlovaca, tured deposition, Starinar LXII, 2012, 1943.
Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 6, 2010, 7376. Raczky, Anders 2010 P. Raczky, A. Anders, Activity
Gimbutas 1974 M. Gimbutas, Anza, ca. 65005000 loci and data for spatial division at a Late Neolithic site-
B.C.: A Cultural Yardstick for the Study of Neolithic complex (Polgr-Csoszhalom: a case study), in: Leben auf
Southeast Europe, Journal of Field Archaeology Vol. 1, dem Tell als soziale Praxis, (ed.) S. Hansen, Kolloquien
No 1/2, 1974, 2666. zur Vor- und Frhgeschichte 14, Bonn 2010, 143163.
198
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Simi}, Crnobrwa 2008 Z. Simi}, A. Crnobrwa, Todorovi} 1967 J. Todorovi}, Crkvine, Stubline,
Sonda`no iskopavawe lokaliteta Crkvine u selu Obrenovac naselje vin~anske grupe, Arheolo{ki pregled
Stubline, Arheolo{ki pregled n.s. 4, 2008, 4446. 9, 1967, 1718.
Spasi} 2012a M. Spasi}, Cattle to settle bull to Trbuhovi}, Vasiqevi} 1983 V. Trbuhovi},
rule: on bovine iconography among Late Neolithic Vin~a M. Vasiqevi}, Najstarije zemqoradni~ke kulture
culture communities, Documenta Praehistorica XXXIX, u Podriwu, [abac 1983.
2012, 285309. Hodder 1990 I. Hodder, The domestication of
Spasi} 2012b M. Spasi}, Metahousing: Neolithic Europe, Oxford, Cambridge 1990.
and Modern Dwelling in Belgrade, Belgrade 2012. Crnobrnja 2012a A. Crnobrnja, Group identities
Stalio 1972 B. Stalio, Gradac: praistorijsko in the Central Balkan Late Neolithic, Documenta
naseqe, Beograd 1972. Praehistorica XXXIX, 2012, 155165.
Stankovi} 1986 S. Stankovi}, @rtvenici i proso- Crnobrnja 2012b A. Crnobrnja, Investigations
pomorfni poklopci iz Vin~e, Beograd 1986. of Late Vin~a House 1/2010 at Crkvine in Stubline,
Stoji}, Joci} 2006 M. Stoji}, M. Joci}, Ni{ Starinar n.s. LXII, 2012, 4564.
kulturna stratigrafija praistorijskih lokali- Crnobrnja, in press A. Crnobrnja, The (E)neo-
teta u ni{koj regiji, Beograd Ni{ 2006. lithic settlement Crkvine at Stubline, Serbia, in: The
Stoji}, Cerovi} 2011 M. Stoji}, M. Cerovi}, Transition from the Neolithic to the Eneolithic in Central
[abac kulturna stratigrafija praistorijskih and South-Eastern Europe in the Light of Recent Re-
lokaliteta u Podriwu, Beograd [abac 2011. search, Prhistorische Archologie Sdosteuropas,
Tasi} 1957 N. Tasi}, Zavr{na istra`ivanja na pra- (eds.) W. Schier, F. Drasovean.
istorijskom naselju kod Vala~a, Glasnik muzeja Kosova Crnobrnja et al. 2010 A. Crnobrnja, Z. Simi},
i Metohije IVV, 1957, 1177. M. Jankovi}, Late Vin~a Culture Settlement at Crkvine
Tasi} 1973 N. Tasi}, Neolitska plastika, Beograd in Stubline: Household organization and urbanization in
1973. the Late Vin~a culture period, Starinar n.s. LIX, 2010,
Tasi} 2007 N. N. Tasi}, Ritual Pottery Set from 925.
Vin~a, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 23, 2007, Chapman 1981 J. Chapman, The Vin~a Culture
203210. of South East Europe, Oxford, 1981.
Tasi}, Tomi} 1969 N. Tasi}, E. Tomi}, Crnokala~ka
bara: naselje star~eva~ke i vin~anske kulture, Kru{evac
Beograd 1969.
199
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Key words. Bowls with protoma, Neolithic, Vin~a culture, Stubline, iconographic patterns, oppositional structures.
Bowls with protoma represent one of several tens of types of and their usage lasts for exactly the same time as the Vin~a culture
Vin~a vessels made of baked clay which have been published as itself, appearing at the same time and together disappearing. The
finds excavated at Vin~a sites for more than a century. We are first vessels with their protoma facing the inside, appear almost
dealing here with bowls of a markedly conical profile, with synchronously at the very beginning of the Vin~a culture, that is
angled and slightly rounded walls and with a flat or slightly the Late Neolithic of the Balkans, in the centre of its area (Vin~a
annular bottom. In most cases these bowls are not decorated, and Grivac), but also in its furthermost peripheral areas (Rszke-
with the exception of the rare finds decorated by fluting, engra- Ldvr and Anza).
ving and polishing. Their most significant peculiarity is the Such a long period of almost 700 hundred years, in which
presence of four or eight protoma on the rim, facing the inside one complex iconographic pattern survives without any signifi-
of the vessel. Taking into consideration all stylistic-typological cant changes (with the exception of the stylistic characteristics
characteristics, it is possible to divide them into two coherent of the protoma themselves), primarily points to a long-standing
categories of finds. The first consists of bowls with four oppo- and unchanged custom/belief/ritual that can evidently be asso-
sitely placed protoma. Within this group it is possible to single ciated solely with the communities within the Vin~a culture. It
out two subtypes, bowls with all four as anthropomorphic (Pl. is important to highlight the fact that bowls with protoma show
I/6, 7; Pl. III/34) or all four as zoomorphic representations (Pl. canonic consistency to the utmost degree, even more so than
I/5, 8, 9; Pl. III/33, 36). Bowls with eight protoma have actual- the concurrent sacrificial alters and prosopomorphic lids. Dare
ly got four pairs of oppositely placed representations. It was pos- we assume, on the basis of all that has been said, that in front of
sible to discern two subtypes based on the objects that were us we have a clearly canonised material pattern through which
completely preserved. The first subtype includes a bowl from a clearly defined way of thinking/beliefs of one distinct com-
the so-called Vin~a ritual set, with two pairs of zoomorphic and munity can be sensed? Their abrupt disappearance, together with
two pairs of anthropomorphic protoma, both oppositely placed the disappearance of the Vin~a culture, that is to say the Late
(Pl. I/3). The second subtype includes a bowl from house 1/2010 Neolithic way of living, should not be surprising. The change
from Stubline with four identical, paired, totally stylised and that comes along with the abandonment of the last Vin~a settle-
schematised representations, whose identification is impossible ments is not only perceptible in the material culture, but also,
(Fig. 1; Pl. I/1). Taking into consideration the metric and techno- and above all, in the social system and the organisation of the
logical data, the thesis that seems most possible is that the bowls community. Fundamental changes in the social structure in the
with protoma served for the consumption of or the storing/dis- middle of the 5th millennium BC, evidently led to the downfall
playing of the content during some quite specific activities. Bowls and disappearance of many deep-rooted values of the commu-
with protoma appear in almost all regions of the central Balkans nities of that time, as well as the very system of beliefs and sagas.
populated by Vin~a culture communities and we do not note them This resulted in the disappearance of the vessels with protomas
in the areas of the neighbouring Late Neolithic communities. utilisation, one of the most steadfast material manifestations of
These bowls appear in a very long and clearly defined time span the Vin~a culture.
200
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2 3
4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11
12 13 14
15 16 17
Tabla I 12) Crkvine, Stubline; 313) Belo Brdo, Vin~a; 14) Gomolava; 1517) Jela, Benska bara
Plate I 12) Crkvine, Stubline; 313) Belo Brdo, Vin~a; 14) Gomolava; 1517) Jela, Benska Bara
201
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
18 19 20
21 22
23 24 25 26
27 28 29
Tabla II 1820) Jela, Benska bara; 21) Gradu{tina, Beqin; 2224) Kormadin, Jakovo; 25) Kalemegdan;
26) Kara{, Sremski Karlovci; 27) Stublina, Supska; 28, 29) Grivac
Plate II 1820) Jela, Benska Bara; 21) Gradu{tina, Beljin; 2224) Kormadin, Jakovo; 25) Kalemegdan;
26) Kara{, Sremski Karlovci; 27) Stublina, Supska; 28, 29) Grivac
202
SPASI], CRNOBRWA, Vin~anske zdele sa protomama (185203) STARINAR LXIV/2014
30 31 32 33
34 35
36 37
Tabla III 30) Gradac; 31) Vito{evac; 32) Crnokala~ka bara; 33) Radaj~e;
3436) Rast; 37) Anza
Plate III 30) Gradac; 31) Vito{evac; 32) Crnokala~ka Bara; 33) Radaj~e;
3436) Rast; 37) Anza
203
RASTKO VASI]
Archaeologisches Institut, Belgrad
Abstract. Der Autor betrachtet neue Bronzefunde, Sicheln, Fibeln, Nadeln und Halsringe aus dem Zentralbalkan,
die seit der Publikation von vier PBF- Bnden zu diesen Themen bekannt geworden sind. Er stellt fest, dass sie gro{teils
mit den vorigen Zuordnungen nach Typen und Varianten korrespondieren, anders gesagt, dass die Reihe
Prhistorische Bronzefunde (PBF) ein sehr ntzliches Instrument fr das Studium der Metallzeiten ist.
N
ach etwa 30 Jahren einer intensiven und erfol- den ist. Grossenteils sind diese Stcke schon bekannte
greichen Zusammenarbeit mit den entgegen- Formen, die den vorher festgestellten Zuordnungen zu
kommenden und liebenswrdigen Kollegen Typen, Varianten und einzigartigen Stcken entsprechen
in Frankfurt und Mnster bin ich als Betroffener nicht im und das Mosaikspiel komplettieren. Manchmal kommen
Stand, ein objektives Bild ber das PBF-Unternehmen aber auch unerwartete Formen zum Vorschein, die
zu zeichnen, dennoch darf ich wenigstens sagen, dass Probleme bei der engltigen Lsung machen knnten.
diese Reihe der Prhistorischen Bronzefunde ein wichti- Was ist dann zu tun? Einen Anhang zu schaffen, ist
ges archologisches Monument ist. Ohne die fast 200 sicher nicht sinnvoll, weil in der Zwischenzeit bis zu
Bnde wrde eine ziemlich gro{e Lcke in unseren dessen Druck wiederum neues Material erscheinen
Kentnissen zur europischen Bronzezeit bestehen. wird. Und so weiter
Es gibt aber ein Problem. Im Moment des Auch im Zentralbalkan wurden in den letzten
Erscheinens eines Bandes mit dem typologisch, chro- Jahren neue und interessante Funde gemacht, die hier
nologisch und geographisch eingeordneten Fundstoff dem bisher publizierten Material in den vorhandenen
gibt es bereits nach den Phasen einer mhsamen und zentralbalkanischen PBF-Bnden zugeordnet werden
jahrelangen Arbeit, nach der Abgabe des Manuskripts sollen. Es gilt, den Stand der Forschung in diesem Feld
und der Recherchen eines Redakteurs oder einer zu ergnzen. Ich prsentiere diesen Beitrag, der kein
Redakteurin, nach den Manuskriptkorrekturen und Katalog sondern mehr ein Kommentar zum Thema ist.
dem Druck neues Material, das ausgegraben oder in Es ist mit bewusst, dass das keine Lsung des Problems
Museumsdepots und Privatsammlungen entdeckt wor- sondern nur der Versuch ist, wenigstens etwas zu tun.
* Die Arbeit resultiert aus dem Projekt: Archologie Serbiens: Kulturidentitt, Integrationsfaktoren, technologische Prozesse und die Rolle des
Mittelbalkans in der Entwicklung europischer Vorgeschichte (Nr. OI 177020), des Ministeriums fr Bildung, Wissenschaft und Technologische
Entwicklung der Republik Serbien.
205
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
3 4
206
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
sowie in Novi Itebej bei Zrenjanin im Banat (Abb. 1/3) Lofknd), die ins 9. Jahrhundert datieren23 und ohne
entdeckt worden sind.8 Sie reprsentieren einigermassen weiteres in irgendeiner Verbindung mit unserem Stck
die lokale Fazies mit mittlerer Rippe, die bisher aus stehen. Aufgrund der halbrunden Fussplatte und des
Klenje und Nova Bingula9 bekannt war. Das Stuck von Bogenquerschnittes ist sie auch mit den zweischleifigen
Kon~ulj strkt die vermutete Route nach Makedonien Fibeln mit rundem Fuss verbunden, die in Sdserbien
bis zum Stck aus das Kilindir (Kalandiani). und Makedonien etwas spter verbreitet waren24.
Hinzu kommen Zungensicheln aus der Umgebung Neulich gab es eine zufllige Entdeckung einer solchen
von Zemun (Uioara 2)10, Aradac (Uioara 2)11 und Bor- Fibel an der westlichen Morava bei dem Dorfes [anac,
djo{, Novi Be~ej (Uioara 3)12. Zusammen mit den bei Kru{evac25. Sie indiziert, dass dieser Typ bis Zentral-
Zungensicheln aus den oben erwhnten Depots zeigen serbien vorgedrungen war. Eine zweischleifige Fibel
sie, dass die Typen Uioara 1 und 2 die zahlreichsten sind. mit beschdigtem blechfrmigen Fu{ von Gorno Pole
Das stimmt mit den vorigen Ergebnissen berein. bei [tip ist mglicherweise, wie schon vermutet, als eine
Am Ende eine Korrektur: im Depot von Banatska lokale Variante in diesem Fibelkreis entstanden.26
Topola wurden auch zwei Sichelschneiden gefunden Ein eisernes Stck mit dreieckiger Fu{platte und
(Abb. 1/4). Ich habe im Buch irrtmlich das Depot als glattem Bgel wurde zufllig auf Crni vrh neben Jago-
sichellos notiert13. dina (Abb. 2/4)27 und ein anderes aus Bronze in Moj-
sinje ausser Grber endeckt28. Zwei eiserne Fibeln mit
engen dreieckigen Fussplatten wurden im Grberfeld in
FIBELN ^itluk bei Sokobanja gefunden, zusammen mit Kala-
ka~a-Keramik, und datieren auch sptenstens ins 8 Jahr-
Nach der Publikation des Bandes Die Fibeln im hundert v. Chr.29 Nennenswert ist ein Lesefund aus
Zentralbalkan (PBF XIV,12) wurden viele neue Funde Ostserbien mit etwa 300 eisernen Gegenstnden,
mit Fibeln, einem der wichtigsten Typen fr das Stu- darunter einer Anzahl eiserner zweischleifiger Bogen-
dium der Chronologie des Arbeitsgebietes, entdeckt. fibeln mit glattem Bgel und dreieckigem Fu{ und
Meistens handelt es sich um schon bekannte Formen, doppelkonischen Knoten auf dem Bgel und solche
doch erscheinen auch neue Varianten. Auch neue Ken-
ntnisse ber die Verbreitung einiger Typen lieferten
wichtige Indizien.
8 Unpubliziert, ich danke Frau Sne`ana Marinkovi} fr die
Eine Anzahl der sptbronzezeitlichen Typen kommt
Mglichkeit die Sichel hier zu verffentlichen.
zum Vorschein, so ein Unterradl-Stck aus der Umge- 9 Vasi} 1994, Nr. 4547.
bung von Zemun (Abb. 2/1)14 und zwei oder drei 10 Najhold 2010, 41, Sl. 04.
Posamenteriefibeln von Se~anj, vielleicht von der gle- 11 Slg. J. Bakalov, Zrenjanin. Unpubliziert.
wie die schon entdeckten Exemplare16. Mglicherweise 13 Vasi} 1994, 62, Taf. 36B.
14 Najhold 2010, 50, Sl. 42. Ich danke Herrn Branko Najhold
handelt es sich hier um Funde aus einem zerstrten
Grberfeld und nicht aus einem Depot. fr alle Fotos aus seiner Sammlung.
15 Stoji} 2006, 24, Sl. 17, 18.
Brillenfibeln sind auch zu erwhnen, so eine Fibel- 16 Vasi} 1999, Nr. 92, 93.
hlfte mit Achterschleife aus [etonje in Ostserbien17 17 Stoji}, Jacanovi} 2008, 281, Sl. 151; T. CXX, 11.
und eine komplette Fibel aus Sdmakedonien18. Ohne 18 Videski 2003, Br. 191.
Achterschleife, meistens kleineren Formats gibt es sie 19 Nikitovi}, Stoji}, Vasi} 2002, T. XII, 92.
aus Mojsinje bei ^a~ak19 und Lisi~in Dol, Marvinci20. 20 Videski 2003, Br. 291, 292.
Beide Fundorte gehren etwa dem 6. Jahrhundert v. 21 Vgl. Vasi} 1999, 48 ff.
22 Nikitovi}, Stoji}, Vasi} 2002 T. III, 1; XVI, 141.
Chr. an.
23 Papadopulos 2010, 233252. I danke Frau Daniela Heilmann
Viele neue zweischleifige Bogenfibeln wurden
fur den Nachweis.
inzwischen in ganz Serbien entdeckt21. Die grosse 24 Vasi} 1999, 5455.
zweischleifige eiserne Fibel mit halbrundem Fu{ aus 25 Unpubliziert. Feundliche Mitteilung Gordana ^a|enovi}.
Mojsinje (Abb. 2/3)22 ist in einem Grab mit Kalaka~a- 26 Sanev 1999, 64, Sl. 1; Videski 2003, Br. 175.
Keramik gefunden worden, gehrt also sptestens dem 27 Unpubliziert. Freundliche Mitteilung Milorad Stoji}.
Anfang des 8 Jahrhunderts v. Chr. an. Sie hat Parallelen 28 Nikitovi}, Stoji}, Vasi} 2002, T. XII, 91.
in Albanien und im Sdwesten Griechenlands (Typ 29 Stoji}, Vasi} 2005, 178, Sl. 2.
207
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
mit sanduhrfrmigem Fuss30. Der letzte Typ ist auch in identifiziert hatte49. In Makedonien ist die Nekropole
Davidovac bei Bujanovac aus Bronze entdeckt wor- von Lisi~in Dol bei Marvinci besonders wichtig, wo
den31, whrend in Rusce in der gleichen Gegend eine viele einschleifige Fibeln vom Typ Marvinci gefunden
zweischleifige Fibel mit gerippten Bgel aus Bronze wurden50, darunter auch eine einschleifige Fibel mit
und eine zweischleifige Fibel mit drei kugeligen asymetrischem Fu{51. Einige Exemplare stammen auch
Knoten und eiserner Nadel gefunden worden war32. aus unbekannten Lokalitten in Sdmakedonien52.
Eine Fibel mit vierkugeligem Knoten aus Bronze und Auch neue Stcke vom Typ Novi Pazar sind aus
Eisen kam als Einzelfund aus Gradi{te, Praskov~e bei Zemun (Abb. 3/4)53, aus Serbien54, aus Nikinci55 und
Kru{evac33 zu Tage. aus Velika Krsna56 aufgetreten. Beschdigte Fibeln aus
Eine einschleifige Fibel mit drei Bgelknoten kam der Lokalitt Mihajlov Ponor bei dem Dorf Miro~ in
aus Leskovac bei Zaje~ar (Abb. 2/5)34. Ostserbien gehren auch zu diesem Typ57. Ein neues
Der sehr verbreitete zweischleifige Fibeltyp mit Exemplar des Typs mit rechtwinkligem Novi Pazar-Fu{
dem Fu{ in der Form eines Botischen Schildes kam und Scharnierkopf wurde in Hisar bei Leskovac (Abb.
neulich aus Zemun (Abb. 2/6) in Syrmien35, aus Beranje 3/5) entdeckt58. Die Form ist schon aus Gu~a, Lok.
bei Po`arevac (Fibelbgel)36 in Ostserbien, aus Veliki
Trnovac bei Bujanovac37 (Fu{platte) in Sdserbien und
aus Marvinci38 in Sdmakedonien zum Vorschein. Zu
30 Vgl. Vasi} 2010, 40, Nr. 196.
bemerken ist, dass es in Sudwestserbien, im Kosovo und 31 Bulatovi} 2007, 168, T. XLII, 2.
in Metohija diese Fibeln noch nicht entdeckt worden 32 Ibid., 239, T. LXXII, 11, 12.
sind. Sie sind eine sehr populre Form und knnen 33 ^a|enovi} 2007, 7, T. 7, 3.
deshalb zur Antwort auf gewisse kulturelle und auch 34 Unpubliziert, PrivatSlg. Freundliche Mitteilung Milorad
ethnische Fragen herangezogen werden. Zweischleifige Stoji}. Vgl. Vasi} 1999, 4647.
35 Najhold 2010, 51, Sl. 44.
Fibeln mit viereckiger durchlochten Fu{platte, eine
36 Stoji}, Jacanovi} 2008, 73, T. IV, 4.
ganz typische Glasinacform, die sich aus den Fibeln mit
37 Bulatovi} 2007, 171, T. XLIV, 5.
Schildfu{ entwickelte, wurden im Arbeitsgebiet bisher
38 Videski 1999, T. II, 2; ders., 2003, Br. 271.
nur aus Ra`ana bekannt39. Jetzt sind sie auch in Moj- 39 Vasi} 1999, 71.
sinje40 in der Gegend von ^a~ak entdeckt worden. 40 Nikitovi}, Stoji}, Vasi} 2002, 31, T. V, 2.
Auch neue einschleifige Glasinac-Fibeln mit ver- 41 Vasi} 1999, 8998.
schiedenen Bogenformen und dreieckigen oder trape- 42 Vasi} 2004, 24, Fig. 5.
zoiden F{en sind im Arbeitsgebiet gefunden worden41, 43 Nikitovi}, Stoji}, Vasi} 2002, T. V, 3; XIV, 173.
sie sprechen fr einen Einfluss der Glasinac-Kultur auf 44 Blago Narodnog muzeja. Istra`ivanja 20022012, ^a~ak
Serbien im 6. und 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr. Das Stck von 2012, 18, Br. 25.
45 ^a|enovi} 2011, 37 T. XVI, 5.
