Papers by Lubica Volanska
APVV-16-0345 (SOS)-"Súčasné obrazy socializmu", riešeného na Ústave etnológie a sociálnej antropo... more APVV-16-0345 (SOS)-"Súčasné obrazy socializmu", riešeného na Ústave etnológie a sociálnej antropológie SAV v Bratislave a VEGA č. 1/0286/21 "Inovácie v architektúre 20. storočia na Slovensku", VEGA č. 2/0114/21 "Od dobročinnosti k štátnej sociálnej politike: Idey, modely a prax v období regulačných zásahov štátu na Slovensku v 19. a v prvej polovici 20. storočia", riešených na Historickom ústave SAV v Bratislave.
S / IZVLEČKI Beate Engelbrecht Documenting the intangible cultural heritage with film: Questions ... more S / IZVLEČKI Beate Engelbrecht Documenting the intangible cultural heritage with film: Questions of protecting, preserving and safeguarding Many anthropologists use the video camera in their research into complex events such as rituals. Creating an audiovisual document of an event allows them to analyse it more closely afterwards. They might also be able to publish the recordings in an edited form. In addition to academic interest, film has always been also a tool for conserving something, creating a document which facilitates insights for posterity, which is otherwise not possible. There are many people recording events with a video camera for diverse purposes such as TV production, home video, cultural activity, tourism, and government documentation. The question is: of what kind are these audiovisual documents, what is their contribution to safeguarding the intangible cultural heritage? Or more generally: what role does film play concerning the aims of UNESCO (and also WIPO) of p...
Vydanie tejto monografie finančne podporil projekt VEGA č. 2/0050/16 Aplikácie inovatívnych príst... more Vydanie tejto monografie finančne podporil projekt VEGA č. 2/0050/16 Aplikácie inovatívnych prístupov v etnológii/sociálnej antropológii na Slovensku.
APVV-16-0345 (SOS)-"Súčasné obrazy socializmu", riešeného na Ústave etnológie a sociálnej antropo... more APVV-16-0345 (SOS)-"Súčasné obrazy socializmu", riešeného na Ústave etnológie a sociálnej antropológie SAV v Bratislave a VEGA č. 1/0286/21 "Inovácie v architektúre 20. storočia na Slovensku", VEGA č. 2/0114/21 "Od dobročinnosti k štátnej sociálnej politike: Idey, modely a prax v období regulačných zásahov štátu na Slovensku v 19. a v prvej polovici 20. storočia", riešených na Historickom ústave SAV v Bratislave.
Nové prístupy v etnológii a sociálnej antropológii na Slovensku, 2020
Kapitola Ľubice Voľanskej Organizačná antropológia ako metóda pri výskume nehmotného kultúrneho d... more Kapitola Ľubice Voľanskej Organizačná antropológia ako metóda pri výskume nehmotného kultúrneho dedičstva? sa venuje otázke, či je antropológia organizácií viac ako metóda, alebo skôr ide o využitie etnografie v rámci výskumu organizácií, ktorá zažíva boom v posledných rokoch. V organizáciách rovnako existujú skupiny, ktoré si vytvárajú vlastnú kultúru, tá je však podobná kultúram väčšieho celku, ktorého sú súčasťou (v prípade firmy súčasťou firemnej kultúry) a jej význam môže v niektorých situáciách prevažovať nad inými charakteristikami jednotlivých členov či skupín. Aplikovaný prístup sa sústredí na možné riešenia zistených problémov súvisiacich najmä s komunikáciou medzi jednotlivými skupinami. Vo svojej kapitole Voľanská rozoberá rôzne výzvy, ktoré výskum v organizáciách prináša pre bádateľov a bádateľky: okrem vzťahov medzi členmi organizácie samotnými a ich okolím ide aj o ich expertné postavenie v danej oblasti, synchrónnosť udalostí odohrávajúcich sa v organizácii na rôznyc...
Slovenský Národopis, 2017
Slovenský Národopis, 2018
Slovenský Národopis, 2013
Journal of Ethnology, 2018
Kniha vznikla v rámci projektu VEGA č. 2/0126/14 Kontinuita a diskontinuita v etnologickom bádaní... more Kniha vznikla v rámci projektu VEGA č. 2/0126/14 Kontinuita a diskontinuita v etnologickom bádaní s ohľadom na nehmotné kultúrne dedičstvo. Výskum bol podporený v rámci programu COST Action IS 1402 Ageism-a multinational , interdisciplinary perspective.
Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology, 2019
In everyday language, the notion of generation is used to try to explain the differences between ... more In everyday language, the notion of generation is used to try to explain the differences between groups of people of similar age and to place individual selves on a historical timeline. However, the concepts of "generation" used by various disciplines are very varied. The most widespread is the concept inspired by demography describing the average period during which children are born, grow up, become adults, and begin to have children of their own, generally considered to be about twenty or thirty years. In the Mannheimian tradition (Mannheim, 1952) generations can be understood as large social groups that as subjects were formed both by a significant social event and by a combination of changed social conditions that create a specific generational social climate. Generations are structured by individual preconditions as well as social and family background intertwined with the realms of ethnicity, religion, education, profession and political attitudes. However, generational competence is just one of the foundations of one's life orientation. Although the same event is experienced by a particular generational group, it can be internalized differently and therefore creates the basis of intra-generational contradictions. In this manner, it constructs the source of generational and social development.
Slovenský národopis / Slovak Ethnology
Slovenský Národopis, 2018
APVV-16-0345 (SOS)-"Súčasné obrazy socializmu", riešeného na Ústave etnológie a sociálnej antropo... more APVV-16-0345 (SOS)-"Súčasné obrazy socializmu", riešeného na Ústave etnológie a sociálnej antropológie SAV v Bratislave a VEGA č. 1/0286/21 "Inovácie v architektúre 20. storočia na Slovensku", VEGA č. 2/0114/21 "Od dobročinnosti k štátnej sociálnej politike: Idey, modely a prax v období regulačných zásahov štátu na Slovensku v 19. a v prvej polovici 20. storočia", riešených na Historickom ústave SAV v Bratislave.
The paper deals with the processes that are behind the creation of the lists of intangible cultur... more The paper deals with the processes that are behind the creation of the lists of intangible cultural heritage at the national and especially the international level (UNESCO). It analyses the role of official documents, directives, materials, recommendations, etc. from the “workshop” of the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003) which plays a recommending role in the procedure of creation of the nomination registers of intangible cultural heritage which should be inscribed on one of the UNESCO Lists. Based on the participating observation from the sessions of the Intergovernmental committee (in 2013 and 2014) and the General Assembly of the 2013 Convention (in 2014) as well as written materials, the contribution shows with particular examples how necessary it is to maintain a balance between the ideas of communities (bearers of traditions), the scientific approach of experts (ethnologists, ethnomusicologists, ethnochoreologists, museologists…), interests of the member states to the 2003 Convention and UNESCO rules in the course of the nomination of particular elements.
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Papers by Lubica Volanska
The monography is extraordinary topical in relation to the ageing of the European population today. Simultaneously, the book presents an original contribution to research on ageing and old age through biographical and comparative methods in Slovak and Austrian Ethnology, where this topic has been on the edge of interest. The publication has an interdisciplinary character. In relation to the sources (written popular autobiographies of elderly people in Bratislava and Vienna) the author uses biographical and comparative method. A gain is the emphasis on the "emic" perspective.
Európa šedivie. Staroba a starnutie sa tak stále častejšie stávajú predmetom mediálneho, sociálno-politického i výskumníckeho záujmu.
Subjektívne prežívanie tejto životnej etapy i starnutia ako procesu je
však v stredoeurópskom prostredí v sociálnych vedách skúmané málo.
Ľubicu Voľanskú zaujímali motivácie správania sa a činností starých
ľudí, ich postoje k vlastnému správaniu a konaniu a k správaniu a konaniu iných, ako sú zobrazené v ich autobiografických textoch. V monografii sleduje ambivalentné vnímanie staroby vo verejnom a odbornom diskurze prepojené s vnímaním starými ľuďmi v súvislosti
s hranicami staroby. Bežne kladené otázky: Kto je starý? Ako možno
stanoviť časovú alebo inú hranicu, odkedy je človek starý? necháva
zodpovedať svojich partnerov a partnerky vo výskume. Ich výpovede
dáva do kontextu širokej odbornej literatúry, ktorá sa hranicou staroby
a prežívaním staroby zaoberá.
Online v slovenskom, anglickom, ruskom a arabskom jazyku na slovakness.sk
(Resume)
Family and the various forms of relationships and communication between the different generations in a family still represent a common object of research in the field of humanities, including ethnology. For most of us, the family is a micro-world in which the major part of human life happens. It offers us the initial information about the functioning of things and, in particular, about relationships between people, and creates the space in which we train communication. Within a family, we learn in a non-violent way about how relationships between people – peers and members of different generations – work. We adopt opinions about what is going on around us, accept values and norms that we consequently use, modify and confront the world outside the family sphere. Socialization in a family is the initial blueprint that forms our identity, the idea about who we are, where we belong to, whose continuation we are. Above all, the family is an environment that is supposed to bring together its members through the feeling of mutual trust. It also offers the possibility (almost the obligation) to talk about confidential issues, but it can also create a “circle of silence” about phenomena that are taboo because of being painful and hurting both the speakers and the listeners. Especially in totalitarian regimes, the family is endangered by the disclosure of certain facts, while others distort the positive image of its members. Family and society are interrelated as communicating vessels. Any changed conditions in society also change family, its forms, the relationships between generations, as well as the themes and the forms of communication within it. And vice versa – society responds (or should respond) to the needs and problems of the family by means of special institutions.
