British History

Nei regimi parlamentari, la guerra comporta la responsabilità di un consiglio rivolto ai rappresentanti di un popolo sovrano. Nel 1982, Margaret Thatcher suggerisce l’intervento armato del Regno Unito nell’ambito della Guerra delle Falkland, ottenendo il voto favorevole del parlamento. Lo fa con un discorso animato dal luogo dell’irreparabile «there is no alternative». Viene analizzata in questo articolo il passaggio da un linguaggio fondato sul conflitto alla retorica adoperata dalla Iron Lady durante una guerra reale ai fini del mantenimento del consenso e dell’appoggio popolare, con un focus particolare sul celebre speech pronunciato alla House of Commons il 3 aprile 1982, il giorno dopo l’invasione, nel quale si comunicano tutti i rischi che la guerra comporta annunciando lo scoppio delle ostilità con l’Argentina.

In parliamentary regimes, war involves the responsibility of advice addressed to the representatives of a sovereign people. In 1982, Margaret Thatcher suggests the UK's armed intervention in the Falklands War, winning the parliament's vote in favor. She does so with a speech animated by the place of the irreparable «there is no alternative». In this article, I will analyze the shift from a conflict-based language to the rhetoric employed by the Iron Lady throughout an actual war for the purpose of maintaining popular consensus and support, with a special focus on the famous speech delivered in the House of Commons on April 3, 1982, the day after the invasion, in which she communicates all the risks involved in the war by announcing the outbreak of hostilities with Argentina.

For suppressing and staunching of murderers, thieves, robbers, oppressors, sorners, ravishers of women and raisers of fire… 1 Everyone loves a Highland warrior -until they meet one. 2 During his exile in London (1568-1577), the Flemish artist Lucas De Heere sketched an 'Escossois Sauuage', a Scottish savage or wild Scot, meaning a Highlander. 3 'Escossois Sauuage', a Scottish savage, i.e. a Highlander,

In June 1950, American newspapers reported a heated skirmish between two Holocaust survivors in New York. The altercation stemmed from one survivor accusing the other of murdering his brother in the Mühldorf labor camp in Germany. As the news spread, concerns rippled through the leadership of the American Jewish Congress (AJC), fearing that the ensuing negative publicity could jeopardize the willingness of authorities to allow survivors to immigrate to the United States. Drawing upon extensive archival material, including a comprehensive transcript of the legal proceedings meticulously assembled by the AJC, I delve into the intricate motivations and multifaceted reactions surrounding this trial. By excavating the historical layers, I shed light on underlying tensions within the survivors' community and underscore gaps between survivors and American Jews in their perceptions of the Holocaust.

This volume brings together the work of leading and emerging scholars of Islam in Britain, Christian-Muslim relations and Victorian Studies to offer fresh perspectives on Islam and Muslims in Victorian Britain. The contributors reveal 19th-century attitudes and beliefs about Islam and Muslims to demonstrate the plurality of approaches and representations of Islam in Britain’s past. Also bringing to life the stories and voices of early Muslim settlers and converts to Islam, this book examines the lived experience of Muslims in the Victorian period. Sources include political and academic writings, literature, travelogues, the press and other forms of popular culture. Intersectional themes include religion and religiosity, ‘race’ and ethnicity, gender, class, citizenship, empire and imperialism, and prejudice, discrimination and resilience.

The history of British Islam and British Muslims is a growing area of interest among historians and the general public. But, whilst Muslim women have featured in some research, their lives and experiences have remained obscure, if not ‘hidden’, in both academic and popular discussion. Uncovering Muslim women’s experiences and contributions to society in past generations is essential for us to build a full picture of Muslim life in Britain, then and now. This is the first book to address that gap, telling the stories of Muslim women who lived in Britain between the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, from Victorian times to the years immediately after the Second World War—just before immigration profoundly affected the size and composition of Britain’s Muslim communities. It reveals a rich variety of experiences, including Muslim women who travelled to or away from Britain, and many who converted to Islam within the British Isles. Underpinned by feminist historical approaches, this ground-breaking book aims to make women visible where they have been hidden from or within history. Its fascinating accounts reinstate Muslim women as actors, storytellers and storymakers who have shaped the history of Britain and of ‘British Islam’.

