Papers by Emily T Metzgar
International Journal of Communication, 2019
Public diplomacy is a fast-growing area of study with little agreement on its boundaries. In supp... more Public diplomacy is a fast-growing area of study with little agreement on its boundaries. In support of the subject’s development as a field of academic inquiry, we present a content analysis of English-language peer-reviewed articles on public diplomacy since 1965 (N = 2,124). We begin with analysis of bibliographic data to establish the field’s institutional boundaries by highlighting trends in scholarship over time and identifying prominent disciplines and journals. We then sketch the field’s conceptual boundaries by analyzing the concepts and topics that appear most in the literature. This process allows us to characterize decades of scholarship on public diplomacy and offer recommendations for future work.
Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, meta-analysis, topic modeling, text mining
Will US-Japan Friendship Survive Uncertainty in Asia?
This piece in The Conversation considers the recent Trump-Abe summit and discusses the contributi... more This piece in The Conversation considers the recent Trump-Abe summit and discusses the contributions of the Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Program to the strategically important US-Japan relationship.
""The report does not purport to be a thorough retelling of the history of the Smith-Mundt Act's ... more ""The report does not purport to be a thorough retelling of the history of the Smith-Mundt Act's passage in early 1948, nor of amendments or other legislation that came later. Rather, the work presented here seeks to offer a modest overview of the legislation that has governed U.S. international broadcasting, as well as public discussion about it, since the end of World War II.""
This research characterizes American media coverage of China's Confucius Institutes and their rel... more This research characterizes American media coverage of China's Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China's public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China's rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China's public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered.
Culture and propaganda: The progressive origins of American public diplomacy, 1936–1953
Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 2016
Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news medi... more Although the word ‘hyperlocal’ appears regularly in discussions about the future of the news media, there is no agreed-upon definition for the term. Recognizing that shortcoming, we demonstrate the need for a more precise definition. We then propose a definition and criteria for evaluating media operations described as hyperlocal. Finally, we apply our working definition to six operations widely regarded as exemplars of the hyperlocal prototype, comparing each to established standards of journalism and to one another. We conclude that hyperlocal media operations are evolving on a continuum. As they evolve, these organizations will showcase both a range of journalism acting in the public good and engagement facilitated through interactive media. We expect the definition of hyperlocal to evolve, too, as more voices enter the discussion and closer attention is given to the characteristics of websites deemed worthy of the appellation.
Tweeting the pivot? The United States and PD 2.0 in Northeast Asia
Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 2015
This study considers U.S. public diplomacy efforts in Northeast Asia in the context of the countr... more This study considers U.S. public diplomacy efforts in Northeast Asia in the context of the country’s foreign policy “pivot” toward the region. Focused specifically on American efforts to communicate online with publics in China, Japan, and South Korea, this research examines embassy social media feeds in order to characterize the most visible aspects of American PD 2.0 in the region. Findings indicate that despite the interactive potential of these online tools, the U.S. approach to public diplomacy in the online context remains overwhelmingly unilateral, with one-way messaging the norm and instances of engagement with the target publics exceedingly rare. Implications of these findings are discussed.
Communicating during crisis: Use of blogs as a relationship management tool
Public Relations Review, 2007
... Keywords: Relationship management; Crisis communication; Blog. Article Outline. ... The surve... more ... Keywords: Relationship management; Crisis communication; Blog. Article Outline. ... The survey was comprised of items adapted from various other studies measuring relationshipmanagement, crisis communication strategies, and credibility. ...
The Chinese Media Reciprocity Act, public diplomacy and the US–China relationship
Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 2013
ABSTRACT In 2011, the US Representative Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) introduced the Chinese Media Reci... more ABSTRACT In 2011, the US Representative Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) introduced the Chinese Media Reciprocity Act (H.R. 2899). The legislation seeks to amend American immigration law to ensure that the United States does not issue more visas to journalists working for China's state-controlled media in the United States than China issues to journalists working for the US government-funded broadcasters in China. This article contends that while highlighting disparities in the number of visas issued to journalists working for state-owned media operated by the two countries makes for compelling political theater, actual passage of the legislation would be counterproductive. Analysis presented here suggests that although the Act's passage would have little effect on the news Americans get about China, it would destabilize the US–China bilateral relationship, threaten the United States’ international reputation as a supporter of global press freedoms and ultimately result in a net loss for American public diplomacy efforts worldwide. Alternatives for tackling visa disparities and other issues related to both public diplomacy and American concerns about press freedom in China are considered.
Sustaining Hyperlocal Media
Journalism Studies, 2010
Page 1. SUSTAINING HYPERLOCAL MEDIA In search of funding models David D. Kurpius, Emily T. Metzga... more Page 1. SUSTAINING HYPERLOCAL MEDIA In search of funding models David D. Kurpius, Emily T. Metzgar, and Karen M. Rowley As traditional media operations struggle to find their footing in a world of rapidly evolving interactive ...
Leaving It There? The Hutchins Commission and Modern American Journalism
Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 2013
ABSTRACT Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission... more ABSTRACT Using the recommendations of the Commission on Freedom of the Press (Hutchins Commission), we ask today's media consumers how they rate the performance of modern American journalism. We employ original survey data collected from journalism students at a major Midwest university, framing our findings in the context of the commission's 1947 recommendations. The result is presentation of contemporary opinions about the performance of American media in the context of journalism ideals articulated more than 60 years ago.