Today, the changes in communication in the family are due to increased mobility of its members (education, work, personal fulfillment), individualization, as well as the development of new communication technologies. On one hand, there is the actual physical distance between the family members; on the other hand, the overcoming of such distance thanks to technological discoveries. In connection with family issues, the developments in the European society of the 2nd half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century have made us reflect on Martin Heidegger´s statement: “The present times have overcome all distances, but have not created any proximity.”[1]
Another characteristic feature of a present-day family is the fact that the increased life expectancy trend allows for longer co-habitation and cultivation of relationships between three or even four generations. This creates a new potential for intergenerational family relationships and extends the time lived in such relationships as adult individuals.
The term generation can be described in several manners: for example, by an appropriately defined time interval related to the period of the birth of individuals pertaining to a single generation. It is common to use the interval of 10 to 30 years, but other criteria can also be set for determining who pertains to which generation. Hence, a generation can be defined on the basis of the duration of a certain event (e.g. war generation) or structurally, like childhood (Wintersberger 2000: 6). As an example, cultural gerontologists Gilleard and Higgs (2000) state that the course of life, including aging, is determined by the age of cohorts characterized by their specific generational life-styles. Other researchers emphasize the differences between generations and cohorts. There are different definitions for these terms and are often interchanged – using the term generation for also designating a cohort. A cohort defines persons within the population of a certain bounded geographical area who were born in a certain period, witnessed the same historic events and live approximately in the same time period (e.g. cohort of the 1920s, cohort of 1940 – 1945, etc.).[2]
The term generation is rather used in connection with the genealogical principle, the family cycle and the position of persons in this cycle (e.g. the generation of fathers, the generation of daughters, etc.). People born within a certain cohort can be members of different generations within their families. Tamara Hareven (2000: 132) uses this term in this very context. According to another opinion, it is not only the year of birth – the calendar data – that determine what kind of life specific cohorts would live. Gender aspects, family background-origin, as well as religious and political convictions influence people´s lives more than the year of their birth (see also Dressel – Müller 1996). In our context, the authors perceive generations mainly through the family relationship of grandparents – parents – children/grandchildren at the level of family, and through the terms childhood – adulthood – old age in the structural sense.
How can we describe relationships between grandparents – parents and their children in adult age? Social scientists observe them in the background of several theoretical concepts.
These include inter-generational solidarity and conflict (Szydlik 2008, Wintersberger 2000), authority, power (Lüscher 2000), or intimacy at distance (Rosenmayr – Rosenmayr 1978) in connection with dispersed family (Pfeil 1965). The ambivalence concept also seeks to capture the complexity and contradictory nature of inter-generational relationships.[3] K. Lüscher notes that this term does not designate the behavior and relationships as such, but their interpretations (Lüscher 2000).
One such example of ambivalence in which family realizes its relationships is society as such. It creates a social field which, on one hand, is bounded by the reproduction of the previous conditions needed for the existence of family relationships and, on the other hand, these relationships are created by the innovation of these conditions. Similar ambivalence can be observed in exploring the processes of family memory and communication. These are characterized not only by models of receiving (from one generation) but also by models of giving (to another generation). In this regard, the handing over of knowledge and recollections between generations is bi-directional: from the older generation to the younger ones, but also vice versa. Experts point out the innovative potential of children and their benefits for family (society) – for example, in connection with migrant families in which children´s ability to master the language of their new home country facilitates the situation of all of them. The use of modern technologies in daily life represents a similar advantage offered by the youngest generation (Wintersberger 2000: 7-8).
The family members of different generations (grandparents – parents – children/grandchildren) share a certain level of biological as well as social similarity. This relates to the process of identification of each family member and their personal and family identity. An important role in this process is family (inter-generational) memory, representing a specific type of collective memory (Halbwachs 1992), characterized by interactions and communication between grandparents, parents, and children. Recurrent recollections of the past, oral presentation of the past at joint meetings (or in other manners), and the exchange of family histories between eye-witnesses and their descendants are the prerequisite of constant reconstruction of the family memory. Since family memory is always oriented towards the current needs and interests of the family, its other characteristic feature is selectivity. The exploration of family memory in inter-generational communication brings knowledge about the dynamics and transformation of its normative, formative, value-oriented and identity-creating functions (Erll 2011: 307-309).
In our joint monograph, we offer the results of work obtained in the framework of the VEGA project Family histories: Inter-generational transfer of representations of political and social changes. The authors of the book chapters present the results of their research of families in Bratislava, conducted mainly by means of biographical narrative interviews, participant observation and using the oral history method. The texts focus on the relationships and communication between two or three generations in selected families.