Cernica bei Gnjilane (Abb. 2/7) im Kosovo ist eine nahe
46 Unpubliziert, PrivatSlg. Freundliche Mittelung Milorad
Variante dieser Fibeln mit kahnfrmigem Bgel42, sie
Stoji}.
wurde wahrscheinlich in einer lokalen Werkstatt gefer- 47 Unpubliziert, PrivatSlg. Freundliche Mitteilung Milorad
tigt. Es ist wichtig zu erwhnen, dass diese Fibelart, und Stoji}.
zwar jene mit Verdickungen auf dem Bgel, neulich 48 Das Foto aus der Dokumentation des Museum in Pri{tina,
Einschleifige Fibeln mit rechtwinkligem Fu{ vom 54 Unpubliziert, Narodni muzej, Beograd. Freundliche Mittei-
einschleifige Glasinac-Fibeln mit dreieckigem Fu{ 58 Stoji} 2007, Fig. 30, 31.
208
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
3 4
5 6
7 8
209
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
3 4
5 6
8 9
210
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
Grotnica bekannt (Abb. 3/6)59, aber nach der Ausfhrung Ko~ani69) und mit zwei Gliedern sind bekannt geworden
bestimmter Einzelheiten stammen die zwei Stcke (Zemun Abb. 3/970, Kr{evica71). Diese letztgenannte
nicht aus der gleichen Werkstatt. Wahrschenlich war Variante, die meistens im Westmakedonien, in der
die Form nicht sehr beliebt, sie wurde einzeln in ver- Umgebung von Prilep gefunden worden war, ist jetzt
schiedenen Werksttten unabhngig von einander nrdlich von der Save und Donau wie auch in
hergestellt. Sdserbien vertreten. Es ist zu vermuten, dass diese
Ein neuer Fibeltyp wurde aus Marvinci, Fundstelle
Lisi~in dol, bekannt die Fibel mit einem achter-
schleifigen Bgel, die nach den Beifunden im Grab ins 59 Vasi} 1999, Nr. 656.
6. Jahrhundert. v.Chr. datiert werden kann60. 60 Videski 1999 T. II, 5; 2003 Sl. 277.
Einige Certosa- und Armbrustfibeln sind auch ent- 61 Najhold 2010, Sl. 50.
deckt in Zemun (Abb. 3/7) worden61, ein Grab mit 62 Koledin 2012, 108, Sl. 1, a.b.
zwei solchen Fibeln aus Belnja~a bei [id62 soll man 63 Vgl. Vasi} 1999, Nr. 827834. Zwei Fibeln von Katlanovo
besonders erwhnen. Die Certosafibeln aus der Nekro- sind inzwischen publiziert, vgl. Ristov 1999, T. II, 9, 10.
64 Medovi} 2007, 1019; T. III, 47; V, 25.
pole Stubarlija bei Mo{orin63 sind inzwischen pub- 65 Vgl. Vasi} 1999, 102117.
liziert worden64. 66 Vasi} 2006, 121, Fig. 1.
Scharnierfibeln kommen auch in grosser Zahl vor 67 Popovi} 2012, 94, Br. 114,
und zwar alle Varianten65. Jene mit fnf Ziergliedern 68 Bulatovi} 2007, 268, T. XXXIII, 47.
am Bgel sind die zahlreichsten (Ni{ 66, Kr{evica67, 69 Atanasova, Karpuzova 2006, 117, Sl. 2.
Oraovica aus Silber 68, Zemun Abb. 3/8), aber auch 70 Najhold 2010, Sl. 49.
Fibeln mit drei Gliedern (Pilovo, Dorf Bur~ilovo bei 71 Popovi} 2012, Sl. 94, Br. 113.
211
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 4
3 2 5 6
Abb. 5. Nadeln: 1) Kaludjerske livade; 2) Crljenac, Glavica; 3) Aradac, Orbara; 46) Zemun, Umgebung
Sl. 5. Igle: 1) Kalu|erske livade; 2) Crqenac, Glavica; 3) Aradac, Orbara; 46) Zemun, okolina
Stcke aus Westmakedonien im Norden importiert kamen zum Vorschein, z.B. eine Petschaftkopfnadel
wurden. Schlie{lich ist eine neue Variante der Scharnier- mit geripptem Hals aus Kalu|erske livade bei Sur~in
fibeln in Syrmien entdeckt worden, die Variante (Abb. 5/1)73, sie stammt aus einem Grab, das ich nicht
Nikinci, nach demselben Fundort benannt (Abb. vorher zu publizieren bekommen habe. Es gehrt in die
4/13)72, die gro{ und reich verziert und aus Gold und spte Phase der Mittelbronzezeit (BzC). Etwa gleich-
Silber gefertigt wurde.Am wahrscheinlichsten ist sie zeitig ist eine typische Petschatkopfnadel aus Crljenac,
eine Fazies lokaler Werksttten. Sie datiert in die Zeit Fundstelle Glavica, bei Po`arevac (Abb. 5/2)74, die
vor dem Einfall der Kelten. Zusammen mit der Variante das Auftreten dieses Typs auch in Ostserbien besttigt.
^urug stellt sie verschiedene Produkte lokaler Werk- Ein wenig spter ist ein Einzelfund aus Orbara bei
sttten fr Scharnierfibeln im 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. dar. Aradac im Banat (Abb. 5/3)75. Die Nadel hat einen
NADELN 72 Vasi} 2005, 67, Sl. 15; Ru{evljan, Jevti} 2006, 291293,
Fig. 4.
Neue Nadelfunde, als Ergnzung zum Band Die 73 Petrovi} 2006, 100, T. XXXV, 4; 57.
Nadeln im Zentralbalkan (PBF XIII,13), sind nicht so 74 Stoji}, Jacanovi} 2008, 77, T. VII, 1.
zahlreich wie die Fibeln. Einige bronzezeitliche Stcke 75 Slg. J. Bakalov, Zrenjanin. Unpubliziert.
212
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1 2
typischen bikonischen Kopf, doch die Verdickung um sind nicht so zahlreich. Eine Doppelnadel mit akzen-
den Hals ist mit vertikalen Einritzungen, nicht hori- tuierten Schultern (Typ IIa) aus Zlotska Pe}ina90 kann
zontalen, verziert, was im Arbeitsgebiet selten geschieht. noch dem 6. Jahrhundert angehren. Gleichzeitig ist eine
Aus der Sptbronzezeit sind eine Nadel mit bikonischem Doppelnadel mit zweischleifigem Kopf und Knoten
Kopf und eine Keulenkopfnadel, die in einem zer- (Typ IIIb) aus Sdmakedonien91, wobei zwei Doppel-
strten Hgel bei Maovi, Fundstelle Bus u gaju, bei nadeln mit zweischleifigem Kopf (Abb. 5/5,6) aus der
[abac76 gefunden worden, und vier Nadeln mit biko- Umgebung von Zemun (Typ IIIa und IIId)92 wahr-
nischem Kopf sowie zwei Nadeln mit turbanartigem scheinlich ins 5. Jahrhundert zu datieren sind. Eine
Kopf aus Stari Kostolac bei Po`arevac (Fundstelle gehrt der spteren Variante mit verdicktem Kopf (IIId)
unbekannt).77 an, die auch fr das Donautal charakteristisch ist.
Die Nadel mit konischem Kopf aus Lisi~in dol bei In Sdmakedonien wurden auch neuerdings
Marvinci78 gehrt einer frhen Eisenzeitphase (8. bis bronzene griechische Scheibenkopfnadeln93 entdeckt.
7. Jahrhundert v. Chr.) an und hat gute Parallelen in
Visoi bei Bitola79.
Ein kugelfrmiger Nadelkopf mit geripptem
Schaftansatz aus der Umgebung von Zemun (Abb.
5/4)80 hat die Parallele in dem Frstengrab von Arareva 76 Stoji}, Cerovi} 2011, 112, Sl. 79, 80.
gromila auf der Glasinac-Ebene81, er datiert in die
77 Stoji}, Jacanovi} 2008, 260, T. LVIII, 914.
78 Videski 2003, Br. 199.
zweiten Hlfte des 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. Sie spricht
79 Vasi} 2003, Nr. 347, 348.
wieder einmal fr ein Drang nach Osten der 80 Najhold 2010, Sl. 90.
Glasinac-Kultur. 81 Benac, ^ovi} 1957, 79, T. XLI, 6.
Doppelnadeln82 erschienen in grosser Zahl im 82 Vgl. Vasi} 2003, 109129.
Arbeitsgebiet, vorwiegend jene mit M Kopf (Typ IV). 83 Vasi} 2008, 265, Sl.1.
Eine Menge stammt aus Ostserbien, wo sie bisher fast 84 Stoji} 2007, Fifs. 25, 32.
unbekannt waren (Zlotska pe}ina83, Hisar bei Lesko- 85 Freundliche Mitteilung Milo{ Jevti}.
vac84, Mihajlov ponor on Miro~85, [etonje86, Signal in 86 Stoji}, Jacanovi} 2008, 283, T. CXX, 14.
87 Filipovi}, Bulatovi} 2010, 76, Figs. 2, 6.
Svrljig87, Kr{evica88, Fundstelle Sinja~ko polje in Si-
88 Popovi} 2012, 93, Br. 108, 109. Auch Webgewichte mit
njac bei Dimitrovgrad89). Ihr Auftreten sollte man
M Nr. 98. 101.
wahrscheinlich mit verstrkten Kontakten zwischen 89 Freundliche Miteilung Aleksandar Kapuran.
dem Zentralbalkan und Makedonien in Verbindung 90 Vasi} 2008, 263, Sl. 1.
bringen und deshalb meistens nach der Mitte des 5 91 Videski 2003, Br. 212.
Jahrhunderts v. Chr. datieren, obwohl es auch mglich 92 Najhold 2010, Sl. 37, 38.
ist, dass einige Stcke etwas lter sind. Andere Typen 93 Videski 2003, Br. 200203.
213
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
214
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
LITERATURVERZEICHNIS:
215
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Vasi} 2010 R. Vasi}, Die Halsringe im Zentral- Videski 2003 Z. Videski, Makedonski bronzi,
balkan, PBF XI,7, 2010. Skopje 2003.
Videski 1999 Z. Videski, Lisi~in DolMar-
vinci, nekropola ot `eleznoto vreme, Maced. Acta
Archaeologica 15, Skopje 1999.
Kqu~ne re~i. Praistorijski bronzani nalazi, Centralni Balkan, srpovi, fibule, igle, torkvesi.
Me|unarodna serija Praistorijski bronzani nalazi pada tipovima Ujoara 1 i 2, {to potvr|uje ranije rezulta-
Prhistorische Bronzefunde (PBF) obra|uje hronolo{ki i te istra`ivawa.
teritorijalno razli~ite tipove praistorijskih metalnih Tako|e, treba napomenuti da je u monografiji pogre-
objekata ve} preko ~etrdeset godina (do sada je objavqeno {no navedeno da ostava iz Ba~ke Topole ne sadr`i srpove.
gotovo dvesta svezaka), tako da predstavqa zna~ajan izvor i U woj su na|ena dva se~iva od srpova.
istinski priru~nik za prou~avawe metalnih predmeta i
metalurgije u Evropi a i van we. Sa na{e teritorije, odno- Fibule
sno sa Centralnog Balkana, publikovano je nekoliko kwiga, Od izlaska sveske o fibulama (1999) otkriveni su
izme|u ostalog srpovi, fibule, igle i torkvesi. brojni nalazi fibula na Centralnom Balkanu, sistemat-
Priprema jedne PBF sveske za {tampu traje dugo, dok skim i divqim iskopavawima ili kopawem po privatnim
se respektivni materijal ne sakupi i prou~i, a onda po pre- zbirkama i muzejima.
daji rukopisa pro|e katkad jo{ dosta vremena dok se na|e Jedan broj fibula pripada kasnom bronzanom dobu, ali
redaktor, izvr{i redakcija i kwiga od{tampa. U me|uvre- znatno vi{e starijem gvozdenom dobu, gde se javqaju svi po-
menu, otkrivaju se novi nalazi sa iskopavawa ili se javqa- znati tipovi. Najzna~ajniji nalaz je svakako velika gvo-
ju oni zaboravqeni iz zbirki i muzeja, koji ne mogu vi{e da zdena dvopetqasta fibula sa polukru`nom nogom, na|ena u
se ukqu~e u publikaciju. Da se prave aneksi u okviru seri- Mojsiwu kod ^a~ka, u grobu sa keramikom tipa kalaka~a,
je, bilo bi slo`eno i nezahvalno, jer bi se opet pojavili pa je stoga mo`da najstarija dvopetqasta fibula kod nas.
novi nalazi dok se ti aneksi ne od{tampaju. Da bi se ne- Poznato je vi{e dvopetqastih fibula sa razli~ito ukra-
{to u~inilo u tom pravcu, ovaj prilog daje nove srpove, {enim lukom i razli~ito oblikovanom nogom od bronze i
fibule, igle i torkvese koji su otkriveni posle objavqi- gvo`|a, od kojih je najva`niji skupni nalaz iz Isto~ne Sr-
vawa na{ih monografija, odnosno one komade koji su nama bije, koji me|u tri stotine predmeta obuhvata i nekoliko
poznati, u `eqi da se dopune znawa o tim oblicima materi- desetina fibula. Uz nove dvopetqaste fibule sa nogom u
jalne kulture i istovremeno poka`e da PBF monografije obliku beotskog {tita, treba pomenuti i dvopetqaste fi-
predstavqaju ~vrstu osnovu za daqa prou~avawa, jer se naj- bule sa pravougaonom nogom i sa dva otvora, nastale iz
ve}i broj novih komada uklapa u tipolo{ki sistem u obja- prethodnog tipa, karakteristi~ne za Glasinac a retke u
vqenim kwigama. Srbiji, sada na|ene i u Mojsiwu kod ^a~ka.
U nekropoli u Mojsiwu na|ene su i glasina~ke jedno-
Srpovi petqaste fibule sa trougaonom i trapezoidnom nogom, ko-
Sveska o srpovima, objavqena 1994. g., nije obuhvatila je nisu bile poznate do sada u ^a~anskoj regiji, dok je jed-
dve mawe ostave bronzanih predmeta, ranije otkrivene na varijanta takve fibule na|ena u Cernici na Kosovu.
Kuzmin 2 i Jarak-Ruma, i dve nove Ugrinovci i [etowe. Nove jednopetqaste fibule sa pravougaonom nogom i dug-
Tako|e se javqa ve}i broj pojedina~nih nalaza, od kojih su metom na kraju noge (tip Marvinci-Gogo{u) javqaju se u ve-
najzna~ajniji srpovi sa dugmetom i sredwim rebrom iz No- }em broju u Srbiji i Makedoniji i pokazuju da je ovaj tip u
vog Itebeja, Velikog Vetrena i Kon~uqa, koji ukazuju na 6. veku bio dobro poznat u na{im krajevima. Ovde navodimo
postojawe jedne lokalne varijante srpova sa dugmetom na i dve takve fibule iz kne`evskih grobova u Pe}koj bawi,
Centralnom Balkanu. Najve}i broj srpova sa jezi~kom pri- koje su u kwizi pogre{no pripisane glasina~kim fibula-
216
Rastko VASI], Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bnden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen (205217) STARINAR LXIV/2014
ma sa trougaonom nogom. Tip Novi Pazar, koji ih sledi, ta- Gorwi deo jedne vi{eglave igle iz Zemuna ima bliske
ko|e je reprezentovan novim primercima. [arnirske fibu- paralele na Glasincu u Ararevoj gomili i ukazuje na gla-
le su u me|uvremenu tako|e na|ene u ve}em broju, kako one sa sina~ke uticaje u Srbiji, iskazane ve} pojedinim tipovi-
pet ukrasa na luku, tako i, mawe popularne, sa dva i tri ukra- ma fibula, u 6. i 5. veku pre n. e.
sa na luku. U Sremu, oko Nikinaca, konstatovana je nova va- Najvi{e novih nalaza odnosi se na dvojne igle, gde je
rijanta {arnirskih fibula od zlata i srebra ve}ih dimen- konstatovano vi{e dvojnih igala sa M glavom u Isto~-
zija, koja je najverovatnije proizvod doma}ih radionica. noj Srbiji, u regiji gde do sada gotovo nisu bile poznate i
koje treba, najverovatnije ve}inom, datovati posle sredi-
Igle ne 5. veka i pripisati poja~anim uticajima sa juga na ovo
Kwiga o iglama objavqena je 2003. godine, a u me|uvre- podru~je.
menu je otkriveno vi{e novih primeraka koji pripadaju
raznim tipovima i periodima. Torkvesi
Me|u nekoliko igala iz sredweg bronzanog doba isti~u Kwiga o torkvesima je iza{la 2010. Novih torkvesa
se dve igle sa zadebqalim vratom iz Srema i Banata, i jed- ima, naro~ito onih tordiranih, ali su tako|e zanimqivi
na igla sa pe~atastom glavom iz isto~ne Srbije, koja poka- novi nalazi `utobrdskih statueta sa jasno nazna~enim
zuje da je ovaj tip bio ra{iren i na istoku na{e oblasti. torkvesima iz Mo{orina, Korbova i Velesnice.
217
VUJADIN IVANI[EVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade
SONJA STAMENKOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade
Abstract. Due to a general insecurity and the need to protect the population and communications, towards the end
of the 4th century a large number of Late Roman fortifications were built in the region of the Leskovac basin, mainly towards
the edges. Their distribution was determined by the level of the regions population density, its resources and by the need to
control the roads. These were predominantly smaller fortifications whose primary role was the protection of the local population,
who lived off the land and bred cattle. However, the largest number of these is in the western part of the basin, in the mountainous
regions of Goljak, Majdan, Radan and Pasja~a, whilst the highest density of fortifications is in the Banjska Reka valley,
around the village of Sijarina. The whole region was known for its mining activity in previous centuries. A particular group
comprises the fortifications around Cari~in Grad Justiniana Prima, whose main role was the defence of the access to the city.
Key words. Leskovac basin, Late Antiquity, fortifications, economy, Cari~in Grad, Justiniana Prima.
T
he central part of the Leskovac basin comprises the Pusta Reka and the settlement of the mountainous
the South Morava river valley and the valleys regions surrounding the mining areas. The contact zones
of its tributaries, the Pusta Reka, Jablanica, between these regions were less densely populated,
Veternica and the Vlasina, and is bordered by moun- judging by the distribution of the sites in the area of the
tains which surround the entire area from the western, basin. The highest intensity of settlement was noted
southern, eastern and, to a degree, the northern side. around the river valleys, with the highest concentra-
The mountain ranges of Radan and Pasja~a stretch to tion around the South Morava.1 In this area, at the
the west, Goljak and Kukavica to the south, Bukovik, entrance to the Grdeli~ka Klisura (Grdelica Gorge) in
Kru{evica, Babi~ka Gora and Seli~evica to the east Mala Kopa{nica, was the largest Roman settlement in
and Dobri~ to the north, the peaks of which do not this area, covering approximately 20 ha. The only vicus
exceed a height of 1,500 m. The basin covers an area with an unknown name was noted on a votive relief
of 2,250 km. dedicated to Liber from the village of Pusto [ilovo.2
The region of the Leskovac basin was only Roma-
nised in the 1st century AD. Its settlement followed two
basic routes the occupation of the river terraces in the 1 Stamenkovi} 2013, 36.
valleys of the South Morava, Veternica, Jablanica and 2 Stamenkovi} 2013, 5455, sl. 40.
* The article results from the project: Urbanisation Processes and Development of Mediaeval Society (no. 177021), funded by the Ministry
of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
219
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
1. Gornji Gajtan, Sokolov Vis; 2. Miljkovica; 3. Pesti{Bukoloram; 4. Mali Kamen; 5. Gornji Statovac, Mlinarov Kr{; 6. Bu~ince; 7. Arbana{ka;
8. Rgaje, Grad; 9. Velika Braina, Brainski vis; 10. Gubavce, Gradina; 11. Mrkonje, Mrkonjski Vis; 12. Ma}edonce, Crkvi{te; 13. Vrapce, on the
bank of the Tularska Reke; 14. Sijarinska Banja; 15. Sijarina, Gradina I; 16. Sijarina, Gradina II; 17. Svirce; 18. Zbe`i{te, Kopriva; 19. Zbe`i{te,
Skobalji} Grad; 20. Pade`; 21. Gradi{te, Gradac; 22. Samarnica, Visoki Mori~; 23. Dedina Bara; 24. Novo Selo, Leskova Padina; 25. Grdelica, Kale;
26. Svo|e, confluence of the Lu`nica and the Vlasina; 27. Zlati}evo, ProkopRimski Grad; 28. Gornji Prisjan; 29. Gornja Loko{nica, Gradi{te;
30. Golema Njiva, Gradi{te; 31. Golema Njiva, Le{je; 32. Stupnica, ^ukar; 33. Crna Bara, Gradac or Rsa; 34. Grada{nica, Gradac or Gradi{te;
35. Bregovina, Kale; 36. Marino Kale; 37. Braj{orski Vis; 38. Lece, Kuline; 39. [tulac, St. Elias; 40. Prekop~elica, Jezero; 41. Sekicol, Gradi{te;
42. Svinjarica, Gornje Gradi{te; 43. Rujkovac, Kaljaja; 44. confluence of the Zabr|ski Potok and the Lapa{tica; 45. Popovac, Gradi{te; 46. Lapotince,
southeast of the village; 47. Gornje Brijanje, Kale; 48. Me|a, Gradi{te; 49. Me|a, Kuli{te; 50. Kutle{, [iljegarnik; 51. Zlata, Kale; 52. Lipovica,
Kuli{te; 53. Priboj, Gradi{te; 54. Leskovac, Hisar; 55. Konopnica, Gradac; 56. Konopnica, Latinsko (Cigansko) Groblje or Ciganski ^ukar.
The whole area gravitated towards the distant Naissus, cations were built, mainly on the edges of the basin.
the closest key city, with most of this area officially Fortifications were erected on Radan along the river
belonging to the territory of Naissus.3 basins of the Lepa{tica, Lecka and Gazdarska Reka, on
Towards the end of the 4th century, as a result of Goljak in the area around the rivers Tularska and
the barbarian invasions and their subsequent settling of Banjska Reka, around Cari~in Grad, in the area around
the region of northern Illyricum, significant socio-eco- Rujkovac and Radinovac, and in the valleys of the
nomic turmoil started to occur, which was particularly [umanska Reka, Pusta Reka, Jablanica and Veternica.
reflected in the changing roles of the settlements. Roman The slopes of Kukavica, the South Morava river val-
lowland settlements gave way to new fortified settle- ley, the complex around the Kozara~ka Reka, that is
ments on the dominant and well-guarded higher grounds the Rupska Reka, the lower course of the Vlasina, the
above the river valleys or in the mountainous regions.
