Mortimer Trilateral.pdf

Three Thirteenth Century Castles in Maelienydd This article is based upon ongoing research although the basis of this paper has already been published in The Castles and History of Radnorshire [2008]. For many years it has been accepted that the three masonry hill castles of Maelienydd, Cefnllys, Knucklas and Tinboeth, were first constructed by the Mortimer family in the mid-thirteenth century. This view has been based upon the similarities seen in these castles and the interpretation of two statements in the Mortimer genealogy - a fifteenth century work probably written by Adam Usk (bef.1355-1430)*1. However, a re-evaluation of the available evidence seems to point not to the Figure 1, The cantrefs of Maelienydd and Elfael with the commote of Gwrtheyrnion and the three castles of the Mortimer Mortimers being responsible for the Trilateral in bold. Other important places mentioned in the text construction of at least are shown. two of these castles. Instead, it seems more likely that the prince of North Wales, Llywelyn ab Iorwerth (1173-1240)*2, founded them during the period when he held Maelienydd. Llywelyn, the father-in-law of Ralph Mortimer (d.1246), had an interest in this district as early as 1208 and was certainly in control of the cantref by 1215. He held the overlordship of Maelienydd until his death in 1240. However, the history of events in the region will show that the castles were most likely built between 1216 and 1234. A major portion of this article will therefore involve examining the history of the cantref during the dominance of Llywelyn. This will be followed by a briefer look at various pertinent points concerning the remains of the three castles. The history of Gwynedd’s thirteenth century involvement in Maelienydd was cemented in May 1212, when many of the Welsh confederated together under the leadership of Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth of Gwynedd and attacked the royal castles in Gwynedd and *1 The Wigmore Chronicle, 1066 to 1377: A Translation of John Rylands Manuscript 215, ff. 1-8 and Trinity College, Dublin, MS.488, ff. 295-9 [Ceidio, 2013, ISBN 1-899376-89-5] , xi+, 131. *2 See Remfry, P.M., The Aberconwy Chronicle and Aberconwy Abbey [Ceidio, Forthcoming], for a reassessment of the career of Prince Llywelyn. 1 Powys*3. In the aftermath of this fighting Llywelyn declared to the French king with whom he made an alliance: I and all the princes of Wales, unanimously leagued together, have manfully resisted our and your enemies, and by God’s grace we have recovered by force of arms from the yoke of their tyranny a large part of the land and the strongly defended castles which they, by fraud and deceit, had occupied; and having recovered them, we hold them strongly in the might of the lord.*4 With this act Llywelyn launched himself into a long feud with the Mortimers of Wigmore for the lands of Maelienydd and Gwrtheyrnion. As early as 10 November 1212 the king lent Roger Mortimer of Wigmore (bef.1153-1214) 100 marks (£66 13s 4d)*5. Presumably this was to help him with the war in Wales. The prest is even more surprising when it is remembered that Roger had just fined to pay the king 3,000 marks (£2,000) for the Beauchamp lands*6. Nearly two years later in the early summer of 1214 Roger Mortimer fell seriously ill. As a consequence, before 8 July, he wrote to King John asking him to send his son, Hugh Mortimer (bef.1194-1227), home to take over the Mortimer lands in England and Wales*7. The king agreed to this request, but demanded a fine of 500 marks (£333 6s 8d) from Hugh for allowing him to assume the running of his father’s lordship before his father’s death. Hugh returned from Poitou to the Marches, but on his arrival found that his father was already dead. That Roger had asked for his son to be returned during his incapacity may indicate that the Welsh were already threatening Mortimer rule in Maelienydd - certainly the situation in the Marches had been unstable for some years. The king also took the opportunity of Roger’s death to demand a scutage of three marks (yy) on each knight in the Mortimer lands while they were in royal custody. This tax was to be collected and paid into the Exchequer before 8 September 1214. On 18 December 1214, King John came to Monmouth due to the current disturbances in Wales. While there he took Abbey Cwmhir and various other Welsh religious houses under his personal protection*8. The king’s fleeting visit did not settle the Marches. On 15 May 1215, Bishop Giles Braose of Hereford (bef.1176-1215) sent his younger brother Reginald Braose (bef.1178-1228) to South Wales with orders to seize back the family estates now held by the Crown after King John’s persecution of their father in 1208. In rapid succession the castles of Pencelli, Abergavenny, White Castle and Skenfrith fell into his hands. Then, when Giles himself arrived some little time later, Brecon, Radnor, Hay on Wye, Blaenllynfi and Buellt castles came over to the brothers. Despite this the castles of Colwyn *3 Remfry, P.M., Annales Cambriae. A Translation of Harleian 3859; PRO E.164/1; Cottonian Domitian, A 1; Exeter Cathedral Library MS. 3514 and MS Exchequer DB Neath, PRO E, 114. *4 Treharne,R.F., ‘The Franco-Welsh Treaty of Alliance in 1212, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, Vol 18, 60-75. *5 Pipe Roll 17 John And Praestita Roll 14-18 John, Roll Of Summonses 1214, Scutage Roll 16 John, 85. *6 'Annales Prioratus de Wigornia', Annales Monastici, ed. H.R. Luard [5 vols., 1864-9] IV, 400. *7 Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum in Turri Londinensi asservati [1204-27], ed, T.D. Hardy [2 vols., 1833-44] i, 200b, 201, 208, 168, 209b, 170; Excerpta E Rotulis Finium, 1216-1272, ed. C. Roberts [2 vols., 1835-6] I, 67; Scutage Roll, 14-18 John, 106. *8 The earlier history of Maelienydd is examined in Remfry, P.M., The Political History of Abbey Cwmhir, 1176 to 1282 and the Families of Elystan Godrydd, Mortimer and the Princes of Gwynedd. 2 and Painscastle in Elfael had to be left to Gwallter ab Einion Clud, one of the descendants of the princes of that district, to seize. During the ensuing civil war in England Hugh Mortimer of Wigmore raised an army in opposition to the rebels and their French allies and hastened into southern England to support his king. While he was away the Braose family and their Welsh allies struck. They seized Cymaron castle and demolished it, before marching with Prince Llywelyn on Shrewsbury*9. On route they appear to have seized the royalist Knighton and Norton castles from the sheriff of Shropshire, before their advance was halted by the peace treaty made at Runnymede on 15 June 1215. The seizure of these castles during 1215 can be confirmed by their appearance in Llywelyn’s hands before March 1218. The destruction of Cymaron castle in May 1215 ended Mortimer ambitions in what was to become Radnorshire for another generation. With the rebel Braose-held territories to the south it was all the Mortimer retainers could do to hold their own in Wigmore barony, their lord being absent with the main military force of the increasingly isolated King John. During the very mild December of 1215 the two remaining sons of Prince Maelgwn ap Cadwallon of Maelienydd (bef.1160-97), Maredudd and Cadwallon, campaigned with their military strength alongside Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, storming their way through the forlornly held castles of south-west Deheubarth. While the sons of Maelgwn gave their aid to their lord and protector of Gwynedd, their cousin, Gwallter ab Einion Clud, continued to consolidate his hold on Elfael, to the exclusion of his remaining brothers and their heirs. This he proceeded to do with the connivance of King John who confirmed Gwallter in his lands when he returned to the royal fealty on 28 July 1216 at Hay on Wye*10. After performing his fealty, the new lord of Elfael probably accompanied his king and Hugh Mortimer north through Painscastle and Colwyn, until on 2 August they came to Radnor. The castle here was abandoned by its Braose garrison and subsequently burned by a bitter and revengeful king. This was as far as the royal army penetrated into Wales, the land of Maelienydd remaining beyond the grasp of the royalist Marchers for many years to come. King Henry III (1216-72) was crowned at Gloucester on 28 October 1216, when civil war was still rife in England. Hugh Mortimer remained one of the staunchest supporters of the Crown, even though his Welsh estates had been lost to Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth. On 28 February 1217 Hugh was found with the royal army at Dorking*11. During this time his neglected Marcher estates were being consolidated by his Welsh enemies. In the aftermath of the civil war of 1215 to 1217 the regent ordered a survey to be made of Herefordshire and this suggests a sorry state for English power on the border. The Welsh had pushed the Marchers back virtually along the whole frontier, and the Marchers had compensated themselves by withdrawing what had previously been the shire land of Herefordshire out of royal jurisdiction and into the Marches of Wales. The Welsh frontier now ran from Brilley up along the Elfael border, including all of St Michael (Michaelchurch) with Brilley and Gladestry up to the Red Ditch beyond Radnor and from there to the River Lugg opposite Pilleth. It then cut across north Herefordshire to Lye and then up to *9 Annales Cambriae. A Translation of Harleian 3859; PRO E.164/1; Cottonian Domitian, A 1; Exeter Cathedral Library MS. 3514 and MS Exchequer DB Neath, PRO E.164/1, ed. Remfry, P.M., [Malvern, 2007], 117. *10 Rotuli Litterarum Patentium in Turri Londinensi asservati [1201-16] ed. T.D. Hardy [1835], 191b. *11 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1232-1509 [1906-15], 1216-25, 108-9. 