This article presents a narrative history of the infamous 1875 trial
of James Haywood. In September this year, Haywood viciously
murdered his neighbour Ann Tennant who he believed to be a
witch; leader of a coven that had terrorised him and his fellow
villagers for years. Taking place in the village of Long Compton—
situated on the Oxfordshire-Warwickshire border—the crime was
covered extensively by the press and depicted as a tragic consequence
of rural superstition. Expert medical opinion attributed
Haywood’s obsession with witchcraft to insanity, derived from
the widespread belief in this phenomenon that seemed to permeate
Long Compton. This article provides the first in-depth study of
the Tennant murder, subsequent inquest, and eventual trial as
represented by the extant newspaper sources. In doing so, it
illustrates the broad spectrum of witchcraft beliefs in Victorian
England and explores how such beliefs were addressed in the
courtroom.

Recent scholarship has shown that women contributed to almost every aspect of the early modern economy. This article suggests society's reliance upon women's essential work may have given them greater political agency than hitherto appreciated. It focuses on the Westminster Soap Company under Charles I, a notorious monopoly that disrupted the laundry trade needed for keeping linens clean. Washerwomen possessed tacit knowledge about soap quality. So their judgement could undermine the reputation both of the monopoly product and of those involved. By combining state papers, parish records and legal testimonies often studied separately, the article then identifies Elizabeth Tucker living in one of the poorest London parishes who petitioned against the monopoly soap. Women like Tucker indeed confronted a London mayor, sparking widespread rumours about the king's displeasure at his alleged cowardice. Women’s refusal to work with the inferior soap contributed to the company's collapse, rejection that was soon co-opted into the emerging critique of monopolies. The case thus questions the assumption that ordinary women's political participation was largely local and non-ideological. Yet their remarkable contributions remained invisible in the rights-based discourse that emerged. The article ends by considering how to reappraise women's political agency without discounting their invisibility.

Shakespeare korában, a 16-17. században az angolok már javában ünnepelték február 14-ét, Szent Valentin, azaz Bálint napját, London egyik legnépszerűbb színdarabírója pedig gyakran írt a szerelemről és a szexualitásról, ráadásul előszeretettel élt kulináris metaforákkal. A Valentin-napot már a késő középkor óta ünnepelték a szigetországban, és épp a művészet által került be az angolszász kultúrába, mondja Pikli Natália Shakespeare-kutató, az ELTE BTK docense: az angol irodalom atyjaként tisztelt Geoffrey Chaucer, aki hosszú időt töltött Itáliában, és ismerte Dante, Boccaccio és Petrarca írásait is, 1382-ben a Madarak parlamentje című allegorikus állatmeséjében kezdte el hirdetni az itáliai népszokást az angolok körében.