Public Diplomacy, Smith-Mundt and the American Public
Communication Law and Policy, 2012
ABSTRACT The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt... more ABSTRACT The U.S. Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948, also known as the Smith-Mundt Act, is a mostly unknown and widely misunderstood piece of legislation. Revised multiple times, the law bans domestic dissemination of Voice of America and other U.S. international broadcast content in the United States. Presenting government-supported international broadcasting as an example of public diplomacy, this article discusses the long-term misrepresentation of Smith-Mundt's original intent and highlights the consequences of the continuing ban. The article considers prospects for ending the ban and emphasizes potential opportunities presented by its elimination, concluding that ending the ban might eliminate incongruity between American foreign policy goals of democracy promotion and the reality of banned domestic content. Repeal of the ban may also result in unexpected remedies for challenges facing the American media industry and the American public's desire for international news.The United States government may be the largest broadcaster that few Americans know about. Although its networks reach 100 countries in 59 languages, they are banned from distribution in the United States by a 1948 law devised to prevent the government from turning its propaganda machine on its own citizens. Mark Landler, A New Voice of America for the Age of Twitter, N.Y. Times, June 7, 2011 at 9. The broadcasters comprising the U.S. international broadcasting operation are the Voice of America (VOA), Alhurra, Radio Sawa, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, and Radio and TV Marti. The Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) is “a bipartisan agency … that acts as a ‘firewall’ between the U.S. government and international broadcasting entities it funds.” Kim Andrew Elliott, America Calling: A 21st-Century Model, Foreign Service J., Oct. 2010, at 31. When Smith-Mundt was passed in 1948, USIB authority fell under the Department of State. Later, Congress created the United States Information Agency (USIA) to facilitate American public diplomacy operations. After the end of the cold war, Congress dismantled USIA and returned responsibility for American public diplomacy efforts to the Department of State. For an excellent history of the rise and fall of the USIA, seeNicholas J. Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy 1945–1989 (2008).
Neither Seen Nor Heard: Media in America's Juvenile Courts
Communication Law and Policy, 2007
LEXISNEXIS SUMMARY: ... The relative dearth of coverage of juvenile justice issues in American jo... more LEXISNEXIS SUMMARY: ... The relative dearth of coverage of juvenile justice issues in American journalism suggests the need for discussion of standards governing media access to juvenile courts. ... A 2002 study by the Casey Journalism Center at the University of Maryland ...
ASEAN and Regional Security
Social science review, 2002
ABSTRACT Conclusions 1. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) contributes to U.S. po... more ABSTRACT Conclusions 1. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) contributes to U.S. political, economic, and security interests in the Asia-Pacific region. As Asia's power increases relative to other regions of the world, the U.S. stake in ASEAN's continued success grows. Yet, U.S. engagement in the region, relative to its activity in Northeast Asia, remains limited. 2. Current plans for the expansion of ASEAN from 7 to 10 members may put the organization at odds with U.S. policy in the region. Expansion may also threaten the Association's stability since new members may have significantly different interests and needs, diminishing the organization's cohesiveness along political and economic lines. Its regional security dialogue, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARE) has already expanded its membership to 21 dialogue partners. This expansion may exacerbate the forum's tendency toward process rather than substance. 3. The ARF remains a useful organization for cooperative security, however, cooperative security in Southeast Asia has inherent limitations; above all, it can never substitute for the relations between China, Japan and the United States. Relations among these three major powers could have profound consequences on the peace and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region in the next century. If ASEAN and the ARF cannot control conflict or discuss the core regional issues such as China, the Korean peninsula, and Russia, then other fora for such discussion must be sought. In that case, the U.S. ought to consider a Northeast Asian security mechanism to handle the serious strategic issues of the region. 4. The U.S. can help establish a defense ministerial dialogue but it must work with ASEAN member states to focus such discussions on regional security issues. As recent tensions in the Taiwan Strait and riots in Indonesia suggest, the U.S. must not take for granted the current Southeast Asian peace; it must work actively to promote it.
Political Communication, Jan 2013
Agenda-setting theory is central to understanding the connection between media and American gover... more Agenda-setting theory is central to understanding the connection between media and American government. Indeed, legislative and executive branches of American government are often characterized by their publicity-seeking behavior. This is not true of the judicial branch. However, the importance of media coverage is magnified for the United States Supreme Court because, lacking the public affairs mechanisms of the other two branches, the Court is dependent on media dissemination of information about its decisions. Despite this important role, little is known about what attracts media to cover Supreme Court cases. We ask what case characteristics attract media attention. We examine the effect of case variables on general media coverage of Court decisions (a concept we call “newsworthiness,” measured by whether mention of a given case decision appears on the front page of the New York Times) and on inclusion of a case on a list of legally significant cases over time (a concept we call “legal salience,” measured by the appearance of a case in the Congressional Quarterly's Guide to the Supreme Court). Examining cases over a 54-year period, we identify characteristics of cases appearing in either the New York Times or the CQ Guide or both. We conclude media news values may not always lead to coverage of the most legally salient cases, but some overlap indicates several cues used to judge immediate newsworthiness of cases stand the retrospective evaluation of legal significance.[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resources: issue area matrices and predicted probabilities of case characteristics.]
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Papers by Emily T Metzgar
Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, meta-analysis, topic modeling, text mining
Keywords: public diplomacy, soft power, meta-analysis, topic modeling, text mining