3 Wigmore*12. Quite clearly from this description Elfael and Maelienydd now lay within Welsh power. Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth came to terms with the new government of Henry III on 16 March 1218 at Worcester where he had been escorted by many barons, one of whom was Hugh Mortimer*13. Here Llywelyn’s conquests were tacitly recognized, though the regency would not alienate any royal lands. Consequently the matter was effectively put on hold until the king came of age in 1228. As the king was only eleven this effectively meant victory for Prince Llywelyn. Others who had profited by this truce were Llywelyn’s allies, the former princes of Maelienydd, who were by now no more than lords of Wales owing homage directly to Llywelyn. However, this did not mean that the Marchers were totally impotent in the face of the prince. On 24 April 1218 the regency agreed that the sheriff of Shropshire had granted the border vills of Knighton and Norton to Hugh Mortimer. Consequently on 25 May the government ordered Llywelyn to vacate these lands*14. The prince refused and the dispute became something of a cause celebre with the lands being forcibly split between prince and Mortimer, with Hugh having apparently occupied a considerable portion of the vills by September. This unsettled situation continued until Llywelyn quitclaimed his rights in the vills, probably a little before 26 October 1230 when his widowed daughter, Gwladys Ddu (bef.1200-51), married Ralph Mortimer (bef.1195-1246). It would appear that before his death on 19 or 20 March 1218 at Worcester, Sheriff Thomas Erdington handed his rights in Knighton (Kenithtun) and Norton over to Hugh Mortimer for £10 worth of lands in Worthy in Hampshire. The two Marchers obviously realised that the deal was done against Llywelyn’s interests for the charter contains the curious statement that: should Thomas neglecting to do homage to Llywelyn for the vills occasion Mortimer any loss, then Mortimer should be entitled to take an equivalent of that loss out of the revenues of Worthy. Mortimer and Erdington obviously expected trouble and this, as we have seen, is what they got. If Llywelyn could play the legal game against his enemies so too could the Marchers bring the law to bear against the prince. On 10 May 1220 Llywelyn replied to the regency that he refused to turn over the land of Maelienydd, which he held in custody, to Hugh Mortimer as he had been ordered. This was because the king only had the right to the homage of the nobles of the land and that homage had already been done to Llywelyn who in turn had done homage to Henry III. Here it is clearly stated that as far as Llywelyn was concerned the descendants of the old princes of Maelienydd were now no more than his vassals, he himself being the prince of this part of Wales. Might as ever suppressed right. This claim to paramountcy in Central Wales did little to impress the regent and on 19 May the sheriff of Shropshire was ordered to transfer the land of Maelienydd back to Hugh Mortimer. This it was claimed Llywelyn had returned to royal custody at the council meeting he had attended at Shrewsbury. Llywelyn no doubt had made vague assurances that he would abide *12 Calendar of Inquisitions, Miscellaneous, 1216-1307 [3 vols., 1916-37] I, 146-7, No.444. Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc, ed. T. Rymer and R. Sanderson, 4th edn, by A. Clarke, F. Holbrooke, and J. Caley [4 vols. in 7 parts, 1816-69], 75-6. *14 CPR 1216-25, 149; Foedera, 76, Calendar of Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], 23. *13 4 by the law, but there can be little doubt that he made no definitive agreement to abandon the disputed lands. The fact that Llywelyn claimed to hold the land ‘in custody’ would suggest that he felt himself the legal guardian of the land until at least 1228 according to the terms agreed at Worcester in 1218. Consequently the prince again wrote that he would not abandon his cousins of Maelienydd and hinted that any further royal or Mortimer intervention in the district would result in war*15. With this the matter was allowed to rest. If Llywelyn had called the bluff of the Marchers and Crown over the holding of Maelienydd, Hugh Mortimer could still cause the prince troubles over his repeated claims to the land and launch those indeterminable border raids that kept the country destabilised and dissatisfied. The position of Maelienydd and its commote of Ceri came to the fore again in 1223 when a war broke out between Llywelyn and the Marchers. This resulted in the king building a new royal fortress at Montgomery*16. Llywelyn’s marginal defeat in this conflict opened up renewed Mortimer pressure for the return of Maelienydd. The result was a series of meetings between Llywelyn and the Marchers at the end of which, in October 1224, the prince 'and his supporters', promised to make amends to the dispossessed Marchers, who included Hugh Mortimer of Wigmore. Nothing seems to have come of this, but next Michaelmas Abbey Cwmhir was recorded as owing £10 for the king's goodwill*17. Perhaps this indicates that Hugh Mortimer and the royal council had not been as inactive as the records suggest. Indeed, it is quite likely that Mortimer had managed to penetrate Maelienydd to some degree, for on 2 September 1226, he, Fulk Fitz Warin, Thomas Corbet and other barons of the March were ordered to return the lands that they had wrongfully occupied, Llywelyn having replied benevolently to the king. The favourable reply was undoubtedly the prince's appointment to meet the above Marchers at Oswestry on 25 October 1226, in respect of the lands he had seized from them*18. With all this political posturing the leaders of the Welsh slowly came to see that it was to their greater profit to be seen as partisans of the Crown rather than as allies of Llywelyn. The greatest example of this is Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn who during the thirteenth century became a great Marcher lord rather than a prince of Wales. Others in the Middle Marches, like Hywel ap Meurig (bef.1240-1282) and his family, improved their lot through support of the Marchers and later the king. Meanwhile, the power of Llywelyn proved too strong for the Mortimers to dislodge the descendants of Cadwallon ap Madog from Maelienydd, though Hugh Mortimer seems to have campaigned in the district before his untimely death at Reading in November 1227*19. The childless Hugh was succeeded by his brother, Ralph Mortimer (bef.1195-1246), who inherited the family claim to Maelienydd. However, the tide had yet to turn and Hugh’s *15 Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum in Turri Londinensi asservati [1204-27], ed, T.D. Hardy [2 vols., 1833-44], 418, 418b; Calendar of Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], 8-9; Royal and other Historical Letters Illustrative of the Reign of Henry III, ed. W.W. Shirley [2 vols., 1862-6] I, 122. *16 The Montgomery campaign is discussed in detail in Remfry, P.M., Montgomery Castle, a royal fortress of King Henry III. *17 CPR 1216-25, 411; Pipe Roll 9 Henry III, 1224-5, PRO E372/69. *18 Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum in Turri Londinensi asservati [1204-27], ed, T.D. Hardy [2 vols., 1833-44] II, 154b; Eyton, R.W., Antiquities of Shropshire [12 vols., 1854-60], VII, 20. *19 CPR, 1225-32, 169; British Library, Additional Charter 19628; Reading Abbey Cartularies [Camden, London, 1986] II, 235. 5 500 mark (£333 6s 8d) fine for having his lands in 1214 was allowed to remain unpaid. This may have been because the royal terms in the grant of 1214 had not been realised, with Llywelyn still holding the bulk of Mortimer’s Welsh lands. This fact was emphasized on 8 July 1229 when the king pardoned Ralph over half his debts and made terms for the repayment of the rest. Mortimer’s royal debts totalled £1,115 2s. 4d. This great amount was now reduced by the king’s writ to £500, which Ralph was to pay off at £20 per annum*20. Of course, being a Mortimer, Ralph neglected to pay the deficit off in the manner prescribed. At this time Llywelyn was still growing in stature and before November 1225 he showed his ascendancy by adopting the title of ‘prince of Aberffraw and lord of Snowdon’. His son and grandson only would outdo him, adopting the title of ‘prince of Wales and lord of Snowdon’. Llywelyn’s new title was reflected in his continuing hegemony in Maelienydd. Llywelyn's grip on the Middle Marches increased in 1230 when he captured William Braose (bef.1200-30) a little before 20 April. According to the Worcester Chronicle: Llywelyn deceitfully called William Braose to him at Easter (7 April), supposing that he was committing adultery with his wife, he caused him to be castrated and hung on a gibbet; it was said that he was innocent and blameless, and Llywelyn secured Buellt castle, only to have it destroyed. King Henry, as soon as he heard of the arrest of William, promptly seized the remaining lands of the unfortunate Marcher, but on 2 May Llywelyn hanged William from a tree at Crokein, after his men had passed judgement on him: as to how he engineered our deception by entering our chamber, bringing shame to us in the highest manner.