Due to a general insecurity and the need to protect
the population and communications in the area of the
Leskovac basin, a large number of Late Roman fortifi- 3 Petrovi} 1976, 89.
220
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Map 2. The analysis of the spatial distribution of the Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin
Karta 2. Analiza prostornog raspored kasnoanti~kih utvr|ewa u Leskova~koj kotlini
slopes of Babi~ka Gora and Kru{evica, and the conflu- Hisar in Leskovac, Konopnica and Grdelica, horizons
ence of the Lu`nica and the Vlasina, were also fortified.4 from the 4th and 6th centuries have been confirmed.
Most of these fortifications were built on the higher The anthropogeographic features of the area, the
grounds that dominate the wider surroundings (Map 1). economic resources in particular, played a significant
Chronological determination of the fortifications, role in the settlement of the Leskovac basin. Most of
based on the archaeological and numismatic material, all, the river valleys stand out, the South Morava in par-
was possible to a certain degree. Coins from the 4th ticular, as well as the Veternica, Jablanica, Pusta Reka
century were discovered within a large number of for- and Toplica, as being suitable for agricultural production
tifications such as those in Lece, Rujkovac, on Hisar in and wheat cultivation. It is worth remembering that
Leskovac, Stupnica, Grdelica and Skobalji} Grad near annona represented the foundation of the economy for
Vu~je. The circulation of coins in the 5th century was urban and rural populations.7 On the other hand, the
testified to in Rujkovac, which represents important foot hills on the margins of the Leskovac basin were
proof of its survival during these turbulent times.5 The suited to cattle breeding. Viticulture was also present as
dating of the fortifications into the 6th century is not one of the most important cultures of that time, judging
only supported by the coin finds but also by other archa- by the finds of stone winepresses from Vrbovac,8 in
eological material, primarily ceramic vessels.6 Into this the vicinity of Cari~in Grad and grape seeds at Cari~in
period were also classified most of the fortifications
located in Sijarina, Mrkonje, on Mali Kamen, in Rujko-
vac, Gornje Brijanje, Gornja Loko{nica, Grada{nica, 4 Stamenkovi} 2013, 23, map 6.
Konopnica, Gradi{te, on Hisar in Leskovac and Grde- 5 Ivani{evi}, Stamenkovi} 2010, 5984.
lica. In a small number of fortifications, mainly those 6 Stamenkovi} 2013, 119122.
where archaeological excavations have been carried 7 Morrisson, Sodini, 2002, 196.
out, such as in Lece, Sijarinska Banja, Rujkovac, on 8 Stamenkovi} 2013, 5859, sl. 42.
221
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
222
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
jurisdiction over provinces of both the Dacias, Moesia I, of enemy incursions, assumed the role of defenders
Dardania, Praevalitana, Macedonia II and the region of soldiers. From a previous soldier peasant category,
Bassiana in Pannonia II. In addition, it was anticipated from the time of Constantine, a new peasant soldier
that the city was to become the seat of the Illyrian pre- category appeared in the 6th century.24 Procopius himself
fecture.16 This most likely did not happen since, in a states that peasants from around the forts, at the first sign
later novella, only the ecclesiastical jurisdiction over of approaching enemies, switched to their role of sol-
the diocese of Dacia was confirmed.17 Procopius of diers as required. Due to their inexperience, as Proco-
Caesarea, who gave us the most complete data about pius says, they were easy prey for their enemies.25
our region, also mentions Justiniana Prima as a city The economic activities of some castella were con-
plij. nected to agriculture, which particularly applies to those
The lower category of a settlement, according to fortifications situated along the plains and valleys.
this Byzantine chronicler, is policn/on town. Aquae This is indicated by the names of castella in some areas
Akuj pol/cnion had this status. Next in rank is which, according to M. Mirkovi}, bear the names of
frour/on castellum (fortress). Most of the fortifica- former landowners: Tim/ana Timiana, Orbr/ana
tions in our region belong exactly to this category a Urbriana, Kassia Cassia.26 Likewise, the names of
castellum guarded by ramparts and other defensive some fortifications from Procopius listing point to the
mechanisms. By this term Procopius implies two types places connected with mining activities and ore pro-
of castella, those with a military garrison (stratiwtn cessing Erar/a Eraria in the vicinity of Naissus,
froura/), and those functioning as refugia shelters Frerrar/a Frerraria and Dlmataj Dalmatae in
for the population (rmata).18 In them, the bishop the area of Remesiana, and Argntarej Argentares
could have resided, as is the case with Meridio which in the area of Ad Aquas.27
had the status of phrourion.19 At the bottom of the scale The castella certainly had a military character, par-
was cwr/on village. In describing the construction of ticularly those situated on roadways, as in the fortifica-
Justiniana Prima, Procopius gives an example of the tion in Rujkovac. This fortification, built as far back as
transformation of the village of Taurisium, where the 4th century BC, also had a significant role in Roman
Emperor Justinian was born, into a castellum: Having times judging by the numerous finds of Roman coins
hastily encircled this village with a wall of a quadran- from the 2nd all the way to the 6th century. The fortifi-
gular shape and placing a tower at each corner, he cation itself was occupied again in the 9th century,
made a castellum with four towers (Tetrapurg/an), indicated by the find of a follis of Leo VI.28
and thus he named it.20 The second fortification at Zlata, based on its size
The distinction between the meanings of these terms and imposing dam, represented an important centre.29
is important for understanding the relationship between It is possible that it was a town polihnion. This forti-
a fortification and a city. Procopius, in De aedificiis, fication, like the one at Bregovina, could have been
outlines the administrative and territorial organisation.
This chronicler grouped most of the restored and newly
built castella according to provinces. On the other
16 Nov. 11 (14th April 535).
hand, he grouped the castella of two Illyrian provinces, 17 Nov. 131, 3 (545).
both Dacias, according to urban centres or regions. 18 Proc. De aedif. IV, 1, 6; 1, 33; 2, 1314; 2, 28.
Novella XI, in which it is stated: Aquensis autem epis- 19 Proc. De aedif. IV, 4.
copus habeat praefatam civitatem et omnia eius castella 20 Proc. De aedif. IV,1.1727.
et territoria et ecclesias,21 also indicates that the city is 21 Nov. 11 (14th April 535).
at the centre of the territorial organisation. Castella, 22 Dagron 1984, 910; Ducellier 1985, 123126.
village territories and churches, that is church estates, 23 Decker 2006, 508.
24 Mac Mullen 1963, 1422.
were governed by the city. This provision, according to
25 Proc. De aedif. IV,2.1116.
Gilbert Dagron, portrays a society grounded in the mili-
26 Mirkovi} 1996, 63.
tary, peasantry and the church, with a city at its core.22 27 Mirkovi} 1996, 63, 6871.
The fortifications in the Leskovac basin belong to 28 Ivani{evi}, Stamenkovi} 2010, 5984; Stamenkovi} 2013,
the category of castella phrouria, whose main role 9092, sl. 78.
was to protect the local population.23 The population 29 Evans 1883, 157160; Kanic 1985, 327330; Milinkovi}
in its most part consisted of peasants who, in the event 2007, 193199.
223
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
linked to mining, since evidence of mining is located Naissus and Justiniana Prima, but also the central part
on the slopes of Rasova~a. Large amounts of slag at of the Leskovac basin with Hammeum, and further to
Glasovik stand out in particular. The castellum at the north. A section of the local network also passed
Bregovina stands out with its basilica with rich archi- through the valley of Vlasina further to the east, towards
tectural plastic which, up until now, has not been seen Remesiana. The main roadway passed through the
in other fortifications.30 (Fig. 2) Undoubtedly, it is the South Morava river valley. (Map 1)
work of a wealthy benefactor, who could have acquired In the region of the Leskovac basin there were also
his wealth from ore extraction and processing. There villages in the river valleys, evident by the rare finds of
are numerous examples of castella built by private indi- Early Byzantine coins in Re~ica, Turjane, Rafuna
viduals. Let us mention the case of the fortification at (Crkvena Livada site), Lipovica, Ora{ac (Padina site)
Androna in Syria, built between 558 and 559, under the and Rujkovac (Vaskina Porta). These are coin finds
patronage of Thomas, a rich individual of note.31 which can be dated to the period of the reigns of Justin
The aforementioned fortifications were situated I and Justinian I. What is particularly indicative are the
along the local roads or in their vicinity. These together finds of a solidus of Justin I in Re~ica and a tremissis
with the other forts, arranged along the river valleys cut of Justinian I in Turjane.32 The cessation of coin circu-
deep into the wide mountain ranges, protected the main
local communications. These valleys are those of the
Jablanica and Tularska Reka, through which the road
connecting the provinces of Inner Dacia and Dardania 30 Jeremi}, Milinkovi} 1995, 209225; Jeremi} 2004, 111137.
passed. The valley of the Pusta Reka represented an 31 Decker 2006, 511.
important communication link, not only connecting 32 Stamenkovi} 2013, kat. br. 24, 29, 45, 107, 131, 207.
224
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
lation in the second half of the 6th century in lowland Which parts of this region were under the jurisdic-
parts of the basin points to the fact that the population, tion of this newly founded metropolis of Justiniana
by and large, abandoned the valleys and retreated to Prima is not known. The city could have had an impor-
hilltop fortifications. This corresponds with the inten- tant administrative role judging by the large number of
sified building of structures within the empty areas of lead seals found in recent years. The new reorganisa-
the city and porticos at Cari~in Grad. tion was undoubtedly important for the functioning of
The incessant incursions of the Kutrigurs, Slavs the economy and, as will be seen later, could have been
and Avars most certainly contributed to the reduction determined by the great distances between the castella
of the population and degradation of the economy in and villages situated in the central part of the Leskovac
the region of central Illyricum. Undoubtedly, along basin, and the old urban centres. On the other hand,
with the barbarian raids, some other factors influenced this new city, the endowment of the Emperor, required
large changes in the Late Roman society, such as a resources.
large scale plague epidemic33 and climate changes, pro- One of the significant elements of the economic life
longed spells of cold in particular. of an ancient society were market days/village fairs
Marcellinus Comes noted the plague epidemic in (nundinae), which had a significant role in supplying
543, which spread across Italy and Illyricum.34 It was both the urban and rural population.41 In urban areas,
a large scale epidemic which originated in Egypt in 541 periodical market days were held where the townspeople
and spread throughout the Mediterranean until 544. could buy produce. The residents of nearby villages
Evidence of this epidemic was not only recorded by sold their goods there and thus obtained much needed
chroniclers, but also by numerous epigraphic monu- money for rent or taxes, as well as for buying required
ments, especially in Rome.35 The gravestone of Petrus, goods or services.42 The Theodosian Codex points to the
son of Thomas the vicar, buried in Naissus, provides importance of selling produce by stating that peasants
direct testimony to the plague epidemic in the region were freed from paying lustral tax if they sold produce
of central Illyricum. In the epitaph it is stated that the from their own farms.43 Products bought for farming
sisters and two sons of Thomas the vicar died within a were exempt from the same taxes.44 These regulations
short time of each other in uno Mensa simul vita(m) clearly demonstrate the importance of sustaining agri-
finirunt.36 It is important to note that in this inscription, cultural production on both, large and small estates.
along with the Christian names of Petrus and Thomas, The decrees of Emperor Justinian I also stated this view.
an Illyrian name of Gentio (variant of Gentius) is also In Novella XXXII, addressed to Dominicius, the pra-
mentioned.37 The plague most definitely left its mark etorian prefect of Illyricum, a series of decrees were
on the population of this region. Contributing factors passed to guard against the greed of creditors who took
to its cyclical occurrence in the second half of the cen- pawned land from peasants who were unable to repay,
tury were the prolonged spells of cold weather and due to poor harvests, the loan of crop seeds.45 In cer-
subsequent hunger, which additionally reduced the tain areas itinerant traders also had a significant role.46
population.38
The territory of Naissus, which Procopius singles
out as a separate area p plin b_ [Na=su~]39
undoubtedly included the northern parts of the Leskovac 33 Grmek 1998, 787794.
basin, and the possibility exists that the jurisdiction of 34 Marcellinus Comes, Chronicle, 107.
this city also extended further to the south, especially 35 Stathakopoulos 2006, 102.
along the South Morava valley and to the west, towards 36 Vuli} 1934, 4748, br. 38; PLRE 3, 1320 Thomas 22.
37
the mining areas. Likewise, the region of Remesiana IMS IV, 92, no. 51.
38
n crv 'Remesianis/v40 could have included the Stathakopoulos 2006, 102103.
39 Proc. De aedif. IV.4.
eastern parts of the Leskovac basin, particularly those 40 Proc. De aedif. IV.4.
linked to mining production. A more precise determi- 41 Shaw 1981, 43.
nation of the territory of the cities is not possible, since 42 Choi 2005, 725; Papaconstantinou 2012, 412.
a large number of fortifications have not been identi- 43 Cod. theod. 13.1.3, 10, 12.
fied. An idea of the theoretical delineation between 44 Cod. theod. 4.13.23.
cities is provided by the spatial analysis according to 45 Nov. 3234.
Thiessens polygons. (Map 3.1) 46 Choi 2005, 18.
225
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
At Cari~in Grad, a large number of artisans, such could reach the city within a day.50 These parameters
as potters, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, glaziers and others were also valid in the case of the castella in the area of
were testified to, clearly indicating that it was a region- the Leskovac basin. The largest number of forts, based
al centre which supplied both the local area and those on these parameters, gravitated towards Cari~in Grad
further afield. The very concept of a newly built centre Justiniana Prima, except for those in the far eastern
with wide streets and porticos points to the fact that the part of the basin, which were orientated towards Reme-
city was planned as an administrative and trade centre.47 siana. The most favourably positioned were the castella
(Fig.3) An indication of the lively local and regional in the Morava river valley, which gravitated towards
trade is the presence of camels and mules at Cari~in Cari~in Grad Justiniana Prima, as well as Naissus
Grad,48 which were particularly used in the 6th century and Remesiana. The connection with Remesiana was
for transporting goods.49 certainly impeded by the wide mountain ranges between
Castella, in the wide area of the Leskovac basin, as these regions. It should also be mentioned that the
well as in other parts of the central Illyricum, were castella situated in the south-western part of the basin
mostly built in non-urban areas. Spatial analysis indi- were closest to Justiniana Secunda.
cates that most of the castella were situated outside a
10 mile 15 km radius from the city, which represents
a journey that could have been taken to the city and
back within a day. (Map 3.2) In the urbanised regions 47 Saliou 2005, 207224.
of the Empire, in central Italy, the distance between 48 Markovi} 2013.
cities was from 11 to 13 km, which enabled strong eco- 49 Morrisson, Sodini 2002, 200.
nomic ties. In Lower Galilee, on the other hand, peasants 50 Choi 2005, 1112: with quoted literature.
226
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
The study of the Late Roman fortifications in rela- on the polis, which represented the pillar of the admi-
tion to the urban centres is important when considering nistrative system of Byzantine power in the area of
their role and significance. In spite of the fact that new central Illyricum. The former importance of this region
cities were built in this region, the degree of urbanisa- is testified to by the prefecture having been situated in
tion remained relatively low. Barbarian incursions, epi- Thessalonica which, as late as 604, consisted of Dacian
demics and climate change resulted in the weakening and Macedonian offices. The prefect of Illyricum was
of the villages and, subsequently, the castella, which soon to disappear, ceding his place to the eparch of
together led to the decline of the citys importance and Thessalonica, by which the end of the administration
the disappearance of the administrative system based over Illyricum was confirmed.51
227
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
SOURCES:
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
228
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Scientific and Historical Evidence, Journal of Interdis- Petrovi} 1976 P. Petrovi}, Ni{ u anti~ko doba,
ciplinary History, 43:2 (Autumn, 2012), 169220. Ni{ 1976.
Milinkovi} 2007 M. Milinkovi}, O potrebi nau~- PLRE 3 The Prosopography of the Later Roman
nog prou~avanja lokaliteta ZlataKale, Ni{ i Vizantija Empire, vol. 3, (ed.) J. R. Martindale, Cambridge 1992.
V, 2007, 191203. Saliou 2005 C. Saliou, Identit culturelle et pay-
Morrisson, Sodini 2002 C. Morrisson, J.-P. sage urbain : remarques sur les processus de transfor-
Sodini, The Sixth-Century Economy, in: The Economic mation des rues portiques dans lAntiquit tardive,
History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Syria 82, 2005, 207224.
Fifteenth Century, (ed.) A. Laiou, Washington D.C. 2002, Shaw 1981 B. Shaw, Rural markets in North Africa
171220. and the political economy of the Roman Empire, Anti-
Papaconstantinou 2012 A. Papaconstantinou, Les quits africaines 17,1981, 3783.
propritaires ruraux en Palestine du sud et en Egypte Stamenkovi} 2013 S. Stamenkovi}, Rimsko na-
entre la conqute perse et larrive des Abbassides, sle|e u Leskova~koj kotlini, Beograd 2013.
Mlanges de lcole francaise de Rome Moyen ge Stathakopoulos 2006 D. Stathakopoulos, Crime
124/2, 2012, 405416. and Punishment: The Plague in the Byzantine Empire,
Pe{ut 1976 D. Pe{ut, Geolo{ki sastav, tektonska 541749, in: Plague and the End of Antiquity, The Pande-
struktura i metalogenija leckog andezitskog masiva, mic of 541750, (ed.) L. Little, Cambridge 2006, 99118.
Rasprave Zavoda za geolo{ka i geofizi~ka istra`ivanja Vuli} 1934 N. Vuli}, Anti~ki spomenici na{e zemlje,
XIV, Beograd 1976. Spomenik, Srpske kraljevske akademije LXXVII, 1934,
354.
229
IVANI[EVI], STAMENKOVI], Late Roman fortifications in the Leskovac basin (219230) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Kqu~ne re~i. Leskova~ka kotlina, kasna antika, fortifikacije, privreda, Cari~in grad, Justiniana Prima.
Krajem 4. veka, usled upada i naseqavawa Varvara na pod- nih pravaca. Analiza polo`aja utvr|ewa ukazuje na koncen-
ru~je severnog Ilirika, dolazi do velikih dru{tveno-eko- traciju utvrda po visovima koji uokviruju re~ne doline Ju-
nomskih potresa, koji }e se posebno odraziti na promenu `ne Morave i wenih pritoka. Najve}u gustinu tih utvr|ewa
uloge naseqa. Rimska ravni~arska naseqa ustupaju mesto bele`imo upravo na pobr|u Dobre gore, sme{tenom izme|u
novim utvr|enim stani{tima podignutim na dominantnim dolina Puste reke, Jablanice i Ju`ne Morave. Radi se pre-
i dobro brawenim visovima iznad re~nih dolina ili unu- vashodno o mawim fortifikacijama ~ija je primarna uloga
tar planinskih oblasti. bila za{tita lokalnog stanovni{tva, koje se, sasvim izve-
Usled op{te nesigurnosti i potrebe za{tite stanov- sno, bavilo poqoprivredom. Ipak, najve}i broj tih utvrda
ni{tva i komunikacija na podru~ju Leskova~ke kotline, nalazi se u zapadnom delu kotline, u planinskim oblastima
podi`e se veliki broj kasnoanti~kih fortifikacija, ma- Goqaka, Majdana, Radana i Pasja~e. Najve}a gustina utvr-
hom na rubovima kotline. Fortifikacije su podignute na |ewa je u dolini Bawske reke, oko Sijarine.
Radanu, uz slivove Lepa{tice, Lecke i Gazdarske reke, Go- Cela oblast je bila poznata po rudarewu u prethodnim
qaku, sa podru~jem oko Tularske i Bawske reke, oko Cari- stole}ima. Ne bi trebalo iskqu~iti mogu}nost da je tokom
~inog grada, oblasti oko Rujkovca i Radinovca, zatim u do- 6. veka rudarska aktivnost bila obnovqena. Posebnu grupa-
lini [umanske reke, Puste reke, Jablanice i Veternice. ciju ~ini mawa grupa utvr|ewa sme{tena oko Cari~inog
Fortificirani su i pobr|a Kukavice, dolina Ju`ne Mo- grada Justinijane Prime, ~ija je prevashodna uloga bila
rave, kompleks oko Kozara~ke, odnosno Rupske reke, dowi odbrana prilaza gradu.
tok Vlasine, pobr|a Babi~ke gore i Kru{evice i u{}e Lu- Justinijana Prima predstavqa jedini grad polis
`nice u Vlasinu. Najve}i deo ovih utvrda podignut je na podignut oko 535. godine u sredi{tu ove oblasti kao sedi-
visovima koji dominiraju nad {irom okolinom. {te arhiepiskopa. Utvr|ewa na podru~ju Leskova~ke kotli-
Hronolo{ko opredeqewe utvr|ewa na osnovu arheolo- ne pripadaju kategoriji kastela fruria, ~iji je osnovni
{kog materijala i numizmati~ke gra|e omogu}eno je u izve- ciq bio za{tita lokalnog stanovni{tva.
snim slu~ajevima. Na velikom broju utvr|ewa na|en je no- Najve}i deo utvrda gravitirao je prema Cari~inom
vac iz 4. veka, i to unutar fortifikacija u Lecu, Rujkovcu, gradu Justinijani Primi, izuzev onih na krajwem isto~-
na Hisaru u Leskovcu, Stupnici, Grdelici i Skobaqi} gra- nom delu kotline koji su bili okrenuti ka Remesijani. Naj-
du kod Vu~ja. Cirkulacija novca u 5. veku posvedo~ena je u boqe pozicionirani su bili kasteli u dolini Morave, koji
Rujkovcu, {to predstavqa va`an dokaz wenog opstajawa u su gravitirali ka Cari~inom gradu Justinijani Primi,
nemirnim vremenima. Datovawe utvr|ewa u 6. vek, pored ali su to bili i Naisu i Remesijani. Veza sa Remesijanom je
novca, upotpuwuje i drugi arheolo{ki materijal, a pre bila svakako ote`ana, budu}i da se izme|u tih oblasti na-
svega kerami~ke posude. U to vreme opredeqen je i najve}i laze {iroki planinski venci. Dodajmo da su kasteli sme-
broj fortifikacija, koje su ubicirane u Sijarini, Mrko- {teni u jugozapadnom delu kotline bili najbli`i Justini-
wu, na Malom kamenu, u Rujkovcu, Gorwem Brijawu, Gorwoj jani Sekundi.