*21 Interestingly, all the enemies of William Braose Senior (bef.1155-1211) and his sons (presumably William Braose Junior, Bishop Giles of Hereford and Reginald Braose) were said to have attended the event. Did these enemies of Braose include the lords of Maelienydd and Radnorshire? These foes may have included Ralph Mortimer, for around this time Llywelyn dispatched Ralph to see the king on the prince’s business. As Ralph had left the country by 27 June 1230 he certainly seems to have been with Llywelyn around the time of the hanging. When Mortimer returned from France in early October he married Gwladys Ddu. She was the widow of Reginald Braose and daughter of Llywelyn by Princess Joan Plantagenet, the legitimised daughter of King John*22. By 26 October Ralph was married and taking the fealty of the men of Knighton, while Llywelyn quitclaimed both Knighton and Norton to him, presumably as the dower of his daughter. Twenty days later the king granted Mortimer a fair at Knighton*23. According to the circa 1400 Mortimer genealogy the marriage also included Llywelyn giving Ceri and Cedewain to Ralph with their castles and *20 Calendar of the Fine Rolls of the Reign of Henry III [henceforth CFR] 1223-4 (http://www.finerollshenry3.org.uk/), No.255. *21 Royal and other Historical Letters Illustrative of the Reign of Henry III, ed. W.W. Shirley [2 vols., 1862-6] I, 368-9. *22 Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers relating to GB and Ireland - Papal Letters, 1198-1304, ed. W. H. Bliss [1893], 109. *23 Eyton, R.W., Antiquities of Shropshire [12 vols., 1854-60] XI, 348 quoting British Library Harliean 1240. fo. 68b; Calendar of Charter Rolls 1226-1516 [6 vols., 1903-27] I, 125. 6 fortifications. This is undoubtedly a mistake for Knighton and Norton, but it is possible that an original grant seen by the author of the genealogy mentioned castles and fortifications in the two places, even if he did identify the places wrongly. The extent of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth's power in this region is again shown by the manner in which his forces penetrated Herefordshire during the war of 1231. Before the truce that ended the war on 30 November, the prior of Leominster was forced, about 29 September 1231, to pay Llywelyn a great deal of money to buy his protection. In return the prince ordered his bailiffs of Maelienydd not to further interfere with the priory*24. That his bailiffs were informed and not the former princes of this region, unless they were now his bailiffs, again points to the conclusion that their power was minimal. It seems Maelienydd was now, in effect, merely a province of Llywelyn's extended state of Gwynedd. It is also to be wondered if these bailiffs were not operating from within Llywelyn’s castles in Maelienydd, which, of course, is the gist of this article. The words of Llywelyn in 1212 should also be borne in mind: we have recovered by force of arms... the strongly defended castles... and having recovered them, we hold them strongly in the might of the lord... Llywelyn by his own estimation was holding fortresses against the Crown in what he regarded as his own lands. Unfortunately he did not say where these castles were. After the fighting of 1231 an uneasy peace descended on Radnorshire, with the king feverishly ordering the cutting of new roads to Painscastle for its better security. Soon after 22 May 1233, war broke out along the March, not with Llywelyn, but between the king and several of his Marcher barons. At first Llywelyn looked on as an interested bystander, but then, as he realised that there was profit in this for him, he threw his weight behind the rebels during the autumn of 1233. In January 1234, for the second time in a generation, the prince of Gwynedd captured Shrewsbury, slaughtering its garrison and their commander, John Lestrange of Knockin, who was over 75 years old. During this war a Welsh force besieged Carmarthen and according to the Brut: Maelgwn Fychan ap Maelgwn ap Rhys and Owain ap Gruffydd and Rhys Gryg and their sons and the host of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth and the host of the earl of Pembroke gathered together against Carmarthen. And they laid siege to it for three months, and they made a bridge upon the Tywi. And then the sailors came armed with the tide, to break down the bridge. And when the Welsh saw that their expedition would be fruitless, they returned to their lands. Another source, the Tewkesbury chronicle, has: Rhys Gryg (Rogerus Crek) and many others besieged Carmarthen; but Henry Turbeville came from Bristol with many ships and a great army, broke the bridge, and drowned above 300 of them, and relieved the castle. At that very instant Rhys was cut down, and this great man died of his wounds. *24 'Annales de Theokesberia', Annales Monastici, ed. H.R. Luard [5 vols., 1864-9], I, 79. 7 It is interesting to find Rhys Gryg dying after this battle, for his first cousin, once removed, was also recorded as dying this year as a monk at Abbey Cwmhir. Perhaps he too had been engaged at Carmarthen, or elsewhere defending Maelienydd, and he too succumbed to wounds or dysentery. Cadwallon ap Maelgwn took the religious habit and died at Abbey Cwmhir. Cadwallon was the last descendant of ‘King’ Cadwallon ap Madog (bef.1139-79) to be mentioned in the Welsh Chronicles. That the later Cadwallon was called 'of Maelienydd' in the Bruts indicates that he still held rights there. That Cadwallon was lord of Maelienydd is by no means certain, for he appears to have had an elder brother, Maredudd ap Maelgwn (bef.1194-1249+), who was in charge of Maelienydd before December 1215. However, Cadwallon did leave a son, Hywel ap Cadwallon (bef.1228-81), who continued to hold sway in parts of Ceri for many years to come. This would suggest that Maelienydd and Ceri had been divided between Maredudd and Cadwallon under the auspices of Prince Llywelyn in a similar manner to the way in which Deheubarth had been divided. That Maredudd was the senior brother is suggested from the 1215 confirmation of the lands of Abbey Cwmhir by King John. Here all the gifts of Cadwallon ap Madog were bundled together as the gift of Maredudd, who was obviously the leading force in Maelienydd at the end of 1215*25. The long wars with Prince Llywelyn were finally brought to an end by the truce of Middle (Mudele) on 6 March 1234. This tacitly, but not directly, recognized that Llywelyn could not be shifted from his conquests. The agreement was confirmed on 7 July as the truce of Brockton*26. This agreed that: No new castle shall be fortified or any ruined one restored in the Marches during the truce, and that lands shall be common according to the form of the truce at another time taken by the bishops at Brockton. From this it is clear that the disputed lands were to remain in Llywelyn's power. The truce was renewed by both parties up to Llywelyn's death, but never did the king recognize that Llywelyn held Maelienydd or his other conquests by right. That aside it is informative that Llywelyn was thought likely to build or restore castles in the Marches of Wales. This poses the questions as to which castles Llywelyn was thought likely to restore, or which areas he was thought likely to fortify. Such a discussion would take us outside the confines of Maelienydd, but it is a topic well worth pursuing at another time*27. The measure of the truce of Brockton was that after the prince's death the conquered lands must be regained by the Crown for the Anglo-Norman Marchers. The next war was already planned and Llywelyn was written out of the cast. The prince obviously knew what was intended and he attempted to do the best for his son who would obviously have to continue the fight with King Henry III after the prince of Gwynedd's death. In the Marches *25 Rotuli Chartarum in Turri Londonensi asservati [1204-22], ed. T.D. Hardy [1837], 206. See Remfry, P.M, A Political History of Abbey Cwmhir, 1176-1282 for more on the politics of Maelienydd and Ceri. *26 Calendar of the Close Rolls 1272-1500 [46 vols., 1892-1955], 1231-34, 553; CPR 1232-47, 43; Royal and other Historical Letters Illustrative of the Reign of Henry III, ed. W.W. Shirley [2 vols., 1862-6] I, 432. *27 Remfry, P.M., Harlech Castle and its True Origins, 22-3, further examines the castle building exploits of Llywelyn in North Wales. 8 the truce would also suggest that no castles were built in Maelienydd after 1234. However, that would not rule out any other castles being built in Ceri or in other lands not then disputed by the English and Welsh. Again where such lands were would probably be an issue between the contending parties. Before 8 March 1238, Prince Llywelyn, after having had a stroke, began to prepare the succession by having his lords and chieftains swear fealty to his younger son, Dafydd ap Llywelyn (bef.1210-46)*28. The king, knowing exactly what this meant, forbade Llywelyn's barons to give the homage they owed to the Crown to Dafydd, the king’s nephew. It is notable that named amongst these barons were many Welsh lords of the later county of Radnorshire. First in the list was Owain ap Maredudd (bef.1205-67) a grandson of Einion Clud of Elfael, later came Maredudd ap Maelgwn the last surviving son of Maelgwn ap Cadwallon of Maelienydd. He appeared with his cousins, Owain ap Hywel (bef.1200-53) and his brother Cadwallon ap Hywel (bef.1200-53+), who are later seen as lords of Ceri. Also in the long list of Welsh barons was Prince Llywelyn's grandson, Llywelyn ap Gruffydd (bef.1215-82), who was already a lord of Gwrtheyrnion and was soon to play such an important part in the history of Maelienydd and the three castles of Cefnllys, Knucklas and Tinboeth. Regardless of the king's order, homage, but not fealty, was duly paid to Dafydd on 17 October 1238 after much to-ing and fro-ing between the two courts*29. The protection given to the lords of Maelienydd and Ceri finally ended on 10 April 1240, when Prince Llywelyn died. He left Prince Dafydd ready to enter into his lands, although his elder half-brother, Gruffydd ap Llywelyn (bef.1200-44), opposed the succession. Thus the scene was well set for further tragedy*30. Early in May 1240 Prince Dafydd rushed south from North Wales to meet his uncle, Henry III, and on 15 May made the Treaty of Gloucester with him. In this he agreed to place the ownership of the disputed Marcher lands, of which Maelienydd was presumably a part, before a panel of English and Welsh judges presided over by Otto the Papal Legate*31. However, just as all looked favourable for a compromise, Dafydd claimed that King Henry began to arbitrarily hand out the disputed lands, apparently before coming to any agreement. It would seem that no formal consensus had been reached as to which lands were understood to be disputed or how they were going to be administered during the arbitration. Obviously these facts were not recognized in the same way by the contending parties. This was a repetition of what had happened earlier with Prince Llywelyn. Large areas of Carmarthen and Cardigan were seized by the Earl Marshall. Then, on 3 June, the king wrote to the sheriff of Hereford ordering him to deliver to Ralph Mortimer seisin of Maelienydd, recently restored [at Gloucester] by the arbitration of the Norwegian bishop and his friends from Dafydd, once prince of North Wales'. Despite this, there is no record of any such arbitration, although many years later Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn (bef.1215-86) claimed that Ralph Mortimer had recovered Maelienydd from *28 Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc, ed. T. Rymer and R. Sanderson, 4th edn, by A. Clarke, F. Holbrooke, and J. Caley [4 vols. in 7 parts, 1816-69], 132; CCR 1237-42, 123-4. *29 CPR 1232-47, 235; Foedera I, 136. *30 The course of events at this time is covered in Remfry, P.M., The Aberconwy Chronicle and Aberconwy Abbey [Ceidio, Forthcoming]. *31 Littere Wallie, preserved in Liber A in the Public Record Office, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], 5-6. 9 Llywelyn ab Iorwerth through the curia regis*32. Possibly this is the route the Mortimers followed, although no such record of any proceedings appears to survive. Other lands which 'Llywelyn, now dead, had unjustly disseised' from the hands of their lords were likewise resumed by the Crown and re-granted to their previous English and Welsh owners. Prince Dafydd appears to have sulked in his fastnesses, largely ignoring Henry's calls to proceed with the allotted arbitrations, except for attempting to have them postponed. Instead he plotted his vengeance for the destruction of the his father’s principality. On 3 February 1241 the Welsh magnates of the Middle Marches began returning to their fealty to the king. First came Owain ab Iorwerth Clud (bef.1220-56) and Owain ap Maredudd (bef.1205-67) of Elfael to give homage at Hereford. Then at Lent, Owain ap Hywel (bef.1200-53), Maredudd ap Maelgwn (bef.1195-1249+), Hywel ap Cadwallon (bef.1228-81), Maredudd ap Hywel (bef.1212-49) and Cadwallon Crek (bef.1200-53+), the descendants of Cadwallon ap Madog (d.1179), came to the king at Worcester to do homage*33. Their decision to pay homage seems to be perfidious, for within four months they were at war with both the Crown and the Marchers. On 14 June 1241 King Henry III wrote deploring Dafydd's actions in sending seneschals to the king's men of Ceri [the descendants of Cadwallon ap Madog] and aiding them in their attacks on Ralph Mortimer in Maelienydd. These attacks were co-ordinated by Dafydd's seneschals, who included his justiciar, Owain Fychan, who was almost certainly the lord of Mechain (bef.1187-1241+)*34. In spite of the promising start, and the fact that Mortimer would appear to have been waiting again at Montford Bridge for arbitration on 13 June, the revolt in Maelienydd proved abortive and on 14 August Maredudd ap Maelgwn and his relations sought peace with the Crown and made a truce with Ralph Mortimer to last until 29 September in the following manner: Know all in the present and the future, that I, Maredudd ap Hywel, have sworn on oath, that on this day and all the days of my life that I come faithfully and devotedly with all my men and all my power, into a truce between Ralph Mortimer and myself, to last until the Michaelmas of 1241, which on my part I will faithfully observe; and nevertheless I will observe forever my faith to the lord king, while I will observe the truce up to its conclusion as agreed. I have placed myself under the legal jurisdiction of the bishops of Hereford and Coventry and Lichfield, either one of which if the lord king chooses, if I go against the king’s faith, or against observing the truce I have made, it may be permitted by either of them, to excommunicate myself personally and all of my followers, and place my lands under interdict, until I give full satisfaction for the transgression. Further, if no peace will have been restored between Ralph and me by Michaelmas, it is permitted that war can be made against Ralph, which does not oblige me to break the oath, providing that I continue to observe my faith to the lord king, just as it is. And if war is occasioned between us after the end of the truce, nonetheless I will support the king, that I and mine may be admitted into his land, just like his other faithful men... *32 CCR 1237-42, 202; The Welsh Assize Roll 1277-84, ed. J. Conway Davies [Cardiff, 1940] WAR, 266. CPR 1232-47, 243; CCR 1237-42, 302. *34 CCR 1237-42, 359-60; Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc, ed. T. Rymer and R. Sanderson, 4th edn, by A. Clarke, F. Holbrooke, and J. Caley [4 vols. in 7 parts, 1816-69], 138. *33 10 The other lords making similar charters were Owain ap Hywel, Maredudd ap Maelgwn, Hywel ap Cadwallon and Cadwallon ap Hywel, who was otherwise known as Cadwallon Crek*35. On 21 August 1241 the king informed; the Welsh late of the land of Gwrtheyrnion (Wastreynthon), that whosoever will come to the king's peace and to the fealty and service of Ralph Mortimer, the king will willingly accept them and their wives and their children. The like to the Welsh of the land late of Owain ap Hywel in Maelienydd (Mellenith) for the said Ralph.*36 It is to be presumed from this that Owain ap Hywel held lands within Maelienydd, though why Maredudd ap Maelgwn, who was the senior surviving descendant of Cadwallon ap Madog was not mentioned is unknown. Just three days later on 24 August Prince Dafydd surrendered. Ralph Mortimer was with the royal army at Rhuddlan that August. Presumably he had moved northwards after securing Maelienydd and Gwrtheyrnion, although it is possible from what happened next that his enemies of Gwrtheyrnion had already moved northwards at the same time as Ralph. At Rhuddlan several of Ralph’s Welsh enemies from the Middle Marches surrendered to him and got what terms they could. Llywelyn ab Anarawd of Gwrtheyrnion (Warthren') quitclaimed for himself and his heirs his power in the land of Gwrtheyrnion as he had held it in 1241*37. In return he had simple livery from Ralph Mortimer for granting him full seisin of his lands. Next came the four sons of an unidentified Madog. They were Einion ap Madog, Maredudd ap Madog, Ieuaf ap Madog and Hywel ap Madog. They released and quitclaimed to Ralph Mortimer all their lands and tenements in Gwrtheyrnion (Warthren') and in Commote Deuddwr (the land between the Wye and Elan) without any choice of reclaiming them for themselves or their heirs. Rhys ap Meurig ap Rhys of Gwrtheyrnion (Warthreyn') quitclaimed for himself and his heirs to Ralph Mortimer all claim and power of his lands in Gwrtheyrnion from the time they came into Ralph's fidelity from the service of Dafydd ap Llywelyn, which was presumably that very day, unless they had come north with Mortimer himself after making a local peace. They placed in his protection themselves and their lands to hold of Ralph in chief for the customary service. His brothers, Hywel ap Meurig and Llywelyn ap Meurig, did likewise. Finally came Iorwerth ap Meurig of Gwrtheyrnion (Warthren') who was probably the eldest son of Meurig. This can be judged because he came into Ralph Mortimer's fidelity from that of Dafydd ap Llywelyn, and for his homage and service Ralph Mortimer granted him Hywel Voyl and all his lands as well as Hovep Fitz Deveri, Worgeneu Fitz Ythel, Heylyn Fitz Gervasii, Gervasius Fitz Molendinarii and all their lands together with the mill of Gwrtheyrnion below the wood. These quitclaims were *35 Matthaei Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica Majora, ed. H.R. Luard [7 vols., 1872-83] IV, 31920, gives two lords as Maelgwn ap Maelgwn and Maredudd ap Maredudd, but this is surely a slip of the pen. The original charters printed in Littere Wallie, preserved in Liber A in the Public Record Office, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], No's 80-84 has copies of the charters of Kadwathlan filius Hoel, Hoelus filii Cadwatlan, Mereduc filius Hoel, Mereduf filius Mailgun and Oweyn filius Hoel. *36 CPR 1232-47, 257. *37 Llywelyn was a probable son of Anarawd ab Einion o’r Porth of Elfael. His family is examined in Remfry, P.M., The Political History of Abbey Cwmhir, 1176 to 1282. 