Loko{nici, Grada{nici, Konopnici, Gradi{tu, na Hisaru Smatramo da je posmatrawe kasnoanti~kih utvr|ewa u
u Leskovcu i Grdelici. Na mawem broju utvr|ewa, uglav- odnosu na gradska sredi{ta va`no za razmatrawe wihove
nom na onima na kojima su sprovedena arheolo{ka iskopa- uloge i zna~aja. I pored podizawa novih gradova, u ovoj
vawa, potvr|eni su horizonti iz 4. i 6. veka. Re~ je o for- oblasti je stepen urbanizacije ostao slabo razvijen. Upadi
tifikacijama u Lecu, Sijarinskoj Bawi, Rujkovcu, Hisaru Varvara, epidemije i klimatske promene odrazili su se na
u Leskovcu, Konopnici i Grdelici. slabqewe sela, a potom i kastela, {to je sve zajedno uslo-
Raspored kasnoanti~kih fortifikacija, kao {to je vilo opadawe zna~aja grada i nestanak upravnog sistema za-
slu~aj sa rimskim naseobinama, bio je uslovqen stepenom snovanog na polisu kao stubu upravnog sistema vizantijske
naseqenosti oblasti, resursima i potrebom kontrole put- vlasti na prostoru centralnog Ilirika.
230
MILOJE VASI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd
GORDANA MILO[EVI], Univerzitet u Beogradu, Arhitektonski fakultet, Beograd
NADE@DA GAVRILOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd
ISKOPAVAWA MEDIJANE
U 2010. I 2011. GODINI
Apstrakt. Iskopavawa u 2010. i 2011. godini, koja su trajala ukupno devet meseci, u potpunosti su zaokru`ila
analizu stratigrafije i arhitekture vile s peristilom, bez obzira {to bi trebalo ispitati i isto~ni deo trema
i vestibul ispred ju`nog ulaza. Stratigrafija, analiza arhitekture i prate}i materijal, posebno novac, omogu}uju da
se postavi jasna hronologija i vile s peristilom i Medijane. Konstatovana su tri horizonta: horizont 1 (prve decenije
4. veka); horizont 2 (330378); horizont 3 (380 441443. godina). Utvr|eno je, suprotno ranijim mi{qewima, da je vila
u svom osnovnom planu nastala u horizontu 1, a da su u horizontu 2 naknadno izvr{ene prepravke (stibadijumi A i B,
ju`ni trem), i da je u to vreme bila ukra{ena mozaicima, freskama, mermernom oplatom i skulpturama. U horizontu 3,
posle velikih razarawa, oko vile je formirana arhitektura koja indicira ruralizaciju Medijane.
Kqu~ne re~i. Medijana, vila s peristilom, stratigrafija, arhitektura, pokretni nalazi, kasna antika.
U
2014. godini navr{ava se 150. godina is- lokaliteta i evidentiran veliki broj objekata, od
tra`iva~kih radova u Medijani, koja su kojih je 20 u celosti ili delimi~no definisano.3
zapo~eta 1864. godine skromnim iskopa- Centralno mesto na lokalitetu zauzima kom-
vawima istra`iva~a Feliksa Kanica.1 Intereso- pleks vile sa peristilom. Tokom vi{e arheolo{kih
vawe za ovaj lokalitet je nastavqeno i u periodu kampawa 1969, 1972, 1976, 19781979. i 1980. godi-
izme|u dva svetska rata. Ispitivawa arheologa ne u organizaciji Arheolo{kog instituta iz Beo-
amatera okupqenih oko Muzejskog dru{tva za delo- grada sprovedena su iskopavawa na ovom objektu.4
krug Moravske banovine i Istorijsko-etnografskog Istra`eni su peristil, sve~ana dvorana/trikli-
muzeja u Ni{u stvorili su uslove za daqe radove.
Istra`ena je prostorija centralnog rasporeda sa
mozaikom izuzetnog kvaliteta, nad kojom je podignu-
1 Kanitz 1892, 7778.
ta muzejska zgrada.2 Ve}i obim radova tokom 1961.
2 Or{i}-Slaveti} 1933/34, 303310; Bratani} 1938,
godine u organizaciji Arheolo{kog instituta ute-
199204.
meqio je savremene metodolo{ke principe prou- 3 Milo{evi} 1996, 5968.
~avawa i postavio dobru osnovu za budu}a sistemat- 4 Rukovodilac radova bila je dr Q. Zotovi}, Dokumenta-
* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Romanizacija, urbanizacija i transformacija urbanih centara civilnog i vojnog
karaktera u rimskim provincijama na tlu Srbije (br. 177007), Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike
Srbije.
231
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
232
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
233
Sl. 2. Severni profil sondi 73, 90, 87 (skice 239250/11)
Fig. 2. North profile of sondages 73, 90, 87 (sketches 239250/11)
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263)
234
STARINAR LXIV/2014
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
235
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 5. Sonda 72, severni deo, nivo ru{ewa u sloju VS, snimak sa istoka
Fig. 5. Sondage 72, northern part, level of destruction in stratum BC, photographed from the east
Radi lak{eg snala`ewa, izradili smo tabelu poda prostora prefurnijuma. Blizu severozapad-
sredwih vrednosti slojeva (tabela 1) i tabele nov- nog ugla vile nalazio se drugi prefurnijum koji je
ca (tabela 1a) i mermerne oplate (tabela 1b) iz trebalo da zagreva prostorije 22 i 23. U probnoj
svih analiziranih sondi severozapadnog sektora. sondi u okviru sonde 72 konstatovane su krovne
Na osnovi tako dobijenih rezultata mo`emo da opeke u prostoru koji je bio ukopan u sloj E na toj
damo slede}i opis slojeva, polaze}i od najni`ih strani, ali, zbog stabilnosti lo`i{ta hipokau-
(najstarijih) do najmla|ih. sta, ovaj prefurnijum nije u potpunosti istra`en.
1.1. Temeqi severne fasade vile i velike dvo- Sru{eni prefurnijum bio je iznivelisan zemqom
rane/triklinija bili su ukopani u sloj E proto- sloja E.
humus iznad zdravice. Zemqa je tamnije mrke boje 1.2. Izme|u kota 198.8 i 198.6, u sondama 72,
i konstatovana je u prostoru prefurnijuma u son- 86, 90 i 89/42, iznad sloja E (osim prefurnijuma u
di 42 i malim delom u sondi 88. U sondi 42 su u sondi 42) konstatovana je po ~itavoj povr{ini
ovaj sloj bila ukopana ~etiri jaka direka, ~etvrta- malterna podnica. Razlika od dvadesetak centime-
stog preseka, koja su nosila krovnu konstrukciju tara na tako velikoj povr{ini nije zna~ajna. Ova
koja je {titila prostor ispred lo`i{ta hipokau- podnica, prakti~ki u nivou sokla vile, pripada
sta sve~ane dvorane i prostorije 24a. Delovi im- wenoj prvoj gra|evinskoj etapi.
breksa i tegula na|eni su na nabijenoj zemqi u 1.3. Iznad malterne podnice nasut je sloj D,
ovom prostoru. Sokl severne fasade i sokl sve~a- svetlija mrka zemqa sa sitnim {utom.10 Ovaj sloj
ne dvorane javqaju se na koti 198.6, {to je i kota je prekrio prefurnijum sa spoqne strane prosto-
236
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Tabela 1a / Table 1a
Novac
Sloj B
199.47 355361. 355361.
199.43 364375.
199.4 4. vek
199.1 404406.
199.03 4. vek 335337.
Sloj D
198.98 4. vek 364375. 4. vek
198.93 5. veka 364375. 364375. 4. vek
198.91 364375. 364367. ispod tegula 198.89 425450. dno kasete
198.86 4. vek
198.84 364367. 364375. 364375. 4. vek
198.83 364367.
198.79 355361.
198.76 330335.
198.69 341346.
198.67 330335.
prefurnijum stibadijuma B
198.51 364375.
Sonda 45 prostorija 24a
198.96 364367.
Sonda 46 ulaz u stibadijum B
198.85 382389.
237
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
oko stibadijuma B, a da je kraj Medijane bio u hun- mr Aleksandar Aleksi}, stru~ni saradnik Zavoda za za{titu
spomenika u Ni{u, nesumwivo je dokazano da je i stibadijum A
skom upadu 441. godine. U gorwem nivou sloja D na-
bio prizidan uz severnu fasadu vile, kao i da stoji upravno na
|ena su i dva komada novca iz perioda 382389. go- wu. Konstatovano je i da je stibadijum A imao hipokaust (otkri-
dine i jo{ dva komada iz intervala 404450. godine. ven je prefurnijum).
238
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
sredini stibadijuma, kada je uni{tena fontana u 1.6. Posledwi, najmla|i sloj je sloj A nastao
wegovom centru, ~iji su ostaci na|eni tokom isko- kao posledica intenzivnog va|ewa zidova na ~ita-
pavawa. Verovatno je to ura|eno da bi se izvukle voj povr{ini vile i na profilima se jasno vide ro-
olovne cevi od fontane.12 Karakteristi~no je da vovi od povr{ine do sa~uvane krune zidova ili ~ak
su u zapadnom i isto~nom aneksu, koji su na vi{oj temeqa. Ovi rovovi su ispuweni tamnijom sivom
koti od mozaika u centralnom delu, najve}im de- zemqom koja je rasplanirana i iznad sloja B. Sloj A
lom uni{teni mozaici, a na malternoj podlozi se se u pojedinim sondama me{a s humusom. Verovatno
vide rupe, najverovatnije od koqa koje je dr`alo je deo sloja A nastao od zemqe s iskopavawa tokom
krov (mo`da sredwovekovnih lakih objekata). Mo- 19331936. i sedamdesetih godina dvadesetog veka.
zaik je uni{ten i u ulaznom delu u stibadijum. Sloj 1.7. Kako je ranije pomenuto, u krajwem zapad-
B je rastresitija siva zemqa pome{ana s krupnim nom delu istra`ivane povr{ine nalazio se nasip
{utom od kamewa, maltera i znatnim koli~inama recentnog puta, a izme|u puta i sve~ane dvorane/
fragmentovane mermerne oplate i prozorskog sta- triklinija otkriveni su delovi stubova od stare
kla. U ovom sloju mogu se opaziti mnogi proslojci, ograde Muzeja i delovi staze koja je vodila ka zgra-
koji su posledica kori{}ewa tog terena bilo kao di Muzeja, kao i temeqi biletarnice.
majdana kamena, obrade zemqe ili ukopavawa to-
kom sredweg veka. Sredwa visina sloja je izme|u
kota 199.51 i 199.25, s varirawima u pojedinim 12 Pomenuta iskopavawa stibadijuma A pokazala su da je
sondama, {to ne remeti op{ti uvid u stratigrafiju. i deo mozai~nog poda u zapadnom pravougaonom aneksu bio
Posledica raznih ukopavawa u ranije slojeve su prokopan. Izvesno je da je u jednom periodu u Medijani posto-
nalazi novca (7 komada) u sloju B izme|u kota 199.47 jala potreba za olovom, te su prona|ene i iskopane vodovodne
cevi i u stibadiju A i u stibadiju B. Prilikom iskopavawa
i 199.03 u rasponu od 335337. do 404406. godine,
sonde 30 (jugozapadni ugao isto~ne stra`are ekskubitorije
{to je u saglasnosti s op{tom cirkulacijom novca uz kapiju) na|ena je ve}a koli~ina amorfnog olova (mo`da ono
u Medijani u horizontima 2 i 3. delom poti~e od vodovodnih cevi).
239
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
2. Sonde severoisto~nog sektora (sl. 7) sta do kote 198.36. Prefurnijum je u jednom tre-
Ovaj sektor je obuhvatio prostor isto~no od nutku izgubio funkciju i wegovi zidovi su sru{e-
isto~ne fasade zgrade Muzeja i severnog dela fa- ni i iznivelisani do kote 198.6. Ostaci prefur-
sade vile. Otvorene su sonde 71, 97, 98, 103 i 104. nijuma bili su zatrpani i iznivelisani zemqom
I na ovoj povr{ini treba ra~unati s nasutim slo- sloja D. U konkordanci, sloj D bi odgovarao sloju
jem od ranijih iskopavawa, a ovde su po~iwali ba- E u severozapadnom sektoru.
{ta i vo}wak porodice Mili}, koja je stanovala 2.2. Iznad sloja D i prefurnijuma, posle wego-
na lokalitetu i brinula se o Medijani. ve nivelacije nasut je sloj C svetlomrka kom-
Stratigrafija je u ovom delu jednostavnija ne- paktna zemqa pome{ana sa sitnim {utom od mal-
go u severozapadnom sektoru. U tabeli dajemo sred- tera i opeka. Ovaj sloj odgovara sloju D u
we vrednosti debqine slojeva. severozapadnom sektoru. U sloj C ukopan je i te-
meq prostorije prislowene na severnu fasadu vi-
Tabela 2 / Table 2 le. Od sredine severnog zida ove prostorije pru`a
se prema severu zid (zid 7d) koji prolazi kroz son-
Severoisto~ni sektor de 97, 98 i 104. Zid je gra|en od oblutaka vezanih
199.8 Humus +A blatom. Kruna ovog zida je na koti 198.8. Prosto-
199.3 kraj humusa + A 199.01 do 198.78 zid 7d rija i zid 7d odgovaraju zidovima 2 i 3 u sondama
199.3 po~etak B 72/3, 88 i 90, kao i zidu u sondi 91 u severozapad-
198.83 kraj B nom sektoru.
198.83 po~etak C Sa gorweg horizonta sloja C u sondi 103 ukopa-
198.75 kraj C na je ve}a jama za otpatke. Konstatovana je na koti
198.75 po~etak D 198.76, a weno dno je na koti 197.38. Jama je proko-
Prefurnijum pana kroz slojeve C i D u zdravicu. U jami su na|e-
198.6 zidovi I i II
ni fragmentovani lonci koji pripadaju punom
198.4 dno
sredwem veku. Ovo bi ukazivalo da je taj deo dugo
198.58 kraj iskopa
bio otvoren i da nije bio zatrpan {utom od prvo-
bitnog ru{ewa vile, tako da su se na istom nivou
Tabela 2a / Table 2a sustigli kasnoanti~ki horizonti 2 i 3 i horizont
sredweg veka.
Novac severoisto~ni sektor 2.3. Sloj C, zid od oblutaka i jamu u sondi 103
Godine Sonda Sloj Kota prekriva sloj B, tamnosiva rastresita zemqa po-
355361. 97 C 198.86 me{ana s krupnijim {utom. Te{ko je re}i kada je
364375. 97 C 198.91 izvr{ena nivelacija sredwovekovnog horizonta,
4. vek 98 C 198.84 jer u sloju B nije na|en hronolo{ki osetqiv mate-
355361. 98 C 198.76 rijal. Sloj B se me{a s recentnim materijalom, a
330335 103 C 198.85 u konkordanci bi odgovarao sloju B u severozapad-
294307. 104 C 198.81 nom sektoru.
2.4. Iznad sloja B nalazi se sloj humusa koji se
u dowem delu me{a sa svetlosivom zemqom (sloj
Posmatraju}i slojeve od najstarijeg ka najmla- A), i on je deo pomenutog vo}waka i ba{te.
|em, dobijamo slede}u sliku:
2.1. Sloj D tamnomrka kompaktna zemqa, koja 3. Severozapadne prostorije
u gorwem sloju ~ini protohumus koji prelazi u vile s peristilom (sl. 8)
zdravicu. U ovaj sloj bio je ukopan temeq vile i Tokom kampawa 2010. i 2011. godine istra`e-
sokl severne fasade koji je na koti 198.02. Temeq ne su prostorije u okviru ranije postavqenih son-
je ukopan do kote 197.94. U ovaj sloj je ukopan i te- di 45 i 46. To su prostorije w-1, w-22, w-24, w-24a,
meq prefurnijuma kojim su grejane severoisto~ne kao i deo prostorije w-25, koji je bio ispod kon-
prostorije 22 i 23. Dno prefurnijuma je ~inila trolnog profila. Iako se stratigrafija su{tin-
malterna podloga na severnom delu na koti 198.54 ski ne razlikuje od one u severozapadnom i severo-
i spu{ta se prema jugu, prema otvorima hipokau- isto~nom sektoru, postoje izvesne druga~ije
240
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 8. Isto~ni profil sonde prostorije w-24 (sonda 46) (skica 33/10)
Fig. 8. East profile of sondage in room w-24 (sondage 46) (sketch 33/10)
karakteristike. Pre svega, sve ove prostorije ima- prema mla|im. Osim slojeva A i B, ostali slojevi
ju podove od opeka ili maltera. Na te podove pada- ne mogu da se stave u konkordancu sa slojevima dva
la je tokom ru{ewa konstrukcija tavanice, a pre- prethodno diskutovana sektora.
ko we krovna konstrukcija. No, u prostoriji
w-24a, delom w-24 i w-22, ovaj prvobitni ru{e-
vinski sloj bio je ra{~i{}en do podova. U drugim Tabela 3 / Table 3
delovima je ostavqen vidqiv, te je bio gazna povr-
{ina u horizontu 3 (sloj C). Tako su na ovoj povr- Sonda 46, Sonda 46
{ini, u prostoriji w-1 u sekundarnoj upotrebi na- p. 22; 24
|eni baza stuba iz peristila i glava bogiwe 200.6 put
Venere. Hipokausti su uz unutra{we lice sever- 200.17 kraj puta
nog zida vile bili probijeni i kori{}eni, naro- 200.3 humus + A 200.64 humus + A
kraj humusa kraj humusa
~ito u prostoriji w-22, a u ovom velikom ukopu na- 199.8 199.99
+A +A
|ena je sredwovekovna keramika. Tako se u tim 199.8 po~etak B 199.99 po~etak B
o~i{}enim i probijenim prostorima, kao i na deo 199.2 kraj B 199.79 kraj B
podova, naslojava sekundarni ru{evinski sloj 199.99
199.2 po~etak C po~etak C
(sloj B). I u prostorijama se mogu uo~iti rovovi 199.79
od najkasnijeg va|ewa zidova (turski period ?). 198.8 kraj C 199.09 kraj C
U tabeli su date sredwe vrednosti debqine 198.8 po~etak D
slojeva, a u daqem tekstu je dat op{irniji komen- 198.7 kraj D
tar. I ovde su slojevi posmatrani od najstarijih 198.7 po~etak E
241
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
242
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
sti~ni su nalazi gvozdenih klinova, koji su u ka- 4. Severoisto~ne prostorije (sl. 9, 10)
snijim slojevima pronala`eni znatno re|e. Ove prostorije bile su iskopavane u ranijim
3.3.3. Sloj D sloj sivomrke rastresite zemqe istra`ivawima vile, tako da su u iskopavawima
u kojoj se sporadi~no nailazi na grumewe gare`i. 2010/11. godine izvr{ena samo reviziona iskopa-
U dowem nivou ovog sloja, u sredi{wem delu prosto- vawa. Tako su dobijeni podaci o hipokaustnom po-
rije, konstatovan je nivo intenzivnog ru{ewa, sa~i- strojewu, koje je bilo u jednom trenutku negirano,
wen od obru{enih krovnih opeka, komada malter- a na starijem podu postavqena je nova podnica.
ne podnice i fragmenata mermerne oplate (zona 1). 4.1. Prostorija e-22, kontrolna sonda 1
Karakteristi~ne su velike koli~ine fragmenata Dimenzija je 1 m u pravcu zapadistok i 4,90 m
mermerne oplate i mozai~ke kockice. Sloj D se ja- severjug od profila ispred zgrade muzeja i ulaza
vqa izme|u slede}ih niveleta: gorwe kote u sever- u prostoriju e-22. Malterni pod je na 198.94; is-
nom delu 199.14 i ju`nom delu 199.07; dowe kote pod malternog poda nalazi se supstrukcija od ka-
u severnom delu 198.89 i ju`nom delu 198.88. mena i opeka, koja le`i na starijem podu od opeka.
3.3.4. Sloj C sloj svetlobraon boje, rastresi- Stariji pod u ovom delu le`i na dva paralelna zi-
tog kre~nog malternog {uta s mawe lomqenih ope- da koji su bili omalterisani, pravca SJ, izme|u
ka i kamena, ali s velikom koli~inom mermerne kojih su stubi}i. Na mestu ulaza u prostoriju e-22,
oplate i mozai~kih kockica. Sloj C se javqa izme- na jugu, utvr|eno je postojawe stubi}a hipokausta.
|u slede}ih niveleta: gorwe kote u severnom delu U severnom profilu kontrolne sonde 1 vidi se pro-
199.41 i ju`nom delu 199.29; dowe kote u sever- slojak gare`i, koji se nije mogao izdvojiti prili-
nom delu 199.14 i ju`nom delu 199.07. kom kopawa slojeva, i to samo u tom, severnom de-
3.3.5. Sloj B sloj bele boje, intenzivno rastre- lu sonde. U sredi{wem delu kontrolne sonde 1
sitog kre~nog malternog {uta u kome je konstato- utvr|eno je postojawe proslojka podnice (?), koja
vana velika koli~ina kamena i lomqene opeke. U se prostire od 1,84 m od severnog profila kon-
severnom delu sonde je prese~en ukopima 1a i b, trolne sonde do 3,10 m, na pre~niku oko 2 m i koti
dok sa dowe strane ovaj sloj zatvara sloj C, koji je 198.60 m. Ispod hipokausta je utvr|eno postoja-
stariji. Javqa se izme|u slede}ih niveleta: gorwe we podnice: 198.29.
kote u severnom delu 199.80 i ju`nom delu 199.92; 4.2. Prostorija e-22, kontrolna sonda 2
dowe kote u severnom delu 199.41 i ju`nom delu Postavqena je kontrolna sonda 2 u zapadnom
199.29. U ovom sloju su konstatovani anti~ki i delu prostorije e-22, izme|u prolaza zida u du`i-
sredwovekovni nalazi. ni od 3, 2 m u pravcu severjug i 0,7 m zapadistok.