11 witnessed by all the major knights of Ralph Mortimer’s barony of Wigmore*38. By these instruments the lords of Gwrtheyrnion recognised Mortimer as paramount in their lands. Noticeably missing from this list are the lords of Maelienydd and Ceri. If these men had surrendered to Mortimer and made terms to receive free tenure of their lands from Ralph it is certain that the Mortimers would have preserved their charters just as they preserved those of the men of Gwrtheyrnion. We can therefore assume that the descendants of Cadwallon had decided to fight on, alone if needs be. Just before the end of the truce with Mortimer on 29 September the lords of Maelienydd again trekked to the King's Court, this time no doubt to ensure their safety from the victorious lord of Wigmore. Thus on 28 September the king granted power to Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn of Powys to conduct Owain ap Hywel, Maredudd ap Maelgwn, Hywel ap Cadwallon, Cadwallon ap Hywel and Maredudd ap Hywel his brother to come to see the king*39. Presumably their meeting stopped any further hostilities with Mortimer and may have left these men in possession of a Ceri that may then have stretched as far south as Tinboeth castle, which district they just might have been holding at this time. Probably about the same time Llywelyn ap Gruffydd (bef.1215-82), the future prince of Wales, according to his charter in the Black Book of Wigmore: quitclaimed to Ralph and Gwladys Mortimer all his claim to Maelienydd and Gwrtheyrnion, for them to peacefully hold and possess the aforesaid lands. Llywelyn swears to this and for his heirs and to use his power, aid and consultation against all men, except for his faith to the king of the English. This treaty augured badly for the future, though neither party could have realised then what was in store for them. Finally, on 1 October 1241 and later on 14 January 1242, Ralph Mortimer was given power to escort Prince Dafydd, his brother-in-law, to London. It must have seemed as if matters had finally been settled in Maelienydd. What happened in the aftermath of the war has led to the claim that Ralph Mortimer founded Cefnllys and Knucklas castles in 1241/42. This claim is mainly based upon statements in the Mortimer genealogy and the Bruts. The first states: This Ralph [Mortimer], a warlike and vigorous man, enlarged his military boundaries and beyond all his predecessors subdued the rabidness of the Welsh once again, and particularly he laid waste and subdued the lands of the said Prince Llywelyn. And he strengthened his possessions there by building anew two castles, that is he fortified Cefnllys and Knucklas; which the said Prince Llywelyn himself, bold and lucky, was unable to endure this, so he gave to Ralph his daughter, Gwladys Ddu, in marriage as his wife with all the lands of Ceri and Cedewain and their castles and fortifications with everything within the jurisdiction and honour of those same districts.*40 *38 The charters are recorded in British Library, Harliean 1240, ff. 57-58. No.13 and have been printed and analysed in Smith, J.B., 'The Middle March in the Thirteenth Century', Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies XXIV [1970-72], 77-92. *39 CPR 1232-47, 260. *40 Monasticon Anglorum, ed. W. Dugdale, Revised edition by J. Caley, H. Ellis, and B. Bandinel [6 vols., 1817-30] VI, 351. 12 This story as told by the late fourteenth century genealogy has several problems, not least the fact that it can be proved that the major part of Maelienydd remained beyond Ralph Mortimer’s grasp until the September of 1241 when the descendants of Cadwallon ap Madog made their peace, a year after Prince Llywelyn’s death. Even in the spring of 1241 Mortimer was waiting for Prince Dafydd at Montford Bridge, Shrewsbury, to carry out the designated arbitration. This would suggest that the ‘arbitration’ of 1240 did not grant Ralph the cantref of Maelienydd in its entirety and it was only his military victory in 1241 that cemented his control of the district and allowed the fortification of the land with castles. If we accept that Cefnllys and Knucklas castles were ‘built anew’ by Ralph Mortimer in 1242, we can clearly see that it was not Prince Llywelyn who was humbled by the bellicose Ralph Mortimer, but his son, Prince Dafydd, and also the Welsh lords of Maelienydd. Ralph himself was in France during much of 1242, which may explain the comment in the Bruts: In that year these castles were fortified in Wales: by Maelgwn the castle of Garth Grugyn; by John Monmouth the castles of Builth; by Roger Mortimer the castle of Maelienydd.*41 As Ralph was in Gascony it probably explains why the eleven year old Roger Mortimer fortified Maelienydd, no doubt under the tutelage of his Welsh mother and Norman uncles. On 8 June Ralph Mortimer was with the king and 500 good Welsh soldiers at Xancton in Gascony*42. To be there he could hardly have been in Wales much later than the end of May 1242 at the very latest. Many Marchers were still in Bordeaux in October. On 10 April 1243 the king was still at Bordeaux, with several of his Marchers, but Ralph Mortimer had apparently returned home. He was certainly back in the Marches by 29 April 1243 when he was one of the escort instructed to take Prince Dafydd to London*43. The story of the lands of Ceri and Cedewain being given by Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth to Ralph Mortimer is obviously a fourteenth century mistake, intentional or otherwise, for Knighton and Norton which were apparently granted in marriage with Gwladys Ddu in October 1230. However, concerning the building of castles in Maelienydd the original Latin phrase of the genealogy - ac possessiones suas duobus castris de novo per cum constructis - could imply that Ralph built the two castles within the cantref either anew or from new. In either case the implication would appear to be that the castles were not built on new sites. If they were built as new sites Latin texts usually used phrases like castella fecerunt - they made castles, or aedificavit - built, or inceptum - began. When a pre-existing fortress was strengthened firmavit - strengthened, tended to be used. The terms used in the Annales Cambriae are quite specific: Eodem anno fuerunt castra firmata in Wallia a domino Mailgono in Garthgrugyn, a domino Johanne de Monemu in Buelth, a domino Rogero de Mortuo-Mari in Maelenyt. *41 Brut y Tywysogyon or The Chronicle of the Princes. Red Book of Hergest version, ed. and trans. T. Jones [Cardiff, 1955], 239; Brut y Tywysogyon or The Chronicle of the Princes. Peniarth Ms. 20 version, ed. and trans. T. Jones [Cardiff, 1952], 106. *42 Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc, ed. T. Rymer and R. Sanderson, 4th edn, by A. Clarke, F. Holbrooke, and J. Caley [4 vols. in 7 parts, 1816-69], 142; CCR 1237-42, 497, 498. *43 CPR 1266-72, 721; Foedera I, 252. 13 This year castles were strengthened in Wales, by Lord Maelgwn in Carthguigyn, by Lord John Monmouth in Buellt, and by Lord Roger Mortimer in Maelienydd.*44 Firmata can mean strengthened, hardened, supported, confirmed or established. What it does not mean is founded. Therefore we have no specific evidence for who founded the new castle or castles of Maelienydd, only that the young Roger Mortimer was responsible for fortifying one in 1242. All of this leaves the question as to who actually designed and commenced the building of the ‘new’ castle in Maelienydd and where this was (Fig.1). The two castles mentioned in the Mortimer genealogy were both built in high-lying locations therefore the implication is that they were likely to be Welsh. The question is was Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth the builder? The northern site at Cefnllys I was undoubtedly the site fortified in 1242, as no other castles, other than Dinieithon and Cymaron, two early, low-lying motte and bailey fortresses, might be thought of as ‘the’ castle of Maelienydd. Unfortunately not enough remains of Cefnllys I castle to be sure of the extent or shape of its masonry Figure 2, A ground plan of Cefnllys I castle. defences (Fig.2). Knucklas would appear to be a small rectangular castle which is untypical of a Welsh stone castle, though its ditching is nonexistent, which does tend to be a Welsh feature (Fig.3). It also has what appears to be an open space or killing platform on its eastern side. However, it is also possible that this killing platform was originally a long barbican. These long barbicans tend to be common on Welsh sites*45. Certainly the position of Knucklas on a great hill, just 2½ miles from the Norman motte and bailey Knighton castle, would suggest that it was a Welsh fortress (Fig.1). As such the implication, as Knucklas castle was certainly standing in 1246, would suggest that Prince *44 Annales Cambriae. A Translation of Harleian 3859; PRO E.164/1; Cottonian Domitian, A 1; Exeter Cathedral Library MS. 3514 and MS Exchequer DB Neath, PRO E.164/1, ed. Remfry, P.M., [Malvern, 2007], 131. *45 See Remfry, P.M., Castell Carreg Cennen.... for Welsh long barbicans. 14 Llywelyn was the builder and that the fortress was founded to overawe the Norman settlement of Knighton, perhaps after Llywelyn relinquished Knighton and Norton to Mortimer in October 1230. Of even greater interest is the fact that Tinboeth (Fig.4), another high-lying fortress in the mould of Cefnllys and Knucklas, is a near copy of the ground plan of the inner ward of Criccieth castle (Fig.15). Criccieth castle was known to have been standing in 1239 when Prince Llywelyn was using it as a prison. However, research suggests that this was the castle of Gruffydd ap Cynan (d.1200), newly built in 1188 when Giraldus Cambrensis passed by*46. The implication of this is that Tinboeth might have been built by someone who had seen Criccieth and that all three of these Maelienydd castles may have been founded in the period 1212 to 1234. It is therefore necessary to examine the remains of the three ‘Mortimer’ castles in some detail to move towards a better comprehension of their history. On Cefnllys Hill are the remains of two separate castles; the earlier one, Cefnllys I, being at the northern end of the ridge (Fig.6). This first fortress consists of two distinct parts. Firstly, there is a sub-trapezoid enclosure that occupies the top of the hill (W & E). Within this, centrally on the south-eastern face, is the inner core or citadel of the castle (M & B). This occupies an area about 250 feet from south-west to north-east and 200 feet from southeast to north-west. This inner core is a most curious structure, the main feature of which is undoubtedly the 'motte' (M) which forms a pock-marked rectangle about sixty feet by forty feet, which is most likely the collapsed remnant of a rectangular tower keep, similar to those still partially standing at Criccieth (Fig.16), Castell y Bere (Fig.17), Dolwyddelan I and II (Fig.18), Carndochan (Fig.19&20) and Dinas Emrys (Fig.31). All of these are Welsh castles held at some point by Llywelyn ab Iorwerth. There can be little doubt from the jumble of collapsed masonry over the site that the ‘motte’ (M) at Cefnllys I is in fact the buried remains of a masonry structure. This is similar to the mounds found at Bleddfa and Cascob churches (Figs.21-23). Until their excavation these were long supposed to have been mottes, but in reality they were simply the rubble of a collapsed church tower, turfed over. The remnants of the keep at Castell Bwlch y Dinas has a similar makeup (Fig.24)*47. There is no trace of any ditching at Cefnllys, other than the slight ditch at the rear of the keep (Fig.7). Such poor or lack of ditching is typical of Welsh work, while the depressions in the bailey are probably all quarry sites rather than defensive ditches (Fig.8). Cefnllys castle was still operational in 1274 when the newer southern work was already under construction or built*48. At any time after this it is possible that the northern castle was abandoned for the newer southern site, but it is unlikely that any quarrying of the ruins occurred before 1415 and the end of the Glyndwr disturbances. Both Cefnllys and Knucklas castles appear to have been wrecked by the rebels before 1406*49. By this time both castles at Cefnllys were probably ruinous. However, in the period 1432-59 some form of rebuilding work took place at Cefnllys*50. This work may have seen the older northern castle pillaged and quarried to repair the southern site. Certainly it would give a plausible timescale for the quarrying of the older castle. *46 The evidence for this is detailed in Harlech Castle and its True Origins, 12-22. Butler, L.A.S., 'Excavation of a mound at Bleddfa Church', Transactions of the Radnorshire Society XXXII [1962], 25-38. Remfry, P.M., Castell Bwlch y Dinas and the Families of Fitz Osbern, Neufmarché, Gloucester, Hereford, Braose, Fitz Herbert. *48 Calendar of Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], 94. *49 CPR 8 Hen IV, 1405-08, 145. *50 Browne, D.M & Person, A, Cefnllys Castle, Radnorshire [RCAHMW], 7. *47 15 The bailey (B) of the first Cefnllys castle would appear to have been polygonal and ran roughly southwards from the keep. The site has been heavily mutilated by quarrying which explains the confusing mess the bailey is in. The later quarrying of Cefnllys I conveniently explains the confusing mass of ridges and hollows all over the inner site (Fig.6). The crags of rock projecting from the centre of the work (B) can only be the edges of excavations which have pulverised the central citadel. To attempt further description of the site from dumped rubble and later diggings is unprofitable. What can be said is that what remains seems to suggest that an unditched polygonal curtain wall made up the bulk of the defence of Cefnllys I. This is similar to the remains of Carndochan (Fig.19), Criccieth (Fig.15), Dolbadarn (Fig.25), Dolwyddelan II (Fig.26), Garn Fadryn (Fig.28), Knucklas (Figs.10&11) and Castell y Bere (Fig.17) - all Welsh or suggested Welsh castles. In summation the evidence suggests that the remains of the ‘motte and bailey’ at Cefnllys I would appear to be the work of Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth as the Mortimer genealogy hints. Certainly no thirteenth century English design seems to mirror Cefnllys I in layout or conception. Unfortunately, as at Cefnllys, there is no conclusive evidence that any castle was begun at Knucklas before 1242. According to the Mortimer genealogy, Ralph Mortimer (bef.1195-1246) fortified the castle in the time of Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth (1173-1240). If the above is true it would seem likely, from the evidence accrued above, that actually Prince Llywelyn built the castle in the period 1212 to 1234 when he exercised control over this district and that Ralph Mortimer took it over after Llywelyn’s death in April 1240. Certainly a fortress here was garrisoned by August 1246 when Knucklas and Cefnllys were taken over by the Crown on the death of Ralph Mortimer*51. The castle at Knucklas shows some similarities to the first fortress on Cefnllys Hill, but it does not appear to be constructed on such a large scale (Fig.4). The main defences stand on the highest possible point of a large heart-shaped hilltop which is about 570 by 485 feet across. The castle consists of a small, roughly sixty feet square inner ward, which is almost small enough to be classified as a 'keep’ (K). To the north-east is the main bailey (A B), while to the south is a subsidiary ward (Z). The west side of the castle has been heavily damaged by quarrying (Q). The keep (K) at Knucklas is therefore considerably smaller than both the wards at Cefnllys I and Tinboeth and is only a third larger than the keep at Cefnllys. Similarly, the rectangular Welsh keep at Dolforwyn is only slightly bigger than that at Cefnllys, being 55 feet by forty (Fig.5). Dolwyddelan II (Fig.18) and Castell Y Bere (Fig.17) are smaller being only about 45 feet by 30. Knucklas inner ward/keep (K) is rectangular, against the polygonal wards of Tinboeth and probably Cefnllys I. The enclosure of Cefnllys II, built by Roger Mortimer in the early 1270s, is also rectangular (Fig.5). If the inner ward (K) at Knucklas was originally square as it appears, there seems to have been a small, roughly six feet internal diameter, D-shaped tower at each corner. To put this in perspective the twelfth century keep at Dover is about 95 feet square and has a rectangular tower at each corner. At the other extreme the older keep at Goodrich castle is only 25 feet square (Fig.29)*52. It is therefore hard to judge whether Knucklas inner ward (K) is really a large keep or a small bailey. *51 CCR 1242-47, 450; CPR 1232-47, 489; Calender of Liberate Rolls 1245-51, 82. Remfry, P.M., Goodrich Castle and the Families of Maplestone, Ballon, Clare, Marshall and Talbot [Ceidio, 2016]. *52 16 Figure 3, A ground plan of Knucklas castle. The bailey of the castle is really quite insignificant although its southern part (B) was certainly walled. It is not certain if the northern section (A) was ever walled, certainly there is little trace of masonry now. The ward itself is unditched and this, as we have seen, tends to be a Welsh feature (Figs.10&11). Another unditched and sloping platform may have been a bailey (C) to the north-west. There is a further unditched platform to the south-east (Z). This may have been a part of an entrance barbican to the bailey (AB). To the east of Knucklas castle is the other half of the hilltop which consists of many apparent building platforms set on ground sloping to the east and south (H). This is most likely the site of the medieval borough (Fig.3). Similar remains of an abandoned borough can be made out before Dolforwyn castle. There was also apparently a borough on top of Cefnllys Hill between the two castles, although the church is down in the valley. There are no traces of defences and no traces of anything that is obviously prehistoric either around the summit or around the edges of the scarp at Knuclas. However, there is a track running up the 17 hillside from the east to the south (e) which may be an original approach to the borough and castle from the base of the hill to the north, from where a route runs south-eastwards towards Knighton. Another access seems to be from the west, curving up around the quarry (Q) to the south of the castle. This may have been the original approach from the neck of land attaching Knucklas Hill to the high ground to the north-west. In other words it is probably the end of a hilltop track that ran from Knucklas back into the highland heart of Maelienydd. That the castle marks the end of the ridge of land running from Wales into England may again point towards a Welsh, rather than an English origin. Figure 4, A ground plan of Tinboeth castle. 18 The third castle of the three possible foundations of Prince Llywelyn is also the most enigmatic. Tinboeth was in operation as the deceased Roger Mortimer's castle of Dynbaud in October 1282, but was not mentioned amongst the many Mortimer castles which fell in 1262, or those that were held by Ralph Mortimer on his death in 1246. It therefore appears that the castle did not exist until after 1262. Roger Mortimer (1231-82) is consequently the first attested holder of Castell Tinboeth as the fortress garrison was paid for by the Crown at the end of October 1282*53. Later his younger son appeared in the Black Book of Wigmore as William Mortimer de chastel Tunbard*54. On 25 July 1304 an inquisition found that in the cantref of Maelienydd there was a castle at Dymbaud, but no town. The fortress was still functional in 1316 and in 1322 the fortress of Dynelegh was amongst those Mortimer possessions that were surrendered to the king with the disgrace of the family*55. This appears to have been its last mention as a functional castle. Undoubtedly the successful conquest of Wales and the security of the previously volatile Welsh Mortimer lands ended the military purpose of this bleak upland fortress. As no civilian settlement appears to have formed around this isolated site, and no political reason for it existence could be found after the death of Prince Llywelyn in 1282, abandonment and decay seem to have followed within fifty years. The consequence of this was that by Leland's day it was no more than the 'great ruines of a castle called