3.3.6. Ukop 1a relativne je {irine 1,40 m, Ispod tankog sloja ru{ewa nai{lo se na dovratnik
levkastog je preseka i ukopan je iz recentnog sloja i deo podnice. Dovratnik je prona|en u ju`nom de-
do nivoa ispod malterne supstrukcije poda, u sloj lu kontrolne sonde, uz ju`ni deo zida 3, i sa~uvan
mrke glinovite zemqe (sloj F). Dno ukopa je konsta- je kao deo poplo~awa od malterske supstrukcije.
tovano na koti 198,70 m, a nivo ukopa u sloju humu- Iznad wega je prona|ena podnica, u severoisto~-
sa + A. nom delu kontrolne sonde 2, a zapadno od we neko-
3.3.7. Ukop 1b relativne je {irine 0,80 m, liko pore|anih oblutaka kamena. Kotirani su po-
ukopan je iz recentnog sloja, ali je mla|i od ukopa plo~awe u ju`nom delu ( 198.77), kamewe i osnova
243
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 9. Severoisto~ne prostorije: prostorija e-23, kontrolna sonda 1, osnova iskopa, snimak sa zapada
Sl. 10. Severoisto~ne prostorije: sonda 71, konstrukcija prefurnijuma, sa severa
Fig. 9. North-eastern rooms: room e-23, control sondage 1, base of excavation, photographed from the west
Fig. 10. North-eastern rooms: sondage 71, praefurnium construction, from the north
u zapadnom delu ( 198.77, 198.70, 198.78) i podni- 4.5. Prostorija e-23, kontrolna sonda 2
ca u isto~nom delu ( 198.75). Kontrolna sonda 2 je postavqena u pravcu se-
4.3. Iskopavawe severoisto~nog ugla prosto- verjug za 2 m (ukupno 3,5 m) i 1,6 m u pravcu za-
rije 23 padistok uz zapadno lice zida prostorije 22 i ju-
Na povr{ini ovog prostora, ispod recentnog `no od zida u hipokaustu. U isto~nom profilu je
sloja tamnosive rastresite zemqe, otkriven je ustanovqeno postojawe dve podnice gorwi nivo
originalni deo zida Z7 ( 198.67 m), supstrukcija malterne podnice = 198.95, dowi nivo (podnica
poda prostorije 23 (sa~iwena od kre~nog maltera od opeka) = 198.82, izme|u kojih se nalazi {ut
pome{anog sa kamenom i lomqenom opekom: najvi- (supstrukcija malternog poda). Ispod doweg, sta-
{i nivo na 198.63 m, najni`i na 198.52 ), kao rijeg poda nalazi se sloj tvrde, nabijene zemqe
i jedna opeka in situ ( 198.70), koja predstavqa (zdravica).
ostatak originalnog poda prostorije 23. 4.6. Prostorija e-24 sonda 70
4.4. Prostorija e-23, kontrolna sonda 1 Veli~ina sonde iznosi: AB = 3.20 m, CD = 3.07 m,
Kontrolna sonda je postavqena u severozapad- AC = 7.70 m, BD = 7.53 m. Vrednosti kota uglova son-
nom delu prostorije 23. Iskopano je oko pola me- de 70 pre po~etka iskopavawa iznose: A = 199.5,
tra sloja ru{ewa, gde se uo~ava recentni sloj ru- B = 199.5, C = 199.81, D = 199.8. [ut sa
{ewa (nastao prilikom konzervacije zidova krupnim fragmentima kamewa, opeke, maltera i na-
prostorije), koji je pome{an sa anti~kim slojem lazima recentnih predmeta konstatovan je kroz
(velika koli~ina maltera pome{ana sa opekom, celu sondu, i to su ostaci gra|ewa muzejske zgrade
kamewem i fresko-malterom). Opeke sa~uvane is- 1936. godine. Konstatovana je podnica od opeka, is-
pod sloja ru{ewa su na 198.51. Ispod tog poda pod kojih je prime}ena podnica `ute boje: 198.9.
nai{lo se na deo hipokausta, koji je o~uvan na raz-
li~itim nivoima u sondi. Kotirane su opeke u za- 5. Jugozapadni sektor (sl. 11)
padnom delu pored zida ( 198.52), zatim velika 5.1. Jugozapadne prostorije
opeka u ju`nom profilu kontrolne sonde ( 198.74) Pre komentara stratigrafije da}emo neke uvod-
i opeka u isto~nom delu sonde ( 198.33). Izme|u ne napomene. Tokom kampawe 2010/11. istra`iva-
stubi}a hipokausta nabijena je tamnocrvena ze- ne su prostorije w-21 (sonda 78), w-9 (sonda 75), w-
mqa pome{ana sa malterom. Sloj je tanak (od neko- 10 (sonda 76), w-11 (sonda 77) i zapadni deo w-12
liko centimetara). (sonda 79). Treba odmah re}i da su prostorije w-21
244
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
i w-9, delom i w-10, bile intaktne, dok su u osta- Ovaj podatak je dragocen, jer je na|eni novac iz za-
lim ra|ena reviziona iskopavawa jer nisu bile tvorene celine, a ve}ina pripada periodu 364375.
dokopane u radovima 1972. godine. Od jugoisto~nih godine, neposredno pred prvo ru{ewe vile, koje
prostorija reviziono su istra`ene: sredwi deo upravo zbog ovih nalaza mo`emo da pripi{emo
prostorije 12 (sonda 107) i isto~ni deo prostori- provali Gota posle hadrijanopoqske bitke 378.
je e-12 (sonda 80). godine. Iznad sloja C je drugi ru{evinski sloj
Ispred tih prostorija iskopavan je portik, a ozna~en kao nivo a. I sloj i nivo su nastali od ru-
wegova jugozapadna polovina bila je podeqena na {ewa krova, zidova i stubaca trema. U okviru ta
slede}e sonde: 81; 83; 84 i 86, i ulazni deo u vilu dva sloja konstatovani su ~itavi delovi zidova i
(sonda 101). Sonde 81, 83 i delom 84 bile su netak- stubaca, i to onako kako su pali prilikom ru{e-
nute, a u sondama 86 i 107 izvr{eno je reviziono wa. Iznad nivoa a nalazi se sloj sekundarnog ru-
iskopavawe, kao i u sondama po~etka jugoisto~ne {ewa (sloj B).
polovine portika: sonde 82 i 105. U reviziji je is- U jugoisto~nom delu, me|utim, u sondi 80 je kon-
kopavan mali deo zaostalog sloja C (ru{evinski statovano malo postrojewe (za kupawe? kada?) koje
sloj) i gorwi nivo sloja D. je sagra|eno na gare`i koja le`i na sloju D. Ova
Stratigrafija se i u ovom sektoru unekoliko konstrukcija bi pripadala medijanskom horizon-
razlikuje od severozapadnih prostorija. Pre svega, tu 3, {to je jasno, jer je kada prese~ena bunarom
ovde nema podova od opeka ili maltera, ve} je na- u kome je na|ena kasnosredwovekovna keramika.
bijena zemqa (gorwi nivo sloja D, u kome je na|eno Sli~an bunar otkriven je i u sondi 105.
dosta novca). Iznad je jak ru{evinski sloj krov- I ovde dajemo tabelu sredwih vrednosti debqi-
nih opeka (sloj C) i on potpuno zatvara sloj D. ne slojeva:
245
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
246
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
sloj kre~nog malternog {uta koji sadr`i ogromnu nastao 1933. godine kada je Aleksandar Nenadovi} iskopao
koli~inu opeke iz zida, komade malternih spojni- statuu Dea Dardanica. Ova prostorija bila je otvorena prema
ulaznom prostoru peristila. U SZ delu prostorije, na nivou
ca i sporadi~no komade kamena. Sporadi~no se na-
poda, na|en je novac: Val (Valens), a na reversu GLORIA
ilazi na grumewe gare`i i pepela. Konstatovani ROMANORUM (Jankovi}-Mihald`i} 2008, 51, br. 111 (t. i. br.
su i komadi zidova/stubova u ru{ewu, a vidi se i deo 448): 366367. godina).
247
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
5.5. Isto~ni deo ju`nog portika (sonda 105) temeqnog pro{irewa. Na osnovu sa~uvanih otisa-
5.5.1. Sloj D mrka kompaktna zemqa; kota ka opeka mo`e se pretpostaviti da su bili prose~-
osnove iskopa iznosi 198.49. ne debqine od 0,68 m, zidani kamenom i opekom u
Bunar (jama 5) pre~nika je oko 2,00 m. U woj tehnici opus mixtum. Spoqwi severni i zapadni
su, osim {uta, na|eni i fragmenti kasnosredwove- zidovi zapadnih prostorija imaju debqinu 0,80 m
kovne keramike. Na koti 196.12 otkrivene su ~etiri i izgra|eni su tako|e u tehnici opus mixtum. Seve-
drvene daske, {irine oko 1015 cm i debqine oko rozapadni ugao prostorije w-23 izgra|en je u celo-
5 cm, pore|ane tako da obrazuju kvadrat. Dno buna- sti od opeka u du`ini od oko 1,40 m u pravcu isto-
ra (pesak i {qunak) nalazi se na koti 195.96 m. ka i juga. Temeqi su bili ukopani u temeqni rov
{irine do 0,80 m i dubine od 0,80 do 1,00 m. Ra|e-
ni su od lomqenog kamena i opeke i zaliveni kre~-
ANALIZA OTKRIVENE nim malterom sa dodatkom sitno lomqene opeke i
ARHITEKTURE re~nog {qunka.
Podovi zapadnih prostorija izvedeni su razli-
1. Severozapadne prostorije i prostor seve- ~ito. U prostorijama w-22 i w-24a podovi su bili
rozapadno od severne fasade vile (sektori 3 i 1) od dobro i kvalitetno zagla~anog maltera sa izra-
Tokom 2010. i 2011. godine su u potpunosti is- `enim malternim lajsnama uza zidove, dok su po-
tra`ene prostorije w-22, w-24w-24a i w-1. Na dovi u prostorijama w-24, w-23a i w-13 slo`eni
ovaj na~in su u zapadnim prostorijama objediwena od opeka razli~itog formata i ukra{enih reqe-
ukupna istra`ivawa zapo~eta u ju`nom delu pro- fima u obliku dijagonala i valovnica. Pod u pro-
storija w-1 i w-25 u 1969. i 1972. godini (Q. Zoto- storiji w-1 je od zemqe (zdravice? sloj E). Pod u
vi}),15 i u sondama 4547 iz 2003, 2005. i 2006. go- prostoriji w-24 bio je prete`no od opeka, ali su
dine (M. Vasi}). Utvr|eno je sedam prostorija, pojedine povr{ine bile od maltera (sl. 12).
raspore|enih u dva reda, izme|u sve~ane dvorane/
triklinijuma (isto~no) i hodnika prema termama
(zapadno). O~uvanost zidova je nejednaka. U visini
15 Obele`avawe prostorija preuzeto je iz Dnevnika
od oko 0,80 m sa~uvani su pregradni zidovi izme|u
istra`ivawa Q. Zotovi}. Prostorije na isto~nom i zapadnom
prostorija w-23 i w-22, i w-13 i w-1, dok su ostali krilu imaju iste arapske brojeve, uz koje su dodate skra}enice
zidovi sa~uvani neznatno (do 0,20 m) ili na nivou w i e.
248
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 14. Deo hipokausta i otvora zatrpanog prefurnijuma u prostoriji w-22, snimak s juga
Fig. 14. Part of hypocaust and the opening of covered praefurnium in room w-22, photographed from the south
sa dva aneksa na istoku i zapadu (sl. 15). Zidovi sti- nepoznavawa stawa hipokausta.
249
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 15. Severozapadni deo vile, van severne fasade vile, stibadijum B, pogled sa severa
Fig. 15. North-western part of the villa, outside the villas northern facade, stibadium B, viewed from the north
250
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 18. Severoisto~ni deo, van severne fasade, ostaci prostorije, posle 380. godine;
sonda 97, snimak sa severozapada (konstrukcija u sloju V)
Sl. 19. Jugozapadni deo vile, sonda 78 prostorija w-21 i 81, nivo ru{ewa
(u pozadini sonde 75 prostorija w-9, 76 prostorija w-10, sonde 81, 85), snimak sa zapada
Fig. 18. North-eastern part, outside the northern facade, remnants of a room, after 380,
sondage 97, from the north-west (the construction in stratum B)
Fig. 19. South-western part of the villa, sondage 78 rooms w-21 and 81, level of destruction
(in the background, sondage 75 room w-9, sondage 76 room w-10, sondage 81 and 85), from the west
i s freskama na zidovima (w-26). U neposrednoj nih 1980. godine, kao i nerazumevawa pojedinih
blizini stibadijuma B, sa wegove spoqwe severne elemenata arhitekture tokom tih radova. Kako su
i zapadne strane (sonde 72, 74, 90, 87, 89) otkrive- konzervirani zidovi bili u stawu ru{ewa, pristu-
ni su plitko fundirani zidovi, sa~uvani u jednom pilo se wihovom uklawawu. Tom prilikom je utvr-
redu slo`enih oblutaka u suvozidu (sl. 17). Severno |eno da je severoisto~ni ugao vile bio u punoj vi-
od wih je na|en deo zida, pravca zapadistok, oja~an sini izveden opekom na du`ini od 1,40 m u pravcu
pilastrima. Zid je gra|en u alternaciji kamena i zapada i juga, kao {to je to potvr|eno i na severo-
opeke u kre~nom malteru. zapadnom uglu. Pregradni zid izme|u prostorija
2. Severoisto~ne prostorije i prostor severo- e-24 i e-24a pova|en je do temeqa. Polo`aj prola-
isto~no od vile (sektori 4 i 2) za na ovom zidu mogao se samo pretpostaviti pre-
Na ovom delu gra|evine, u prostorijama e-22 ma sa~uvanom dovratniku pregradnog zida izme|u
e-24 i e-24a, istra`ivawa su bila usmerena ka prostorija e-22 i e-24. Na osnovu sa~uvanih trago-
prikupqawu podataka koji su se ve}im delom odno- va nadzemnog dela utvr|ena je debqina pregradnih
sili na razumevawe funkcije i konstrukcije, a pred- zidova (0,68 m) i debqina spoqwih zidova (0,80 m).
stavqaju reviziju ranijih istra`ivawa iz 1934, Zidovi su gra|eni u alternaciji kamena i opeke
1969, 1972. i 19781979. godine. I na tom delu vile tehnikom opus mixtum. Temeqi su bili istog kva-
potvr|en je istovetan raspored prostorija kao i u liteta, debqine i izgleda kao i u prostorijama na
zapadnom delu, koji se sastoji od sedam prostorija severozapadnom delu.
raspore|enih u dva reda ~etiri na severnom delu Smewivawe podova od izgla~anog maltera i od
i tri na ju`nom. Zbog stabilnosti muzejske zgrade, opeke primetno je i u isto~nim prostorijama. Pro-
severni profili sondi bili su udaqeni od trema storije e-24a, e-22e-23 imale su malterni pod, a
zgrade za 2,00 m i nije bilo mogu}e utvrditi polo- prostorija e-24 pod od opeka. U prostoriji e-13 je
`aj i stawe severnog spoqweg zida, kao i vezu pre- pod od zemqe. U ju`nim prostorijama e-16a i e-1
gradnih zidova sa wim. Izgled i konstrukciju grad- isto~nog krila nalazi se pod poplo~an opekama,
we u severoisto~nim prostorijama bilo je te{ko konzerviran u vreme radova 1969. godine. Otvore-
sagledati i usled konzervatorskih radova izvede- ne su i dve probne sonde u prostorijama e-22 i e-23,
251
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 20. Sonda 81, jugozapadni ugao vile, nivo ru{ewa (u pozadini sonda 78 prostorija w-21),
snimak sa jugozapada
Sl. 21. Sonda 81, situacija na jugozapadnom uglu vile, snimak sa jugoistoka
Fig. 20. Sondage 81, south-western corner of the villa, level of destruction
(in the background, sondage 78 room w-21), from the south-west
Fig. 21. Sondage 81, south-western corner of the villa, photographed from the south-east photographed from the south
252
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Sl. 23. Sonda 101, osnova sonde nakon iskopavawa (u drugom planu: zapadni deo ju`nog trema vile),
snimak sa severoistoka
Sl. 24. Sonda 101, baza zapadnog stuba ulaza u vilu, otisak u zidu z-50, snimak sa juga
Fig. 23. Sondage 101, base of the sondage after excavation (in the background the western part
of the villas southern porch), photographed from the north-east
Fig. 24. Sondage 101, base of west column at the villas entrance, impression in wall z-50,
photographed from the south
radi kontrole temeqa i sistema za grejawe. Potvr- storijama w-21 i w-910 (sonde 78, 70, 76) (sl. 19),
|en je hipokaustni sistem podnog grejawa i zidnog kao i elemente za analizu konstrukcije i izgleda
grejawa tubulusima, sli~no nalazima u severoza- trema (sonde 81, 8385, 101) (sl. 20, 21, 22). Izvr-
padnim prostorijama vile (sl. 9). {ena su i reviziona istra`ivawa u prostorijama
U sondama severoisto~no od vile (sektor 2) is- w-1012 (sonda 77). Odnos sloja {uta od ru{ewa
pitan je temeq severnog zida vile i utvr|eni su we- krovne konstrukcije ukazao je na na~in gradwe tih
gova dubina i na~in fundirawa. Tom prilikom je prostorija. Utvr|eni su i veli~ina, konstrukcija
utvr|eno postojawe prefurnijuma, koji nije zabe- i izgled trema na jugu. Posebno su bili dragoceni
le`en u istra`ivawima 19781979. godine, a kon- podaci od ru{ewa stubaca od opeke, ~iji su se po-
zervatorskim radovima je i potpuno negiran (sl. stamenti (kamene baze) sa~uvali du` ju`nog zida
10). Ostali delovi arhitekture, van gabarita vile, trema. Iskopavawa su pokazala da je prvobitni ju-
istovetni su sa zidovima od oblutaka u suvozidu `ni trem bio pro{iren prema jugu (sl. 23, 24). Od
otkrivenom i na prostoru oko stibadijuma B. Kon- starijeg trema sa~uvan je temeq.
stantovana je i pravougaona konstrukcija prislo-
wena uz severnu fasadu vile, kao i zid pravca sever
jug na du`ini od 17,00 m (sl. 18). Wihova konstruk- POKRETNI
cija, izgled i orijentacija su razli~iti od zidova ARHEOLO[KI MATERIJAL
vile. O~i{}ena je i sonda B iz 2008. godine (M.
Kora}) i ponovo analizovana veza spoqwih zidova Pokretni materijal na|en u ove dve kampawe
vile i prislowenog zida od opeka u slogu ribqe je, osim novca, malobrojan. U ovom izve{taju je dat
kosti, koji verovatno predstavqa deo konstrukci- samo sumaran spisak na|enih predmeta, kako bi se
je trema postavqenog na isto~nom krilu vile. stekla osnovna slika. Materijal nije konzerviran
3. Jugozapadne prostorije i ulazni deo vile te se ne mogu dati neki precizniji opisi, a i bilo
(sektor 5) bi suvi{e op{irno za ovu namenu. Za neki drugi
Arheolo{ka i arhitektonska istra`ivawa na rad ostaje da se d kompletna katalo{ka obrada.
jugozapadnom i ulaznom delu vile pru`ila su po- Otkriveni predmeti, iako dobro stratificirani,
datke za potpuno sagledavawe arhitektura u pro- nisu hronolo{ki osetqivi i ne pru`aju neke jo{
253
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
sigurnije potvrde zakqu~aka koji su ve} izneti u (dim. 8,7 cm). Gvozdene i bronzane pincete su u an-
vezi sa stratigrafijom. ti~ko doba predstavqale vrlo rasprostrawene in-
1. Sonde severozapadnog sektora (severoza- strumente, pri ~emu se smatra da su kori{}ene u
padno od severne fasade vile sa peristilom, medicinske i kozmeti~ke svrhe (kao toaletni pri-
sonde 72, 73, 88, 90, 86, 87, 42/2004, 89 i 91) bor i kao ukosnice).23
Sloj A dve fragmentovane gvozdene strelice Na prvi pogled, materijal na|en u sloju V pri-
S-327/10 i S-332/1017 (sonda 88), pqosnatog tro- padao bi periodu posle 380. godine, dakle vi{e od-
ugaonog oblika, sa koso zase~enim dr{kama, ~iji govara materijalu sloja C. Postoje dve mogu}nosti.
je tip poznat i kao tip pqosnatih trougaonih stre- Ili je materijal u sloj V dospeo kasnijim preko-
lica, a kao analogije se mogu navesti primerci sa pavawem sloja C, ili }e detaqnija analiza pokaza-
lokaliteta Pontes i U{}e Pore~ke reke.18 ti da se delom radi o sredwovekovnom materijalu
Sloj B prona|eni su slede}i nalazi: fragmen- koji bi mogao da se na|e u sloju V.
tovani bronzani struga~ S-286/10 (sonda 86), ~ije Sloj S u sondi 72, u kampawi 2011. godine, na
se trakasto telo lepezasto {iri na jednom kraju;19 kotama izme|u 198.87 i 198.74, prona|eno je na ma-
fragment bronzanog predmeta S-287/10 (sonda 86), woj povr{ini vi{e fragmenata skulptura od por-
trakastog oblika, pravougaonog preseka tela koje je fira i beloga mermera: S-253 fragmentovana
blago savijeno i su`ava se prema jednom kraju; ko{- `ivotiwska {apa (lav, tigar?) od belog mermera;
tani rog, sa tragovima crvene boje S-328/10 (sonda S-282 fragment glave, sa delimi~no o~uvanom
86), koji ima primetne tragove se~ewa i gla~awa i frizurom, jednim okom i korenom nosa od belog
pretpostavqa se da je pripreman za izradu dr{ke. mermera (sl. 25); S-294 fragment porfirne skulp-
Sli~ni primeri ko{tanih rogova se tako|e datuju ture, o~uvana leva {aka u kojoj se nalazi glob/jaje,
u IVV vek n. e.;20 gvozdena alka S-322/10 prona|e- sa naborima draperije preba~ene preko ruke24 (sl.
na u kontrolnom profilu izme|u sondi 86 i 87. 26); S-295 fragment porfirne skulpture koji
Sloju V tako|e pripada i bronzana kop~a S-278/10 predstavqa zmiju prislowenu uz skut Higijine ha-
(sonda 87), koja je, sude}i po wenim malim dimen- qine (deo zmije koju Higija hrani);25 S-296 frag-
zijama (2,2 cm h 1,4 cm h 0,1 cm), najverovatnije ko- ment desnog stopala sa o~uvanim delom sandale i
ri{}ena kao kop~a za obu}u. Kop~a je ovalnog obli- draperije;26 S-297 fragment skulpture od crve-
ka, s trnom pravougaonog oblika i preseka, i okovom nog porfira, vaqkastog oblika; S-298 fragmento-
sa perforacijama po obodu. U sloju V je prona|en i vana mermerna zmija obmotana oko drveta/{tapa;
fragment crne staklene narukvice S-264/11 (sonda
87), koji pripada najjednostavnijem tipu stakle-
nih neukra{enih, jednobojnih narukvica. Stakle-
ne narukvice ovoga tipa se datuju u razdobqe od III 17 Brojevi 10 i 11, koji }e slediti nakon broja S nalaza,
do prve polovine V veka n. e.21 Jo{ jedan fragment ozna~avaju 2010, odnosno 2011. godinu arheolo{kih istra`iva-
wa vile sa peristilom na Medijani.
narukvice od crnog stakla S-85/11 (sonda 90) tipa 18 [pehar 2010, 129.
staklenih jednobojnih narukvica ukra{enih is- 19 Ibid, 103.
pup~ewima razli~itih oblika prona|en je u istom 20 Petkovi} 1995, 56, 99.
sloju. Usled razli~itog ukra{avawa, postoji vi{e 21 Jelin~i} 2009/2010, 111112.
podtipova, a na{ nalaz S-85/11 pripada tipu naru- 22 Spaer 1988, 5556; Jelin~i} 2009/2010, 112.
kvica ukra{enih blago zaobqenim rebrima. Ovaj 23 Pincete se po obliku krakova mogu podeliti na one sa
podtip staklenih narukvica se datuje u razdobqe od ravnim i i one s malo zavijenim krakovima, dok im dimenzije
variraju od 5 cm do 10,5 cm: Deringer 1954, 152; Grupa autora
III do kasnog IV veka n. e.22 U sloju V sonde 90 pro-
1997, 252, br. 415 i 416; Gregl 1982, 181182.
na|eni su jo{ i staklena dvo~lankovita perlica 24 Ustanovqeno je da porfirni fragment skulpture C-294,
S-91/11, tamnoplave boje, sa perforacijom za niza- kao i C-296, pripada skulpturi boga Asklepija prona|enoj
we, i fragment `ute staklene narukvice S-92/11, 1972. godine u prostoriji w-4 vile sa peristilom (u anti~koj
koji pripada tipu jednobojnih neukra{enih sta- zbirci skulptura boga Asklepija je pod inv. br. 985).
25 Identi~na predstava kao kod Higijine porfirne statu-
klenih narukvica.
ete s natpisom na|ene 1972. godine u prostoriji w-4 vile s peri-
Na preseku slojeva V i S prona|ena je pinceta stilom (u anti~koj zbirci skulptura Higije je pod inv. br. 986).
S-98/10 (sonda 73) koja ima vrh nepravilnog kru- 26 Ibid.
`nog oblika, od kojeg se ra~vaju dva ravna kraka 27 Grupa autora 1997, 69, br. 47; Grupa autora 1969, 8788.
254
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
S-299 fragmentovano mermerno postoqe skulp- fragmenti u sondi 72, jo{ nisu otkrivene i mo`da
ture sa fragmentovanim levim stopalom i ureza- su zauvek nestale.
nim tekstom na gr~kom jeziku; S-300 fragment Sloju S tako|e pripada bronzana dr{ka u obli-
skulpture od belog mermera koji predstavqa deo ku poprsja `enskog bo`anstva i s dowim delom u ko-
leve {ake sa okruglim atributom (glob/jaje?) (sl. ji je uglavqena gvozdena spatula S-140/11 (sonda
27); S-301 fragment dela prsta od belog merme- 90) (dim. 10, 9 cm), koja je najverovatnije kori{}e-
ra; nalazi S-302, S-303, S-331, S-332 i S-340 koji na u kozmeti~ke svrhe (sl. 28). Iako su glava i torzo
predstavqaju delove sklupturalnog ukrasa (delovi bo`anstva prili~no sumarno ura|eni, na osnovu
grana od podupira~a skulpture ?); fragment S-305 {lema sa perjanicom i karakteristi~nog oklopa
koji verovatno predstavqa deo kopita, i nalaz S-306 egide, prikazanog na grudima bogiwe, mo`emo sa
kojim je obuhva}eno vi{e sitnih delova skulptura prili~nom sigurno{}u konstatovati da je u pitawu
od belog mermera, koje, usled wihovog fragmento- bogiwa Minerva. Ako se ima u vidu da je Minerva
vanog stawa, nije mogu}e pravilno identifikova- bila i ijatri~ko bo`anstvo i za{titnica lekara,
ti. Nalaz ovih fragmenata na jednom mestu izvan potpuno je logi~no weno predstavqawe na predmetu
vile pokazuje da je tu izvr{eno saka}ewe jednog de- verovatno upotrebqavanom u kozmeti~ke a mo`da i
la medijanskih skulptura (odsecawe ruku i glave). medicinske svrhe. Dosta sli~nosti sa primerkom
Deo tako osaka}enih statueta, prvenstveno Askle- sa Medijane u pogledu oblikovawa glave i atributa
pija i Higije, odnet je naknadno u prostoriju w-4 u bogiwe, pronalazimo u figuralnom poprsju i figu-
kojoj su bile pohrawene i druge, isto tako saka}e- rama Minerve iz Obrenovca, Zagreba, sa nepozna-
ne skulpture. Neke skulpture, od kojih su na|eni tih lokaliteta u Podunavqu i iz Gra~anice.27
C282 C300
C294
255
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
C268
256
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
257
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
258
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
badijumu B (istra`ivawa 2011. godine). Promewen strukciji su kori{}eni materijali visokog kvali-
je i sistem grejawa. Prefurnijum u prostoriji w-24a teta za izradu stubova, podova i fresko-oslikavawe.
nije vi{e bio u funkciji zbog nemogu}nosti pri- Primeweni su i novi konstrukcioni sistemi tipa
laza u taj deo objekta prilikom izgradwe stibadi- svoda, kalota i polukalota.
juma B. I prefurnijum u isto~nom delu, bli`e se- Po zavr{enoj rekonstrukciji je u potpunosti
veroisto~nom uglu, nije bio vi{e u funkciji zbog promewen izgled, ali i zna~ewe gra|evine u kojoj
postavqawa pregradnog zida i deobe velike ugaone je tada izra`en javni, administrativni i sve~ani
severoisto~ne prostorije na dve (e-22 i e-23). Mogu- ceremonijalni karakter. Ovaj koncept ure|ewa za-
}e je da su preostala lo`i{ta kori{}ena i u dru- dr`ao se do gotskih upada 378. godine.
goj graditeqskoj fazi. Postavqeni su novi prola- Tre}oj graditeqskoj fazi (posle 380. godine)
zi, {irine oko 1,00 m, sa dovratnicima od opeka i pripadaju pregradwe i zidovi od oblutaka konsta-
nadvratnikom u vidu ravnog luka. Na ju`nom delu tovani van gabarita stibadijuma A i B, na severo-
objekta izvr{ene su velike intervencije na ulaz- zapadnom i severoisto~nom delu kompleksa. Koliko
nom delu i potpuna promena izgleda i konstrukcije u ovoj fazi istra`ivawa mo`e da se utvrdi, radi
prilaznog ju`nog trema. Trem je pro{iren, i na we- se o velikim pravougaonim zgradama, te izgleda da
govom ju`nom zidu izgra|eno je 14 stubaca, zidanih naseqe posle 380. godine nije bilo nimalo bezna-
opekom, sa monumentalnim kamenim bazama. Preob- ~ajno. U ovom trenutku, ovaj problem ostavi}emo
likovan i pove}an je i trem ka dvori{tu. U rekon- po strani.
259
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
BIBLIOGRAFIJA:
Bratani} 1938 R. O. Bratani}, Arheolo{ka Kanitz 1892 F. Kanitz, Rmische Studien in Ser-
istra`ivawa u Brzom Brodu, Starinar (3. s.), 13 bien. Der Donau-Grenzwall, das Strassennetz, die Stdte,
(1938), 199204. Castelle, Denkmale, Thermen und Bergwerke zur Rmer-
Crnoglavac, I{qamovi}, Todorovi} 2014 zeit im Knigreiche Serbien. Denkschr. Kaiserl. Akad.
V. Crnoglavac, D. I{qamovi}, B. Todorovi}, Prime- Wiss., phil.-hist. Classe 41,2, Wien 1892.
na Fourier-ove transformacione infracrvene spek- Milo{evi} 1996 G. Milo{evi}, Archaeological park
troskopije u identifikaciji fragmenata skulpture Mediana by Ni{ (Naissus), in: XIII U.I.S.P.P. Congress
sa Medijane, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja iz Ni{a International Union of Prehistoric and Protohistoric
22, 2014, 7378. Siences, Colloquium XXXVI Archaelogical Parks (ed.
Deringer 1954 H. Deringer, Die medizinschen G. B. Montanati, S. Narayan), Forl, 1996, 5968.
Instrumente des Ennser Museums, Forschungen Lauri- Or{i}-Slaveti} 1933/34 A. Or{i}-Slave-
acum, 2, Linz 1954, 144155. ti}, Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa u Ni{u i okolini,
Gregl 1982 Z. Gregl, Rimski medicinski instru- Starinar (3. s.), 8/9 (1933/34), 303310.
menti iz Hrvatske I, Vjesnik Arheolo{kog muzeja u Za- Petkovi} 1995 S. Petkovi}, Rimski predmeti od
grebu, 3, XV, Zagreb 1982, 175198. kosti i roga sa teritorije Gornje Mezije, Beograd 1995.
Grupa autora 1969 Grupa autora, Anti~ka bron- Spaer 1988 M. Spaer, The Pre-Islamic glass bra-
za u Jugoslaviji, Beograd 1969. celets of Palestine, Journal of Glass Studies 30, 1988,
Grupa autora 1997 Grupa autora, Anti~ka 5161.
bronza Singidunuma, Beograd 1997. [pehar 2010 P. [pehar, Materijalna kultura iz
Jankovi}-Mihald`i} 2008 D. Jankovi}-Mihald`i}, ranovizantijskih utvr|enja u \erdapu, Beograd 2010.
Pojedina~ni nalazi rimskog novca na Medijani (rez. Vasi}, Gavrilovi} 2012 M. Vasi}, N. Gavrilovi},
Single finds of Roman Coins from Mediana) Naissus I, Venus or Diana from Mediana, Starinar, LXII, Beograd
Ni{ 2008, 2573. 2012, 137149.
Jelin~i} 2009/2010 K. Jelin~i}, Rimske staklene
narukvice kao prilog poznavanju anti~koga Ore{ca, Opu-
scula Archaeologica, 33, Zagreb 2009/2010, 105124.
260
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Key words. Mediana, villa with peristyle, stratigraphy, architecture, portable finds, late antiquity.
Throughout 2010 and 2011, a systematic nine month archaeo- 1.2. Between the elevations of 198.8 and 198.6 in sondages
logical exploration was conducted on the north-eastern, north- 72, 86, 90 and 89/42, above stratum F (with the exception of the
western and south-eastern parts of the villa with peristyle, as praefurnium in sondage 42), a mortar base was noted over the
well as the area in front of the museum building (see note 8). entire surface.
The envisaged area of exploration was around 1,400 m. In 1.3. Above the mortar base, a light brown soil with fine
total, 1,230 m of this area was thoroughly examined (Fig. 1). rubble of stratum D was deposited. This stratum covered the
The excavations were performed with the aim of defining the praefurnium on the outer side of room w-22, as well as part of
dimensions of the north-western and south-western parts of the the praefurnium in sondage 42. The foundations of stibadium B
villa, the appearance of the villas entrance, as well as to explore and the praefurnium on its northern side were dug into stratum D,
the foundations of the museum building. In the course of the as were the foundations of room w-26. This stratigraphy clearly
excavations, certain differences were perceived in the stratigraphy indicates that stibadium B, and consequently stibadium A, be-
of the villa with peristyle and the part excavated outside the villa. long to a different construction phase when the villa underwent
This is why these excavations were divided into five sectors, as significant alterations. The foundations of wall 1, of a north-east
follows: to south-west orientation, north of stibadium B, were also dug
1. Sondages north-west of the villas northern facade into stratum D.
2. Sondages north-east of the villas northern facade The upper level of stratum D was also used as a residential
3. North-western rooms level of the buildings erected around stibadium B (walls 2 and 3
4. North-eastern rooms in sondage 88 and the wall in sondage 90). In the corner between
5. South-western rooms the northern wall of room w-26 and the western wall of stibadium
This division simplifies the monitoring of the stratigraphic B, a hiding place (upper edge at an elevation of 199.15), made
situation in the entire area of excavation. of bricks laid edgewise on the brick floor, was dug into the
The results of the 2010 and 2011 explorations of the villa with upper level of stratum D. The hiding place was covered and sub-
peristyle provided fresh data, which allowed for the redefinition sequently filled with tegulae at a later date, after it had been
of the construction phases. With the exception of the vestibule, emptied. In a thin layer of soil at the bottom of the box, at an ele-
the whole villa was explored. However, in the future, attention will vation of 198.89, a bronze coin dating from 425450 was found.
have to be paid to the area between the enclosing wall and the villa, The discovery of this piece clearly shows that the horizon of
where sondage explorations have only just begun. Summing up stratum D was also used in the period after 380, that the buildings
the stratigraphic data, straightaway it should be pointed out that, around stibadium B were built at that time and that Mediana
unlike in other parts of Mediana, in and around the villa thicker came to its end with the invasion of the Huns in 441.
strata were preserved. The precise excavations allowed for their 1.4. The horizon of stratum D, the hiding place and walls
careful inspection, which enabled a thorough analysis of the 1, 2 and 3, were covered with a layer of tegulae and imbrices
strata and gave an insight into their history. In the text, conside- stratum C. The stratum was at its highest around the western
rable importance was ascribed to defining the strata accurately, annex of stibadium B (at an elevation of 199.63). This situa-
which at first seems tiresome, but was essential for comparing tion clearly shows that the walls of the stibadium were much
this well preserved stratigraphy with the other parts of Mediana, better preserved and probably used in horizon 3. From the stiba-
with much thinner and, sometimes, hardly discernible strata. dium, stratum C descended towards the west and over wall 3
where, in sondages 72 and 73, it reached an elevation of 198.7.
1. Sondages to the north-west of the villas northern There it rested against the oldest mortar base and, directly
faccade (Fig. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 13, 15, 16, 17) below it, between an elevation of 198.87 and 198.74, fragments
1.1. The foundations of the villas northern facade and the of sculptures were discovered, some of which belong to some
audience hall/triclinium were dug into stratum E proto-humus statuettes from the hoard in room w-4, discovered in 1972.
above the subsoil. In sondage 42, four sturdy posts of square 1.5. Stratum C is covered with a heavy layer of debris caused
section, supporting the roof frame which shielded the area in by the destruction of the walls of the stibadium, the villas
front of the hypocaust furnace of the aula and room 24a, were northern rooms and the large audience hall stratum B. It repre-
dug into this stratum. Imbrex and tegula fragments were found sents a secondary, centuries-long, destruction of the walls that
on the compacted soil in this place. Near the north-western cor- remained after the invasion of the Huns.
ner of the villa there was another praefurnium, intended to heat 1.6. The final, most recent stratum, is stratum A, created as
rooms 22 and 23. a result of the intensive extraction of the walls throughout the
261
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
whole area of the villa and, on the profiles, the trenches, going 4. North-eastern rooms (Fig. 9, 10)
from the surface to the preserved tops of the walls, or even their These rooms had already been excavated in the previous
foundations, are clearly visible. These trenches are filled with a explorations of the villa, consequently only revisional excavati-
darker grey soil which is loose, and above stratum B. ons were carried out in 2010/11. Thus, the data about the hypo-
caust installation was obtained, which was, at one point in time,
2. Sondages of the north-eastern sector (Fig. 7, 16) questioned, and on the older floor, a new floor was set.
2.1. Stratum D dark brown, compact soil which is, in its Room e-22: a mortar floor at an elevation of 198.94, below
upper layer, proto-humus going into the subsoil. This stratum con- which there is a stone and brick substructure resting on the older
tained the foundations of the villa, and the plinth of the northern brick floor. The older floor in this part lies on two parallel walls,
facade is at an elevation of 198.02. In concordance, stratum D of a north south orientation, which are plastered, and have pillars
would correspond to stratum F in the north-western sector. between them. At the entrance to room e-22, in the south, hypo-
2.2. Above stratum D and the praefurnium, after its levelling, caust pillars were noted. Below the hypocaust, at an elevation
stratum C was deposited, a light brown, compact soil mixed of 198.29, a floor was noted. In the western part of room e-22,
with mortar and fine brick rubble. This stratum corresponds to below a thin layer of destruction, a door jamb and a part of the
stratum D in the north-western sector. The foundations of both floor were discovered. The door jamb was found in the southern
stibadium A1 and the room attached to the villas northern part of the sondage, by the southern section of wall 3, and was
facade were dug into stratum C. From the middle of this rooms preserved as a part of the tiling of the mortar substructure.
northern wall, a wall stretches to the north (wall 7d) and passes Above it, the floor was discovered. The elevation of the tiling in
through sondages 97, 98 and 104. This wall was built of stones the southern part was measured (at an elevation of 198.77), as well
fixed with mud. The top of this wall is at an elevation of 198.8. as that of the stones and base in the western part (at an elevation
The room and wall 7d correspond to both walls 2 and 3 in of 198.77, 198.70, and 198.78) and the floor in the eastern part
sondages 72/3, 88 and 90, and to the wall in sondage 91 in the (at an elevation of 198.75).
north-western sector. Room e-23: on the surface of this space, below the more
From the upper horizon of stratum C, in sondage 103, a recent layer of loose dark grey soil, the original part of wall 37 was
debris pit was dug. The pit cut through strata C and D into the discovered (at an elevation of 198.67) along with a floor. The
subsoil. Fragmented pots from the height of the Middle Ages substructure of the floor of room e-23 is composed of lime mortar
were found in the pit. This would indicate that this part was open mixed with stone and broken brick, with its highest level at an
for a long time and was not covered with rubble from the villas elevation of 198.63 and lowest at an elevation of 198.52, and
original destruction, consequently enabling the Late Roman ho- one brick in situ at an elevation of 198.70, which represents the
rizons 2 and 3 to meet up with the horizon of the Middle Ages. remains of the original floor of room e-23. Below this floor a
2.3. Stratum C, the stone wall and the pit in sondage 103 are part of a hypocaust was discovered, which is preserved at dif-
covered by stratum B, a loose dark grey soil mixed with larger ferent levels in the sondage. In the eastern profile, the existence
pieces of rubble. It is difficult to say when the levelling of the of two floors was ascertained, the upper level of a mortar floor
mediaeval horizon took place, since in stratum B chronologi- at an elevation of 198.95, the lower level (a base of bricks) at an
cally sensitive material has not been found. Stratum B mixes elevation of 198.82, with rubble (the substructure of the mortar
with recent material and in concordance it would correspond to floor) between them. Below the lower, older floor, there is a
stratum B in the north-western sector. layer of hard, compacted soil (subsoil).
Room e-24 sondage 70: Rubble with larger stone, brick
3. North-western rooms of the villa with peristyle (Fig. and mortar fragments and finds of more recent artefacts, noted
8, 12, 14) throughout the entire sondage, represent the remains of the con-
Although the stratigraphy does not essentially differ from struction of the museum building in 1936. A brick floor was
that of the north-western and north-eastern sectors, certain dif- noted, below which a yellow coloured floor was observed at an
ferent characteristics exist. Primarily, all these rooms have brick elevation of 198.9.
or mortar floors. In the process of its destruction, the ceiling fell
onto these floors, followed by the roof. However, in room w-24a 5. South-western sector (Fig. 11, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24)
and, to a degree, in rooms w-24 and w-22, this original layer of 5.1. The south-western rooms
ruins was cleared to the floors. In other areas, this layer (stratum The stratigraphy in this sector also differs somewhat from
C) remained visible and was a floor in horizon 3. In such a way, the north-western rooms. First of all, there arent any brick or
on this surface in room w-1, in their secondary use, the base of mortar floors, but compacted soil (the upper level of stratum D,
the column from the peristyle and the head of the goddess Venus where numerous coins were discovered). Above it, there is a
were found.2 On the inner face of the villas northern wall, hypo- substantial layer of debris from the roof bricks (stratum C) and
causts were broken and used, particularly in room w-22, and in it completely covers stratum D. This information is invaluable,
this large excavated area mediaeval ceramics were discovered. since the coins were discovered as an undisturbed group, and
That is how, in these cleared and perforated areas, and on the most of them belong to the period 364375, immediately prior
parts of the floor, a secondary layer of ruins piled up (stratum
B). The trenches, created by the latest extraction of walls (dur-
ing the Ottoman period?), can also be perceived in the rooms.
With the exception of strata A and B, the other strata cannot be
placed in concordance with the strata of the two previously dis- 1 According to the excavations of 2013.
cussed sectors. 2 Vasi}, Gavrilovi} 2012, 137149.