Tynboeth'. Some sixty years later Camden confused Buellt castle with: Timbod, which standing upon a sharpe pointed hill, Lhwellin Prince of Wales overthrew in the yeere 1260. The remains of Tinboeth castle occupy part of a large hilltop (Fig.4). It has been suggested, as with several other castles of Maelienydd, that the citadel occupies the site of an Iron Age hillfort, although there is no physical evidence for such a feature. The supposed Iron Age gateway (X) shows no evidence of such antiquity. Indeed the earthworks at Tinboeth can be seen to fit the masonry defences and not the other way around. Without archaeological evidence to the contrary it is therefore best to assume that Tinboeth is solely medieval. The main defence at Castell Tinboeth consists of a roughly 250 by 300 feet diameter heptagonal ward which was once fortified in stone. To the north-east lay a double D-towered gatehouse (G) with a barbican (B) of some description. The walls were about eight feet thick and parts still stand some fifteen feet high (Fig.14). Such twin-towered gatehouses are often described as Edwardian, but King John (1199-1216) was building impressive twin-towered gatetowers at Dover and Kenilworth to name just two. Montgomery, Whittington, Beeston and White Castle also have twin towered gatehouses which date to the 1220s*56. It is therefore eminently possible that both Tinboeth and Criccieth gatehouses were the work of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth before 1234, but of course anyone could copy a style from anywhere. *53 Public Records Office, SC6 1209/1; Pipe Roll Edward I for 1283-4, TNA. E372/128. From the Black Book of Wigmore, B.L., Harliean 1240, fo.8. *55 Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, 1216-1307 [4 vols., 1898-1913] IV, No.235; CPR 1313-17, 491; CCR 1318-23, 415. *56 See Remfry, P.M., Montgomery Castle, a royal fortress of King Henry III; Whittington Castle and the families of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, Peverel, Maminot, Powys and Fitz Warin and White Castle and the families of Fitz Osbern, Ballon, Fitz Count, Burgh, Braose and Plantagenet of Grosmont for the dating of these twintowered gatehouses. *54 19 At Tinboeth the base of the enceinte curtain wall of the castle appears to be still standing, buried in its own debris and turfed over. This is very similar to the position found at Dolforwyn castle before its excavation (Fig.5). Where the wall at Tinboeth has collapsed down the ditch piles of stone Figure 5, Dolforwyn keep under excavation in 1984. The remains of fragments can be the ‘motte’ which covered the ruins is still visible to the right prior to seen, while the its removal. position of the old curtain is marked by a corresponding lowering of the generally six feet high turf rampart on the summit. The curtain progresses around the site in six unequal straight lengths. The rear of the gatehouse (G) makes up the seventh side. Nowhere is there any masonry standing in the enceinte, other than the gatehouse. The final feature at the site may have been a rectangular keep similar to the one at Criccieth, whose inner ward is incidentally also heptagonal. The possible site of this occupies a rocky platform (K) at the opposite end of the ward from the gatehouse (G) and forms a south-westward sloping platform about fifty feet across by thirty feet north-east to south-west. In September 2008 David Browne and I re-examined the site and concluded that there were at that time no visible masonry traces of such a tower-keep at Tinboeth. We were however bemused as to what this platform might be as it was obviously external to the main ward curtain. The aerial view of the castle certainly suggests that some structure once occupied this area (Fig.12). Criccieth keep is slightly smaller than this platform being 43 feet by 32 feet wide (Fig.16). At Tinboeth a causeway (C) crosses the impressive still twenty feet deep ditch to the south-west from this platform (Fig.13). To the north and south of the platform enceinte it is apparent that there may have been turrets in the wall to protect the most vulnerable angles. Alternatively they might have simply been thickenings of the wall like the ones that can still be seen in the south and west angles of Criccieth castle (Fig.15). The ditch at Tinboeth is most impressive, being weakest to the north-east where the ditch makes an acute angle to enclose the projecting gatehouse barbican (B). To north, south and west there is a strong counterscarp bank (R) beyond the ditch (D). However, to the east this widens into a flat 'killing platform’ (P). If this was left bare any attacking forces would be cut to pieces on this sacrificial table by volley fire from the curtain. Yet if the platform were walled, it would make a double ended barbican giving access to the gatehouse (G) and the rear causeway (C) over to the platform (K). Its purpose is therefore somewhat debatable. It is possible that the deep ditch postdates the masonry castle and was added by the Mortimers to an older, unditched castle built by Llywelyn. Of course without excavation all this is speculation. 20 The final conclusion of this survey of these three masonry hill castles of Maelienydd must be that two are more likely the work of Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth rather than a Mortimer. Certainly it makes far more sense for Llywelyn to build Cefnllys and Knucklas castles in their highland positions in the eastern portion of Maelienydd, rather than Ralph Mortimer. It is therefore relevant that Mortimer only seems to have fortified Cefnllys and Knucklas in 1242 and not Tinboeth. Did this latter castle remain beyond his grasp under the rule of Maredudd ap Maelgwn and Hywel ap Cadwallon after 1241? Unfortunately there is no evidence for this, other than the similarity of this castle to others of a Welsh build. It would certainly seem possible that although Ralph Mortimer occupied Maelienydd in 1240 he did not gain the sites of Cefnllys and Knucklas castles until after September 1241 when his truce with the Welsh of Maelienydd expired. This would certainly explain why he only began to fortify Cefnllys in 1242 and not 1240. It may also explain why the Welsh of this district managed to oppose him from June until September 1241. However, there is a further document that might throw much needed light on this subject. This is the royal close letter to Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffydd of 1 January 1268. Here the king states: That you (Prince Llywelyn) through your notary, have asked us to mandate our beloved and faithful Roger Mortimer, as you say you have the right to the land of Maelienydd, which he possesses, and in which he is now building a castle, to come together with you on an agreed day to make and receive amends as is contained in the form of the peace, and that we may inhibit the same Roger and not you, in possession of the land of Dyffryn Tefeidiad (Dyfryn Tyveydiad) which he throws into disturbance and even turbulence against the terms of the said peace...*57 It has always been thought that the castle Llywelyn was complaining about at the end of 1267 was Cefnllys, but the term used in the letter suggests that it is more likely that Roger was building a new castle in Maelienydd. Certainly the mention of the land of Dyffryn Tefeidiad, which is the valley of the River Teme, just seven miles from Tinboeth, may suggest that the northern castle is meant rather than Cefnllys which is over thirteen miles from the river. If this is correct it would suggest that Roger Mortimer had the great ditch dug around Tinboeth in the winter of 1267-8, immediately after the Michaelmas 1267 signing of the treaty of Montgomery. Again the terminology used would suggest that the castle built during 1267-68 - ‘and in which he is now building a castle (et in qua quoddam castrum jam erexit)’ - was a new foundation rather than the rebuilding of an old site. If this were Tinboeth it would suggest that it was Roger who fortified the site and that he was almost certainly responsible for having the great ditch dug around the enceinte, for we have no evidence that either Llywelyn ever dug great ditches around their fortifications. Good ditches are certainly lacking in the rest of the castles attributed to either Llywelyn or other Welsh princes. The rock-cut ditch at Tinboeth should therefore be compared with that cut by Roger at Cefnllys II, which is comparable in its great width and depth. In comparison all castles built by the Welsh are notable by both the paucity of their ditching and their high-lying status, both of which features have been described at Cefnllys I and Knucklas. It is therefore apparent that Tinboeth is either the apogee of the castles of Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, or a ‘cheap’ English castle built by Roger Mortimer. That the deep ditch appears to be integral with the *57 CCR 1264-68, 496. 