262
PREGLEDNI RADOVI ARTICLES SOMMAIRES (231263) STARINAR LXIV/2014
to the first villas destruction, which, based on these finds, we can In construction phase 2 (from around 330 to the Gothic
attribute to the Gothic invasion after the Battle of Hadrianopolis incursions in 378) a large reconstruction was carried out on the
in 378. Above stratum C, there is a second layer of ruins, marked north and south wings and the courtyard of the building, which
as level a. Both the stratum and the level were formed by the totally altered the appearance and function of the building. The
destruction of the roof, walls and columns of the porch. Within eastern and western rooms of the north wing were reduced in size
these two layers, whole parts of walls and columns were noted, by partitioning. In some rooms, brick floors were installed. In
in the manner in which they fell during the destruction. Above rooms e-23 and w-21 two layers of a mortar floor were discove-
level a, there is a layer of secondary destruction (stratum B). red, which indicate the restoration of the floors from the first
The building technique of the discovered walls, the depth of construction phase. The walls and the ceilings were covered
the foundations and certain construction elements, indicate more with paintings. On the north-eastern and north-western part,
construction phases and the possible separation of the bases into two magnificent triclinia were added stibadium A and B. The
different positions, appearances and purposes. Thus, the disco- walls of the stibadia were lined with decorative marble panels
vered architecture and its phases are in full accordance with the and mosaic, and the floors were decorated with mosaic. In the
results attained by analysing stratigraphy, coins and the chrono- centre of each, there was a fountain. Water was supplied to the
logically sensitive, movable archaeological material. Three main fountain in the north-eastern stibadium A via lead pipes (re-
construction phases were singled out and, based on the archaeo- search from 1972), and then piped to the fountain in the north-
logical stratigraphy and the stratigraphy of the building destruc- western stibadium B (2011 research). The heating system was
tion, they can be dated to the period from the beginning of the also altered. The praefurnium in room w-21 was no longer func-
4th to the middle of the 5th century as horizon 1 (the first decades tional, as a result of the access to this part of the building having
of the 4th century), horizon 2 (from around 330 to the Gothic been blocked during the construction of stibadium B. Also, the
incursions in 378) and horizon 3 (from after 383 to the inva- praefurnium in the eastern part, closer to the north-eastern corner,
sion of the Huns in 441443). Certain interventions and finds was no longer in use due to the erection of the partition wall and
indicate that the space was used in the Middle Ages, although to the division of the spacious north-eastern corner room into two
a significantly lesser degree. (e-22 and e-23). It is quite possible that the remaining furnaces
The basic dimensions of the building in the first and second were also used in the later construction phase. New passageways,
construction phases did not significantly change, particularly in about 1.00m wide, with brick jambs and flat arch lintels were
the area with the administrative rooms (officium) in the east and built. In the southern part of the building, much reconstruction
west wings (rooms w2w21 and e2e21). The most significant took place on the entranceway and a complete alteration of the
changes were on the north-western and north-eastern parts of the appearance and construction of the southern entrance porch was
building, as well as on the southern porch and the entrance area. carried out. The porch was extended and, on its southern wall, 14
The original structure (construction phase 1) was of a simple, brick columns with monumental stone bases were built. Further-
elongated form, with a spacious courtyard in the middle, an audi- more, the porch facing the courtyard was remodelled and enlar-
ence hall/triclinium in the north and the entrance in the south. ged. In this reconstruction, high quality materials were used for
Numerous rooms of different purposes and sizes were arranged the building of the columns, floors and the fresco painting. In
around the courtyard and joined by the porch. On the side wings addition, new construction methods such as arches, calottes and
and in the south, the administrative rooms of the same surface semi-calottes were applied.
area and arrangement were positioned. The rooms of the northern After the reconstruction had been completed, the appearance
wing, east and west of the audience hall/triclinium, were heated of the building was totally changed, along with its meaning,
and intended for longer stays. The number of rooms cannot be which now conveyed a public, administrative and solemn, cere-
determined with any certainty, although it can be assumed that monial character. This organisational concept was preserved
they were of different sizes, the two larger in the north and three until the Gothic incursions in 378.
smaller in the south (?). Four praefurnia, along with the floor Room partitions and stone walls, noted outside stibadium
and wall heating systems, were ascertained in the northern rooms. A and B, in the north-western and north-eastern parts of the
In the first construction phase, rooms e2223, e2424a, w2424a complex, belong to the third construction phase (after 380). As
and w2223 represented one complete area that was heated by far as we can determine at this stage of research, these were large
a furnace in the northern wall. In the south wing of the building rectangular buildings and it seems that, after 380, the settlement
there was a sequence of nine rooms, all of the same size, with a was not at all insignificant. At this moment in time, however, we
porch in front of them. will set this problem to one side.
263
KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS (265270) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Odli~no od{tampan i bogato ilustrovan zbornik, u skra- znawa, koja su ubrzo oplo|ena rezultatima drugih metoda
}enom A4 formatu, ure|en je kao peti tom serije Povreme- prospekcije i arheolo{kih rekognoscirawa i iskopavawa
nih izdawa Istra`iva~ke grupe za arheologiju iz vazduha (Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2012; 2013; Rummel et al. 2012;
(Aerial Archaeology Research Group AARG), a prvi koji je Ivani{evi} 2012).
izdat u saradwi sa projektom ArchaeoLandscapes Europe. U narednom ~lanku Rej~el Opic daje obiman pregled
Kada se ima na umu zajedni~ko poqe delovawa i ispreple- istorijata i tehnika laserskog skenirawa iz vazduha i sa
tanost istra`iva~a, takva saradwa je potpuno prirodna. zemqe za potrebe arheologije (pp. 1331). Osnovnih podata-
Dok projekat umre`ava ve} stotinak institucija nauke i ka o lidarskim snimawima iz vazduha ima i u na{oj lite-
kulture, me|u kojima je i na{ Arheolo{ki institut, AARG raturi (Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2012, 246248). Opic pi{e
okupqa pojedince koji se bave razli~itim vidovima arhe- i o terestrijalnom lidaru, tj. razli~itim tipovima laser-
olo{ke prospekcije iz vazduha. Specijalisti~ka intereso- skih skenera koji se koriste za snimawe arhitekture ili
vawa stru~waka, ali i visok nivo wihovih nau~nih dostig- izradu terenske dokumentacije. Autorka op{irno ukazuje
nu}a, jasno se pokazuju u 20 ~lanaka kwige koja je predmet na mogu}e gre{ke, bilo u radu sa opremom, bilo tokom pri-
ovog prikaza. li~no detaqno opisanih procesa obrade i vizuelizacije
Uz ve{te upute na pojedine radove u zborniku, u uvod- podataka. Iza svakog poglavqa ovog preglednog rada daje se
nom ~lanku Rej~el Opic i Dejvida Kaulija daje se kriti~ki relevantna bibliografija.
prikaz rastu}e primene lidar (LiDAR, lidar, ALS) tehnolo- Mihael Doneus i Tomas Kitrajber (pp. 3250) skre}u
gije u arheologiji (pp. 112). Ne spore}i veliku korist ko- pa`wu na neophodnost stalne saradwe stru~waka za lidar
ju metod pru`a, autori s pravom upozoravaju na probleme tehnologiju i arheologa, od osmi{qavawa projekata do iz-
obrade dobijenih podataka i pouzdanost wihove interpre- rade finalnih vizuelizacija, kao i na potrebu ukr{tawa
tacije i nagla{avaju nu`nost kombinovawa lidar podata- lidar podataka s rezultatima drugih metoda prospekcije i
ka s drugim metodama prospekcije i dokumentacije i, pri- rada na istorijskim dokumentima. Kao primer, autori nu-
rodno, sa terenskim arheolo{kim radom. de prou~avawe kompleksa karmelitskog manastira Sv. Ana
Potreba bele`ewa prostora u tri dimenzije vrlo ja- u divqini (St Anna in der Wste) u Austriji. Manastir se
sno se o~itava jo{ u ostvarewima starih kartografa, a na- nalazi u brdovitom kraju, pod {umom, a tragovi kompleksa
metala se i u arheolo{koj praksi. U posledwih desetak go- su samo delom vidqivi. Bez upu{tawa u tehni~ke detaqe
dina, ako i ostavimo lidar po strani, 3D dokumentovawe je snimawa i obrade podataka, potcrtao bih metodolo{ki is-
vidno olak{ano s pojavom totalnih stanica, povr{inskih pravan postupak interpretacije digitalnog modela kroz
laserskih skenera (TLS) i sa razvojem fotogrametrije. Ka- pore|ewe sa dostupnom pisanom i likovnom gra|om. Neo-
ko je duhovito sa`eto, razli~iti pristupi idu od terenca bi~na, skoro srcolika trasa bedema kompleksa dovodila se
blatwavih ~izama zadubqenog u topografiju pobr|a do u vezu s pojmom Svetog srca. Me|utim, na osnovu niza vizu-
kompjuterskog moqca koji sedi u zamra~enoj sobi i, uz zu- elizacija digitalnih podataka utvr|eno je da se ona zapra-
jawe opreme, pi{e kompleksan program kako bi stvorio vo poklapa s granicom reqefne nevidqivosti komplek-
virtuelnu okolinu! Prevedena re~enica dosta govori o sa sa okolnih pozicija, koja mo`e da se tuma~i potrebom
{irini dana{wih arheolo{kih zahvata, a sa autorima va- karmelitskog reda da se izoluje od spoqnog sveta.
qa podeliti bojazan da puki razvoj metoda prospekcije, ko- Ole Risbol je predstavio lidarska snimawa u Norve-
ji ponekad predstavqa pre ciq nego sredstvo, kao ni wiho- {koj (pp. 5162). Budu}i da je 40% teritorije te zemqe pod
vo nekriti~ko prihvatawe (lets do lidar) ne}e dovesti do {umom, zbog ~ega postoje velike praznine u arheolo{koj
`eqenih rezultata. Saradwa stru~waka iz oblasti arheo- evidenciji, izbor tehnologije ne ~udi. Prilog daje i gene-
lo{ke detekcije i tradicionalnih istra`ivawa ipak je zu arheolo{ke literature o lidaru, pri ~emu se naslu}uje
dovela do toga da u novije vreme, pa i u zborniku koji su da }e se sve ve}i broj radova baviti analizama {irih pro-
uredili Opic i Kauli, preovla|uju radovi koji oslikava- stornih zona. S tim u vezi, autor nudi i teorijsku raspra-
ju integralno metodolo{ko usmerewe. Takva su, dodajmo, i vu o pojmu landscape. Termin se na srpski prevodi kao
na{a iskustva. Primena lidar tehnologije u zonama Mar- pejza` ili krajolik, pa je landscape archaeology pejza`na
guma/Morave i Cari~inog grada donela je brojna nova sa- arheologija (Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2013, 79) ili arheolo-
265
KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS (265270) STARINAR LXIV/2014
gija pejza`a, {to je naziv kursa na doktorskim studijama Radom @ige Kokaqa, Klemena Zak{eka i Kri{tofa
na Odeqewu za arheologiju Filozofskog fakulteta u Beo- O{tira otpo~iwe niz stru~nih priloga koji su uglavnom
gradu, odnosno, kako je predlo`eno u Hrvatskoj, arheologi- li{eni teorijskih i introspektivnih osvrta. Kokaq i
ja krajolika (Novakovi} 2008, 15, nap. 1). Pritom, treba ostali bave se vizuelizacijom lidarskih modela reqefa
imati na umu da arheolo{ko poimawe re~i landscape pod- (pp. 100114). Doti~u se raznih na~ina osvetqavawa tere-
razumeva prostor, tj. reqef, vegetaciju, geolo{ku i hidro- na, uz zakqu~ak da pre vizuelizacije lidar podataka treba
lo{ku osnovu sa tragovima svih qudskih aktivnosti. Kao utvrditi prioritet prikazivawe topografije terena ili
takav, on nije stati~an, ve} je izlo`en neprestanim prome- detekciju arheolo{kih pojava. Ukoliko se te`i prikazu
nama. Norve{ko iskustvo ekstenzivnog lidarskog snimawa topografije, dovoqne su standardne metode osvetqavawa,
pokazuje da {umoviti predeli, koji se obi~no do`ivqavaju koje za podrobnu analizu mikroreqefnih struktura treba
kao priroda, zapravo ~esto obiluju tragovima qudske delat- kombinovati s nekom drugom tehnikom vizuelizacije. U
nosti (cf. Ivani{evi} 2012). Zakqu~ak da su nam neophod- svakom slu~aju, osvetqavawe je posebno va`no u vizueliza-
na empirijska saznawa o krajolicima, bez obzira da li se ciji lidar podataka, gde je mogu}e birati ugao pod kojim
wihovom razumevawu pristupa iz ugla procesualnog tra- sunce osvetqava teren (hillshading), ne bi li se naglasi-
`ewa objektivnosti ili postprocesualnog zagovarawa le reqefne razlike (Doneus, Briese 2006, 99104).
kognitivnih aspekata (cf. Novakovi} 2008, 2930, 3944), Kao nama posebno va`an, izdvojio bih ~lanak Fabija
svakako je od {ireg zna~aja. Remondina o kori{}ewu fotogrametrije u modelovawu tro-
Stretford Halidej prime}uje, na osnovu konkretnih dimenzionalnih DEM (pp. 115122). Iako je re~ o veoma
primera, da su arheolo{ke ocene spomenika i krajolika starom metodu, u posledwe vreme je do{lo do velikog na-
obele`ene evolucijom znawa i iskustva, {to nije ograni~e- pretka u wegovoj primeni. U osnovi, fotogrametrijskim
no samo na terenske spoznaje, ve} se odnosi i na interpre- metodom se vr{i povezivawe slika tako da daju geometriju
taciju lidar podataka. Wen posledwi korak je, opet, teren- scene. Trodimenzionalni model sa fotografskom tekstu-
ska evaluacija (pp. 6375). Na znawe i iskustvo u ~itawu rom dobija se kombinacijom triangulacije i tzv. SIFT algo-
slika iz vazduha poziva se, sasvim prikladno, i veteran ritma. Opisano modelovawe dobija sve {iru primenu u do-
arheolo{ke aerofotografije Rox Palmer (pp. 7687). Vre- kumentovawu arheolo{kih celina (kod nas u istra`ivawima
di uzgred spomenuti da je Palmer jedan od urednika nove, Viminacijuma), a vr{i se u nizu ra~unarskih programa.
izuzetno informativne i obimne el. kwige o arheologiji Zahvaquju}i sve ve}oj upotrebi bespilotnih letelica, ra-
iz vazduha, koja je dostupna na internetu (Musson et al. 2013). ste i primena fotogrametrije u modelovawu krajolika. To
Iskustvo u obradi snimaka iz vazduha sti~e se, naravno, je danas znatno jeftinija, ali u odre|enim uslovima i bo-
kroz praksu, a ekspertiza u tuma~ewu kroz akumulaciju ra- qa alternativa kori{}ewu lidar tehnologije. Fotograme-
znorodnih znawa sakupqenih tokom arheolo{kih rekogno- trijski DEM je ~ak znatno precizniji od lidarskog, ali
scirawa i uo~avawa savremenih promena krajolika. Nakon metod ne omogu}ava pravqewe DTM-a bez vegetacije, pa mo-
{to je dao nekoliko primera, Palmer se bavi subjektivno- `e da se koristi pre svega za modelovawe zona koje nisu pod
{}u u analizi snimaka iz vazduha, na koju ne gleda negativ- {umom. O primeni fotogrametrije u pejza`noj arheologi-
no. Ona je nu`na, a kvalitet interpretacije zavisi upravo ji bilo je govora na nedavno odr`anom skupu i radionici
od iskustva i znawa tuma~a. Uvek ima nekoliko mogu}ih Recovering Lost Landscapes u Beogradu, pod okriqem pro-
interpretacija, a nikad samo jedan ta~an odgovor, pa ni- jekta ArchaeoLandscapes Europe (Bugarski, Ivani{evi}, u
jedno ~itawe, bilo arhivske aerofotografije ili lidar- {tampi).
skog snimka, ne mo`e da se uzme kao kona~no. Edrijen Evans, Majri Maksvel i Gema Kruik{ans po-
U ~lanku Dimitrija Mleku`a daje se teorijska raspra- kazuju kako tehnologija sli~na lidarskoj mo`e da se kori-
va o lidaru i krajolicima, tj. o tome kako upotreba te teh- sti i u analizi povr{ina arheolo{kih artefakata. Laser-
nologije mewa percepciju pejza`a (pp. 8899). Na lidar ski skeniraju}i konfokalni mikroskop (LSCM), budu}i da
snimku vidi se mnogo vi{e nego na tradicionalnim topo- snima nesrazmerno mawe povr{ine nego lidar, daje neupo-
grafskim snimcima, koji pokazuju samo najizra`ajnije re- redivo ve}u rezoluciju. Ako kvalitetni lidarski snimci
qefne pojave. Da bi pristupio raspravi o zna~aju tehnolo- iz vazduha daju 2060 ta~aka po metru kvadratnom, LSCM
gije za razumevawe prostora, Mleku` najpre daje postoje}e daje osam miliona ta~aka po istoj mernoj jedinici, {to je
definicije pojma landscape, od kojih je ovom prikaziva~u rezolucija od 120 nanometara! Tako detaqni snimci pred-
najbli`a jedna ve} dosta stara, koja tu zvu~nu, a danas i po- meta, razume se, mnogo govore o wihovoj upotrebi, ukra{ava-
modnu re~ obja{wava kao interakciju prirode i kulture, u wu i sl., {to je pokazano na nekoliko primera (pp. 123135).
kojoj one oblikuju jedna drugu. U svakom slu~aju, ne postoji Sajmon Kra~li, iz zavoda English Heritage, jedan je od
op{teprihva}eno tuma~ewe (cf. Novakovi} 2008, 1517). najiskusnijih arheologa u poslovima sa lidar snimcima
Potom se ukratko razmatraju metodi rada i rezultati pej- iz vazduha. Prilo`io je vrlo koristan ~lanak o dobrim i
za`ne arheologije, s neveselim zakqu~kom da oni mewaju i lo{ijim stranama upotrebe ove tehnologije u Engleskoj
pojednostavquju pravu sliku krajolika. Sli~no, po Mle- (pp. 136145). Lidarom niske rezolucije dosad je pokrive-
ku`u, va`i i za kartirawe. Lidar tehnologija, pak, nije se- no oko 70% teritorije Ujediwenog Kraqevstva. Ti snimci
lektivna, i bele`i dugotrajne uticaje ~oveka na prirodu. su lako dostupni, a Kra~li je bio u prilici da radi i sa
^esto su primetni tragovi raznih epoha, pa ima slu~ajeva kvalitetnijim, namenski pribavqenim skenovima. ^lanak
da oni sli~no principu vertikalne stratigrafije na arhe- je namewen i po~etnicima, pa je pa`wa posve}ena i osnov-
olo{kim iskopavawima negiraju jedni druge. Tako se na nim stvarima kao {to je razlika izme|u upotrebe slike,
krajolik katkad gleda kao na palimpsest. jedne mogu}e vizuelizacije podataka snimawa, i modela, ko-
266
KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS (265270) STARINAR LXIV/2014
ji sadr`i sve topografske informacije i apsolutne koor- (npr. stare granice wiva), pa bi pre mogle da se opi{u kao
dinate ta~aka. Autor predo~ava potencijalnim korisnici- elementi kulturnog krajolika nego {to predstavqaju ar-
ma, bilo arheolozima ili amaterima, granicu do koje je rad heolo{ka nalazi{ta. Ipak je to neuporedivo vi{e arheo-
sa razli~itim lidarskim podacima mogu} bez u~ewa kom- lo{kih podataka nego {to ih je bilo pre skenirawa. Od
plikovanih programa, a upu}uje i na preispitivawe ciqe- oko 15.400 dotada{wih unosa, wih 6.060 moglo je da bude
va za pribavqawe skupih, detaqnijih modela. Kra~lijev potvr|eno lidar snimcima, jer ostali poti~u iz urbanih
zakqu~ak je da je u arheologiji i lidar niske rezolucije, od sredina, ili je re~ o pojedina~nim nalazima, ili pak o gro-
jedne ta~ke po kvadratnom metru, dovoqan da se zabele`i bovima bez prate}ih podataka o poziciji
najve}i broj arheolo{kih tragova. To se ne odnosi na {umo- Upravo navedene brojke pokazuju mo} lidar tehnologi-
vite krajeve, za koje je potrebno gu{}e snimawe. je u arheologiji, posebno ako se ima na umu da je glavnina
Bogata iskustva lidarskih snimawa spomenika svet- podataka izvedena iz snimaka male gustine koji nisu pri-
ske ba{tine u Irskoj dele sa ~itaocima Entoni Korns i lago|eni potrebama na{e struke. Pore|ewa radi, novim,
Robet [ou (pp. 146160). Za razliku od engleskih kolega, veoma detaqno izvedenim i primerno obra|enim i publi-
Irci su za ove namene nabavqali guste snimke, od kojih su kovanim arheolo{kim rekognoscirawima podru~ja Op{ti-
snimci brda Tare, sa 60 ta~aka po kvadratnom metru, najgu- ne Novi Kne`evac, ~ija je povr{ina 305 km, broj od 130
{}i dosad ura|eni za arheolo{ke potrebe. Spektakularna ranije poznatih nalazi{ta narastao je na 314 (Trifunovi}
preciznost, me|utim, donela je i neke probleme, jer je bilo 2012). Mo`e se zasnovano pretpostaviti da bi se u digital-
te{ko obraditi tako detaqne podatke. U dobre strane se, sem nom modelu reqefa Op{tine Novi Kne`evac ukazalo jo{
vrhunskog kvaliteta dobijenih modela i stru~ne i nau~ne antropogenih pojava. S druge strane, podaci pribavqeni
primene, ubraja i prijem rezultata kod {ire publike. U no- na terenu su jasno datovani, dok }emo, kako Hese prime}uje,
vije vreme se i u Irskoj razmi{qa o jeftinijoj alternati- uz upotrebu lidara u pejza`noj arheologiji morati da se na-
vi, pre svega fotogrametriji. viknemo na izvesnu nesigurnost podataka, jer wihov ogro-
Kit ^elis i Endi Hauard ispituju do sada prili~no man broj ~esto nije mogu}e oceniti u celosti.