21 construction of the site would tend to push the balance in favour of its foundation by Mortimer soon after the September 1267 treaty of Montgomery. Finally, these three fortresses should be compared with contemporary Welsh castles, with which they have more in common than with contemporary English castles like the Trilaterals of Montgomery, Beeston and Whittington or Skenfrith, Grosmont and White Castle*58. Two other castles come to mind at this point. The first is Dolforwyn*59. It is generally claimed that this was begun by Prince Llywelyn ap Gruffydd on 3 April 1273 and was completed by 1 April 1274 (Easter) when Llywelyn himself visited and stayed at his new fortress while dealing with the recalcitrant Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn*60. Llywelyn’s stay at Dolforwyn in March 1274 is quite informative, for Hywel ap Meurig, the Mortimer’s man from Maelienydd, reported to his lady, Matilda Mortimer, that he had heard that Llywelyn would be: coming on the following Tuesday to Cedewain (Kedeuhing) to see his new castle (which was no doubt Dolforwyn) which is stocked for his stay for three weeks at his own cost, and in addition all the bailiffs of Wales will supply him with provisions, each for two days at his own cost. He has also had brought there fifty loads of grain and 100 lbs of honey. This strongly suggests that the castle was operational after only one year of work, for which the recorded cost was only £174 6s 8d. This is a remarkably low figure against the thousands of pounds it cost the kings of England to build castles. One possible answer to this illogical conundrum lies in another neglected passage of the Mortimer genealogy. This states that: King Henry confirmed the lands of Ceri and Cedewain to Roger Mortimer, with the castle of Dolforwyn (Delvoryn), built by Dafydd ap Llywelyn his uncle.*61 This would explain the royal prohibition of 23 June 1274 stating that: Prince Llywelyn of Wales is forbidden to erect a castle at Abermule (Abrunol), near to the castle of Montgomery, or a borough, or a town or a market there. He is ordered to supersede entirely the repair and construction of the same... as the king learns that he proposes to erect anew the said castle and to erect anew a borough or market town.*62 *58 Montgomery Castle a royal Fortress of King Henry III; Whittington Castle and the families of Bleddyn ap Cynfyn, Peverel, Maminot, Powys and Fitz Warin; Skenfrith Castle, 1066 to 1449 and the families of Fitz Osbern, Ballon, Fitz Count, Burgh, Braose and Plantagenet of Grosmont; Grosmont Castle and the families of Fitz Osbern, Ballon, Fitz Count, Burgh, Braose and Plantagenet of Grosmont; White Castle and the families of Fitz Osbern, Ballon, Fitz Count, Burgh, Braose and Plantagenet of Grosmont. *59 See Butler, L, Knight, J.K., Dolforwyn Castle: Montgomery Castle [CADW, 2004]. *60 Calendar of Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], 49; Littere Wallie, preserved in Liber A in the Public Record Office, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], No.25; Brut y Tywysogyon or The Chronicle of the Princes. Red Book of Hergest version, ed. and trans. T. Jones [Cardiff, 1955], 261. *61 Monasticon Anglicanum, ed. W. Dugdale, Revised edition by J. Caley, H. Ellis, and B. Bandinel [6 vols., 1817-30] VI, 351. *62 CCR 1272-79, 51. 22 This is most certainly not an attempt to block the building of a new castle. The regency government, which was then headed by a triumvirate, one member of which was Roger Mortimer, had clear information that an earlier castle and borough had stood at Dolforwyn. As the excavation of Dolforwyn has shown, the castle was built in two phases (Fig.32). It may well therefore be that the first phase of the castle, the keep (k) and round tower (t), was constructed when Dafydd ap Llywelyn had control of Cedewain. This occurred spasmodically between 1229 and 1241. If this scenario is correct it would suggest that the great rectangular and circular towers of Dolforwyn were built before Llywelyn ap Gruffydd took over the site several decades later and built the D-shaped tower and curtains that connect them. Certainly, after the siege of 1277, Roger Mortimer was responsible for having much of the current ditching made*63. It should also be noted that the ground plan of Dolforwyn castle, an older, low, rectangular tower keep, reinforced by a rectangular ward with a low round tower at the opposite end to the keep, is unlike Cefnllys (Fig.6), Knucklas (Fig.9), Tinboeth (Fig.12) and the other castles tentatively and probably wrongly assigned to Llywelyn ab Iorwerth in North Wales, viz Castell Y Bere (Fig.17), Carndochan (Fig.19), Criccieth (Fig.15), Dolweddelan II (Fig.18) etc. Despite this, Dolforwyn is similar to Castell Dinas Bran in Powys Fadog (Fig.30), an earlier square keep with a later rectangular ward containing a D-shaped tower and a twin towered gatehouse. Dolforwyn also bears some resemblance to Ewloe castle in Flintshire (Fig.27). The latter consists of a D-shaped keep surrounded by a concentric enclosure and strengthened to the north by a bailey with a round tower at the apex. Taken together the evidence points to the foundation of Dolforwyn in the early thirteenth century, rather than in the 1270s as modern supposition has it. The basis for the 1273 foundation of Dolforwyn is based on the selective use of the evidence printed above*64. An additional point of interest comes from Hywel ap Meurig’s letter of March 1274. This is a warning that he has heard: that Llywelyn will go into the forest of Clun (Cloune) to arrange a place for a new castle... Clun Forest was much larger in the thirteenth century than today and so it is just possible that Tinboeth may have been the castle that Llywelyn planned to build in 1274. However, the odds must lie against this fortress postulated by Hywel of ever having been built, for no letter of complaint ever came forth from the English government to protest such a move - as it surely would have done if Llywelyn had begun constructing another castle. Further Llywelyn would have had little time to achieve such an aim before he was hustled out of the district in 1276. In conclusion, the evidence assembled above suggests that Cefnllys I and Knucklas castles may have been built by Prince Llywelyn ab Iorwerth, most likely in the period after 1218, when he was supreme in Maelienydd, but before 1234 when he promised not to build or repair further castles in the disputed Marches. Indeed, the very fact that Llywelyn promised not to build castles in the Marches indicates that the government at least thought he was capable of doing so and implies that he already had. The two Maelienydd castles would later appear to have allowed the descendants of Cadwallon ap Madog to continue their defence of their patrimonies against the Mortimers until the Michaelmas of 1241 when they *63 *64 Calendar of Ancient Correspondence Concerning Wales, ed. J.G. Edwards [Cardiff, 1940], 31. Dolforwyn Castle, Montgomery Castle, Butler, L. & Knight, J.K. [2004, Cardiff] 23 made unfortunately unrecorded terms with Ralph Mortimer. This left Ralph free the next year to commission his young son - the grandson of Llywelyn ab Iorwerth - to fortify Cefnllys and probably Knucklas. As Tinboeth was not mentioned it would seem most likely that this did not yet exist. Alternatively, it is just possible that Tinboeth was then a part of Ceri that at that time stretched further south. Consequently it would seem likely that in late 1267 Roger Mortimer was responsible for founding Tinboeth castle and having the great ditch dug as well as the main masonry defences built. It is finally only necessary to note that full scale excavation of these sites would certainly help elucidate the history of these enigmatic and neglected fortresses. Paul Martin Remfry 28 February 2017 Cefnllys Castle Photographs Figure 6, Cefnllys castle from the air, showing the first castle ‘motte’ (m), quarry site (q), bailey (b) and outer ward (w). Notice the virtually complete lack of ditching apart from that in the quarrying area (q). 24 Figure 7, Cefnllys ‘motte’ from the north. Notice the all but total lack of ditching between the mound and the bailey in the foreground. Quite likely a tower similar to that uncovered at Dolforwyn (Fig.5) lies under the turf. Figure 8, The quarrying works (q) in the castle bailey looking west from the motte (m). 25 Knucklas Castle Photographs Figure 9, Knucklas castle from above, showing the rectangular keep (k) and the later quarry (q) to the south-west. 26 Figure 10, The remains of Knucklas keep north wall showing the total lack of ditching at the site. Figure 11, The turfed over east face of Knucklas keep - again without any apparent ditching. 27 Tinboeth Castle Photographs Figure 12, Tinboeth castle from above, showing the gatehouse (g), well (w), possible hall (h), strip quarries (q) and the unlikely iron age entrance (i). Figure 13, The powerful west ditch and couterscarp bank at Tinboeth looking north into the hills of Ceri. 28 Figure 14, The standing gatehouse fragment at Tinboeth looking north-east. To the bottom right the wall facing can be seen showing that over two feet of wall has gone on this side. 29 The Other Castles Figure 15, Criccieth castle showing the rectangular keep (k), main gatehouse (g), inner ward (w) and outer gatehouse (o). Figure 16, The shattered ruins of the rectangular keep at Criccieth. 30 Figure 17, Castell y Bere from above showing the keep (k). Figure 18, Dolwyddelan castle from above showing the keep (k). 31 Figure 19, Carndochan castle showing the crumbled ruins of its keep (k). Figure 20, The ruins of Carndochan keep from the south-west. 32 Figure 21, The excavated ruins of the base of Bleddfa church tower. Figure 22, The supposed motte at Bleddfa church prior to excavation. 33 Figure 23, The ‘motte’ at the west end of Cascob church. This rubble filled mound with traces of a straight wall face to the south is again likely a collapsed tower. Figure 24, The remains of the hall-keep at Castell Bwlch y Dinas. 34 Figure 25, The ditchless defences at Dolbadarn. Figure 26, The ditchless bailey defences at Dolweddelan II. 35 Figure 27, Ewloe castle from above. Figure 28, The citadel at Garn Fadryn, again showing a total lack of ditching. 36 Figure 29, Goodrich castle keep. 37 Figure 30, Castell Dinas Bran from Llangollen. Figure 31, The excavated remains of the collapsed keep at Dinas Emrys. 38 Figure 32, Dolforwyn castle, claimed to have been built in just one year, but more likely founded in the 1230s and refortified in 1273-74. The first phase castle consisted of the rectangular keep (k) and round tower (t). 39