zanemarenu upotrebu intenziteta odjeka laserskog zraka Poku{aj bli`eg odre|ewa antropogenih pojava na te-
(pp. 161170). Ti podaci mogu da se uzmu iz tzv. oblaka ta- renu dat je u narednom radu. Nikolas Purije, Rej~el Opic,
~aka, tj. sirovog lidar snimka, iz kojeg se klasifikacijom Lori Nuninger i Kri{tof O{tir analizirali su lidarske
ta~aka izvode modeli reqefa. Vizuelizacija tih podataka snimke ravnog terena oblasti Ma`ijo na samom jugu Fran-
je donekle jo{ uvek u eksperimentalnoj fazi. Wome se ne cuske, na obali lagune, su~eqavaju}i ih s drugim izvorima
dobijaju iste slike kao na digitalnim modelima, ali je ja- (pp. 184196). Taj plavqen i mo~varan teren poznaje duga~-
sno da intenzitet odjeka sadr`i podatke o snimqenom te- ku istoriju regulacije voda i intenzivne zemqoradwe. U
renu koji ne mogu da se dobiju u modelu reqefa. Intenzitet pro{losti se puno radilo na detekciji, snimawima iz sa-
odjeka svedo~i o karakteru zemqi{ta, sedimenata i vegeta- telita i aviona, kao i na temeqnim arheolo{kim rekogno-
cije u specifi~nim topografskim uslovima, pa usposta- scirawima ove zone. Uz to, raspola`e se i prili~no pre-
vqawe takve korelacije jo{ vi{e doprinosi saznawima o ciznim katastrom iz Napoleonovog doba. Sve predradwe
odre|enom krajoliku. vodile su ka zakqu~ku da je katastar iz 19. veka sledio rim-
Ralf Hese je stru~wak nesvakida{weg iskustva koji sku podelu zemqi{ta. Nakon izvr{enih analiza i vizueli-
ispred slu`be za{tite radi na lidarskim snimcima ne- zacije lidar snimaka taj utisak mo`e da ostane, ali auto-
ma~ke pokrajine Baden-Virtemberg, ~ija je ukupna povr{i- ri nude i drugu mogu}nost da su pejza`i u razna vremena
na 35.751 km (pp. 171183). Dr`avna topografska slu`ba organizovani po istim principima usled sli~nih prirod-
skenirala je ~itav taj prostor sa gustinom merewa od jedne nih i topografskih uslova. Kao primer, istina iz sasvim
ta~ke po metru kvadratnom, dok su zone pojedinih lokali- druga~ijeg konteksta, naveo bih da je preklapawe savreme-
teta skenirane sa po ~etiri ta~ke. Ustupqeni topografski nog katastarskog plana, DTM-a i ortofotografije {ire
podaci, pritom, nisu bili posebno obra|eni za arheolo{ke zone Cari~inog grada pokazalo upravo pam}ewe parceli-
potrebe, pa se uo~ava jasna razlika u detaqnosti modela. zacije, koja je sasvim druga~ije organizovana u odnosu na to
Ogromnom gra|om nije bilo lako rukovati, a probleme su da li je unutar ili izvan nekada{weg perimetra grada.
predstavqali i obrada i tuma~ewe podataka. Rade}i na ovoj Slede}i ~lanak, autora Rebeke Benet, Kejt Velam, Rosa
gra|i, Hese je razvio i odre|ene na~ine vizuelizacije. Hila i Endrjua Forda, nagove{tava prednosti multisen-
Kako se objektivno navodi, podvrgavawe ovolikih pro- zorskog pristupa arheolo{koj daqinskoj prospekciji (pp.
stranstava lidar tehnologiji daje mogu}nost zna~ajnog pove- 197205). Nagla{ava se da mogu}nosti tzv. multispektral-
}awa broja detektovanih arheolo{kih tragova i za{ti}enih nih (hiperspektralnih) snimaka nisu ni izbliza sagledane.
lokaliteta, ali i umawuje izglede za uverqive interpreta- Multispektralno snimawe se vr{i u specifi~nim fre-
cije. Ipak, nesporno je da je dobijena vrlo vredna dokumen- kvencijama elektromagnetskog spektra, kao {to je infra-
tacija, na osnovu koje se koriguju raniji podaci o lokacija- crvena, koja je van vidqivog RGB (Red-Green-Blue) odse~ka.
ma pojedinih nalazi{ta, kartiraju i unose u baze podataka Iste scene se snimaju u razli~itim opsezima, pa se wiho-
saznawa o novim potencijalnim nalazi{tima i planiraju vim preklapawem dobija multispektralni snimak. Autori
obilasci terena. U vreme pisawa ~lanka, analizirani su opisuju po~etne britanske poku{aje da kombinacijom li-
rezultati skenirawa tre}ine povr{ine pokrajine, i zabe- darske i spektralne detekcije zone pa{waka stvore sloje-
le`eno je oko 215.000 prethodno nepoznatih potencijal- vitu osnovu za daqi rad. Kompleksna dokumentacija je po-
nih arheolo{kih pojava. One su svakako antropogene, ali je `eqna zato {to, iz mnogih razloga, nijedan senzor zasebno
jasno da su mnoge od wih sasvim male spomeni~ke vrednosti nije u stawu da zabele`i sve pojave, ba{ kao ni arheolog na
267
KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS (265270) STARINAR LXIV/2014
terenu. Nagla{avaju}i problem kalibracije senzora za s na{im iskustvom skenirawa Cari~inog grada. Nakon
snimawe arheolo{kih pojava na razli~itim topografskim ravno 100 godina istra`ivawa tog nalazi{ta, u DTM-u se
i pedolo{kim osnovama, autori navode da je sli~na fuzija jasno ukazao jo{ jedan prsten bedema kako se kasnije ispo-
tehnologija ranije vr{ena na Kipru i prilikom istra`i- stavilo, zidan u tehnici opus mixtum koji je zatvarao pro-
vawa Akvileje. Engleska iskustva su takva da je kombinova- strana i tek uzgredno naslu}ivana podgra|a (Ivani{evi},
nim metodom, uz kori{}ewe arhivskih aerofotografija i Bugarski 2013: 8283).
geofizi~kih podataka, broj nalazi{ta i arheolo{kih po- Kit ^elis i Mark Kinsi istra`uju kako u vizueliza-
java porastao sa 68 na 170. Odlu~uju}u ulogu je ipak imala ciji podataka sa rekognoscirawa i terestrijalnog i vazdu-
lidar tehnologija, i u detekciji i u georeferencirawu na- {nog laserskog skenirawa mogu da pomognu softveri ra~u-
lazi{ta, pa je sna`na preporuka da se i budu}a spektralna narskih igara (pp. 238251). Prikazi kulturnog nasle|a u
snimawa izvode u kombinaciji s lidarskim. kompjuterskim igrama su endemski, ali kori{}ewe soft-
Sli~na iskustva prenose Stjuart Ejnsvort, Al Osvald vera i paradigme kompjuterske igre za ozbiqan prikaz
i Dejv Vent, koji su tako|e ispitivali nepo{umqen krajo- nasle|a predstavqa novost. Potreba za takvim pristupom
lik, {iroku zonu rudarewa olova (pp. 206222). Autori opi- javila se kada su stru~waci po`eleli da kao rezultat rekog-
suju slo`en proces izrade osnova za rekognoscirawe, u kojoj noscirawa dobiju ne{to vi{e od stati~ne vizuelizacije
su se spektralni snimci jako dobro pokazali u bele`ewu podataka u GIS-u. ^elis i Kinsi, naime, smatraju da koli-
{qaki{ta. Osnovni plan, me|utim, bio je lidarski, a poda- ~ina i kvalitet podataka koji se danas prikupqaju umnogo-
ci su preuzimani i sa aerofotografija. U ovom slu~aju nije me prevazilaze tradicionalne vidove prezentacije rezul-
se pristupalo detaqnim vizuelizacijama, ve} je kori{}e- tata, bilo na papiru ili u digitalnom obliku. Re{ewe su
na osnovna, ortogonalna projekcija uobi~ajeno osvetqenog potra`ili u kori{}ewu game engine sistema, osmi{qenih
DTM-a, pa je ~itav taj pristup nazvan ortolidar. U GPS za pravqewe i razvoj video igara, koji o~igledno imaju do-
ure|aje arheologa na terenu uno{eni su jo{ i DSM u istoj voqno snage da vizuelizuju obiqe preciznih podataka. Po-
projekciji, aerofotografije i dostupne istorijske i mo- nu|ene ilustracije, makar, vrlo su ubedqive.
derne karte, a arheolozi su svoja zapa`awa unosili na DTM Zakqu~uju}i zbornik, Entoni Bek pi{e o saradwi kao
osnovu. Omiqeniji, br`i metod bele`ewa podataka izvo|en na~inu istra`iva~kog rada koji se name}e u eri interneta,
je ru~nim ucrtavawem simbola na od{tampane DSM listove, i razmatra kako bi saradwa stru~waka razli~itih specija-
aerofotografije i karte. DSM je izabran za osnovu jer, za lizacija, ali i amatera, mogla da izgleda u budu}nosti.
razliku od DTM-a, sadr`i jasne orijentire, zgrade, vegeta- Razmi{qawa autora se prelamaju kroz primer kori{}ewa
ciju i sl. Lidarske osnove su bile od velike koristi za pre- lidar tehnologije, uz opravdanu ocenu da su delovi lidar-
poznavawe arheolo{kih pojava i tuma~ewe praistorijskih ske zajednice primer kolegijalnog deqewa podataka, a we-
elemenata krajolika, pre nego za razumevawe spomenika koji gov esej bi mogao da se ~ita i nezavisno od osnovne teme
su ranije ve} bili temeqno obra|eni. U nekoliko slu~aje- zbornika (pp. 252265). Kwiga se zavr{ava spiskom ukrat-
va, me|utim, na lidarskom snimku bile su pretpostavqene ko definisanih kqu~nih tehni~kih termina.
arheolo{ke pojave koje nisu potvr|ene tokom obilaska tere-
na, {to nas opet opomiwe na opasnosti procene rezultata ***
daqinske detekcije bez terenske evaluacije podataka.
Naredni ~lanak nas vra}a u Irsku. Stiven Dejvis, Ko- Zbornik Interpreting Archaeological Topography je pou~na i
nor Brejdi, Vilijam Migeri i Kevin Barton opisuju isku- zanimqiva zbirka radova visokog kvaliteta, koja na dobar
stva primene lidar tehnologije na lokalitetu Bru na Bojn na~in oslikava arheolo{ku upotrebu lidar tehnologije u
sa liste svetske ba{tine (pp. 223237). O tom vi{eslojnom 21. veku. Nakon desetak godina kori{}ewa, lidar u na{oj
nalazi{tu, najpoznatijem po desetinama neolitskih grobnih struci vi{e nije nov, nego mlad metod. Dostupna je ve} pri-
humki, od kojih tri najve}e imaju i po 80 metara u pre~ni- li~no obimna literatura, mahom sa engleskog govornog
ku, bilo je re~i u ~lanku Entonija Kornsa i Roberta [oa. podru~ja, ali ima i kwiga na mawim jezicima koje pokazu-
Zona neposredne za{tite ima povr{inu od oko 780 hekta- ju postepeno {irewe tehnologije na istok (Gojda, John 2013).
ra, na koju se naslawa zona sekundarne za{tite, povr{ine Godine de~a~ke fascinacije novom igra~kom su iza nas.
2.500 hektara. Prema prethodnom stawu, na tom prostoru Danas se, pored neporecivih vrednosti tehnologije, koje se
bila su zabele`ena 93 spomenika. Rezultate novih snimawa ne ogledaju samo u prospekciji, ve} i u razumevawu odnosa
trebalo je uklopiti u postoje}u dokumentaciju, koja se sa- ~oveka i wegovog okru`ewa, skre}e pa`wa i na neke mawe
stojala od izve{taja sa brojnih rekognoscirawa i iskopa- primamqive aspekte wene upotrebe, bilo finansijske ili
vawa, geofizi~kih snimaka i aerofotografija. Sem o~eki- tehni~ke prirode.
vano dobrih rezultata lidara u dokumentaciji poznatih i Ispostavilo se da lidar nije lek za sve i da metod
detekciji nepoznatih spomenika, pri ~emu su se koristili treba kombinovati s razli~itim drugim izvorima i vidovi-
razli~iti na~ini vizuelizacije, ponu|eni su i odgovori na ma daqinske prospekcije, uz terensku evaluaciju podataka.
pitawa o vidqivosti tri glavne grobnice, kao i pogledu iz U nekim slu~ajevima, pak, treba tra`iti jeftinije alter-
wih, i izgledu pejza`a u doba neolita. Sve tri dominantne native. Ipak je izvesno da primena lidara u arheologiji
grobnice bile su vidqive sa jednog mesta u srcu ritualnog nije ni blizu svog zalaska (a verovatno ni zenita), samim
krajolika. Iako Boj na Brun predstavqa arheolo{ki naj- tim {to druge tehnologije ne mogu da ogole reqef, {to vizu-
boqe istra`en predeo u Irskoj, snimawe lidar tehnologijom elizacije ve} dobijenih modela ne mogu da budu iscrpqene,
je, izme|u ostalog, dovelo do otkri}a ~etiri velika ogradna i {to se ~itavi setovi prate}ih podataka uglavnom jo{ uvek
zida, koje je opisano kao otkrovewe. Name}e se paralela ne analiziraju.
268
KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS (265270) STARINAR LXIV/2014
Pro{lo je, ipak, ve} dovoqno vremena da se pi{u i kao i ~lanak o primeni fotogrametrije. O narastaju}oj
pregledni radovi, kakvih ima u prikazanoj kwizi, i da do- upotrebi satelitskih snimaka u arheologiji, od kojih su
prinos lidar tehnologije razumevawu krajolika postane mnogi postali komercijalno dostupni, ~itaoci mogu da se
predmet arheolo{ke teorije. Stru~wacima u na{oj zemqi, obaveste u drugim publikacijama (e. g. Fowler 2010). Uz sve
u kojoj je, kao i u mnogim drugim sredinama, upotreba lida- pohvale autorima i urednicima, jedini prigovor bi se ti-
ra u arheologiji jo{ uvek u povoju, verovatno }e od ve}e ko- cao rasporeda ~lanaka, jer se sti~e utisak da su mogli da
risti biti radovi koji prikazuju mogu}nosti tehnologije, budu svrstani u koherentnije tematske celine.
BIBLIOGRAFIJA:
Bugarski, Ivani{evi}, u {tampi O`ivqavawe iz- pretation and mapping for archaeology, Occasional Publication
gubqenih krajolika, Glasnik Dru{tva konzervatora Srbije No. 4 of the Aerial Archaeology Research Group in partnership
38, u {tampi. with the ArchaeoLandscapes Europe (ArcLand) Project of the
Doneus, Briese 2006 M. Doneus, C. Briese, Full-wave- European Union, 2013, http:.//www.archaeolandscapes.eu/.
form airborne laser scanning as a tool for archaeological recon- Novakovi} 2008 P. Novakovi}, Arheologija prostora i
naissance, From Space to Place. Proceedings of the 2nd Inter- arheologija krajolika, Povijest u kr{u. Zbornik radova projekta
national Conference on Remote Sensing in Archaeology, BAR Naselja i komunikacije u kontekstu veza Jadranskog priobalja i
International Series 1568, Oxford 2006, 99106. unutra{njosti, Alpium Illyricarum Studia I, Zagreb 2008, 1554.
Gojda, John 2013 M. Gojda, J. John (eds.), Archeologie Rummel et al. 2012 C. Rummel, D. Peters, G. Schafferer,
a leteck laserov skenovn krajiny, Plze 2013. Report on the Geomagnetic Survey at Margum in October 2011,
Ivani{evi} 2012 V. Ivani{evi}, Akvedukt Cari~i- Starinar LXII/2012, 229238.
nog grada Justinijane Prime, Saop{tewa XLIV, 1331. Trifunovi} 2012 S. Trifunovi} (ur.), Arheolo{ka
Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2012 V. Ivani{evi}, I. Bu- topografija Op{tine Novi Kne`evac, Arheolo{ka topo-
garski, Primena LiDAR tehnologije u analizi topografije grafija Banata 1, Novi Sad 2012.
Marguma/Morave i Kuli~a, Starinar LXII/2012, 239255. Fowler 2010 M. J. F. Fowler, Satelite imagery and ar-
Ivani{evi}, Bugarski 2013 V. Ivani{evi}, I. Bu- chaeology, Landscapes through the Lens. Aerial photographs
garski, Prva doma}a iskustva u dokumentovawu {irih zona and Historic Environment, Occasional Publication of the Aerial
arheolo{kih nalazi{ta putem LiDAR tehnologije, Glasnik Archaeology Research Group No. 2, Oxford Oakville 2010,
Dru{tva konzervatora Srbije 37, 7984. 99110.
Musson et al. 2013 Ch. Musson, R. Palmer, S. Campana
(eds.), Flights into the Past. Aerial photography, photo inter- Ivan BUGARSKI
Ifigenija Radulovi} i Gordan Mari~i}, profesori novo- Andokid, kome je posve}ena ova monografija, ne nala-
sadskog i beogradskog Filozofskog fakulteta, autori su zi se na spisku retora koji ~ine Kanon (kao autori, ja
jedne nove monografije o besedniku Andokidu, monografi- stavqam ovde znakove navode, svestan koliko je izbor uteme-
je koja sadr`i i prevod wegovih govora sa komentarom. U qeno li~an, a ne sasvim kanonski) samo zato {to mu je, ra-
pitawu je ambiciozno delo, rezultat nemalog truda i odne- zumqivo, posve}ena ve}a pa`wa. Tako je u slede}em pogla-
govane u~enosti. vqu opisan wegov `ivot (str. 4650), a potom je data jedna
Uvod (str. 1145) predstavqa kratku i efektnu studiju zrela i uspela analiza Andokidovog besedni~kog delova-
o anti~koj retorici, studiju koja, pored sistematskog dela wa, usko vezanog za neke od najva`nijih politi~kih doga|a-
(Retorika. Nastanak, razvoj i zna~aj, str. 1128), sadr`i ja u Atini krajem 5. veka pre Hrista (str. 5064).
tako|e istorijski odeqak (Retorski Kanon. Antifont, Naro~ito je u ovom poglavqu primetna pedago{ka qu-
Lisija, Isokrat, Isej, Demosten, Likurg, Hiperid, Dinarh, baznost dvoje autora prema ~itaocu: uprkos tome {to pi{u
Eshin, str. 2845). ^itaoci su tako dobili priliku da se o komplikovanim doga|ajima, oni ne ostavqaju na cedilu
temeqno upoznaju sa retorskim pojmovima, a zatim i da se, ~itaoca koji unapred nije upu}en u atinsku politiku po-
uz jedan kratak ali vrlo efektan pregled politi~kih bio- znog 5. veka. Ali, ta qubaznost, a ~ini mi se da je to drago-
grafija glavnih retora 5. i 4. veka, upoznaju sa glavnim be- cen kvalitet ove kwige, nije odvela tekst u publicisti~ke
sedama gr~kog polisnog sveta. vode svaki ambiciozniji student (upotrebqavam ovde ovu
269
KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS (265270) STARINAR LXIV/2014
re~ na na~in kako to Anglo-Saksonci ~ine, blisko latin- Zatim, prevodi sve ~etiri besede (str. 132183). Prvo
skom smislu) ima}e puno koristi od ovog poglavqa, u~enog o srpskom jezi~kom dostignu}u: jezik je jasan, re~enica te~-
i dinami~nog. na i bistra. Sadr`aj samih beseda, pa i wihova forma, nisu
Slede}e poglavqe je centralno u ovom delu kwige. sasvim saglasni sa modernim senzibilitetom, ali ~ini mi
Ono je posve}eno obja{wewima koja idu uz besede Andoki- se da su prevodila~ki talenat i ulo`eni napor doneli od-
dovog korpusa (O svom povratku, str. 6576; O misterija- li~an rezultat. ^itati danas Andokida na srpskom ne mo-
ma, str. 7682; O miru sa Lakedemowanima, str. 105118; `e se porediti sa onim naporom koji je potrebno ulo`iti
Protiv Alkibijada, str. 118129), uz korisne, gotovo neo- da se pro~ita neki drugi besednik (prevodi su, na`alost, i
phodne ekskurse o hermokopidama (str. 8295) i aferi po stotinu godina stari). Pritom, spretno i ta~no je prene-
Eleusinskih misterija (str. 95105), dvema aferama koje sen besedni~ki izraz, kako u formi tako i u su{tini, {to
imaju centralno mesto u Andokidovom `ivotu i besedama. je zahtevalo poseban napor, jer je sve~ani, politi~ki i jav-
^italac je ve} dobro pripremqen u prethodnim poglavqi- ni format izra`avawa danas gotovo nestao iz srpskog jezi-
ma, tako da su uvodi u ove besede dobro odmereni i jasno ka i dru{tva.
napisani. Posledwa celina u kwizi jesu bele{ke uz tekst beseda
Strogost nau~nog teksta je odr`ana tokom ~itavog sa- (str. 184206). Uz potrebna specifi~na obja{wewa, auto-
dr`aja taj utisak bi bio ja~i da su autori odustali od ne- ri su imali prilike da tu pobli`e objasne pojedine pro-
kih upu}ivawa na moderne romane koji se bave ovim doga- bleme, koje nije bilo mogu}e razjasniti u uvodima uz poje-
|ajima. (U~inilo mi se da je ponegde, u spisku literature dine besede. Mislim da su ove bele{ke to the point i da su
naro~ito, pla}en obol ~ar{ijskim realnostima; ako sam u korisne, pa ~ak i neophodne.
pravu, za tim nije postojala potreba, ta vi{a potreba koja Zavr{avam nagla{avaju}i visoko dostignu}e koje pred-
je vodila autore da sastave primereno izdawe jednog anti~- stavqa ova kwiga za na{e klasi~ne studije: dobili smo jedan
kog besednika.) Jo{ jedna lektura bi dobrodo{la prilikom odli~an prevod, uz opravdano op{irnu, korisnu i ta~nu
pre{tampavawa ili novog izdawa: tipografskih gre{aka u uvodnu studiju i ve{to sro~ene bele{ke uz tekst Andoki-
napomenama ima vi{e nego {to bi se o~ekivalo; me|utim, dovih beseda.
te gre{ke jedva da uti~u na utisak o pedantnom i u~enom
tekstu. @arko PETKOVI]
270
CIP Katalogizacija u publikaciji
Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd
902/904