PL
Album jest katalogiem wystawy Muzeum Ziemi Lubuskiej w Zielonej Górze i prezentuje serię unikatowych fotografii z nowojorskiego archiwum Stowarzyszenia Weteranów Armii Polskiej w Ameryce (PAVA). Przedstawia obóz szkoleniowy Armii Polskiej - obów Kościuszko w Niagara-on-the-Lake w Kanadzie od jego rozpoczęcia w październiku 1917 r. do rozwiązania w marcu 1919 r. Przeszkolono w nim około 22 000 rekrutów, głównie ze Stanów Zjednoczonych. Żołnierze polskiego pochodzenia byli szkoleni przez kanadyjskich oficerów za zgodą Stanów Zjednoczonych przy pomocy finansowej i organizacyjnej Francji. Jedną z najważniejszych osób, które brały udział w tworzeniu obozu i uzyskaniu zgody na jego utworzenie od Francji, Stanów Zjednoczonych i Kanady był Ignacy Jan Paderewski. Komendantem obozu został kanadyjski pułkownik Arthur D'Orr LePan. Po dwumiesięcznym szkoleniu w obozie Kościuszko w Niagara-on-the-Lake, 20 720 polskich ochotników zostało sukcesywnie wysłanych do Armii Polskiej, która zaczęła formować się we Francji w czerwcu 1917 roku. Było to bezprecedensowe wydarzenie w historii Stanów Zjednoczonych i Kanady, gdyż Polacy byli jednyną grupą etniczną, która podjęła taki wysiłek na rzecz swojej armii na uchodźstwie. Armia Polska we Francji, zwana Błękitną Armią ze względu na kolor mundurów, składała się z polskich ochotników z Europy i innych kontynentów. Od lipca 1918 r. walczyła pod dowództwem francuskim na froncie we Francji. W październiku 1918 r. dowódcą Błękitnej Armii został generał Józef Haller. Wiosną 1919 r. formacja ta została przetransportowana do Polski i weszła w skład Wojska Polskiego, walcząc w wojnie polsko-ukraińskiej (1919) i polsko-bolszewickiej (1919-1920). Po wojnach około 15 000 byłych żołnierzy Błękitnej Armii powróciło do Ameryki (USA i Kanady), swoich drugich ojczyzn. Obóz Kościuszko odegrał również ważną rolę w historii miasta Niagara-on-the-Lake. Jego mieszkańcy okazali wielką pomoc i wsparcie dla Polaków, a sam obóz był wielkim amerykańsko-kanadyjsko-francusko-polskim przedsięwzięciem.

EN
The album is the catalogue for an exhibition by the Museum of the Lubusz Region in Zielona Góra and presents a series of unique photographs from the New York archive of the Polish Army Veterans Association of America (PAVA). Portrayed is the Recruitment Camp of the Polish Army called Camp Kosciuszko in Niagara-on-the-Lake in Canada from its commencement in October 1917 to the dissolution in March 1919 where some 22,000 recruits, mainly from the United States were trained. The soldiers of Polish descent were trained by Canadian officers under consent of the United States using France’s financial resources. One of the most notable people who took part in the formation of the camp and obtaining permission for its creation from France, the United States and Canada was Ignacy Jan Paderewski. Canadian Colonel Arthur D’Orr LePan was appointed as Commandant to the camp. After a two-month training at Camp Kosciuszko in Niagara-on-the-Lake, 20,720 Polish volunteers were successively dispatched to the Polish Army which has started forming in France in June 1917. It was an unprecedented event in the history of the United States and Canada, as only Poles have made such an effort of their army-in-exile. The Polish Army in France, known as the Blue Army due to the color of their uniforms consisted of Polish volunteers from Europe and other continents. From July 1918 they fought under the French command on the front line in France. In October 1918 General Józef Haller became the commander of the Blue Army. In the spring of 1919 this formation was transported to Poland and became a part of the Polish Army, fighting in the Polish-Ukrainian War (1919) and Polish-Soviet War (1919-1920). After the wars, about 12,500 former soldiers of the Blue Army returned to America (USA and Canada), their second homelands. Camp Kosciuszko also played an important role in the history of the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake. Its inhabitants showed great help and support for Polish people.

As Union agents moved in European circles during the Civil War, they understood that shaping the opinion of the foreign public could aid diplomacy and further the Union cause. They pursued campaigns to influence that opinion by engaging in forms of public diplomacy directed at keeping Europe from recognizing the Confederacy. It was rudimentary by today’s public diplomacy standards but it met all the essential elements of public diplomacy. It presented, in the words of public diplomacy, “a manipulated image of the state,” and thereby influenced European policies on the war from within by shaping the impressions, desires and values of the British and French public and establishing a mutuality of goals. 1 It is difficult to measure the impact of public diplomacy, more so in the Civil War era than today. Public diplomacy is seldom decisive in foreign relations. This is the case with the public diplomacy exercised by the Union in the Civil War. Great Britain and France never recognized t...

The tall four-storey octagonal chalk tower is 79 feet high is the oldest surviving lighthouse in England. It was built in 1674 as a lighthouse by Sir John Clayton and partner George Blake as a business venture. It was never used because suitable voluntary dues from passing ships were inadequate. Today it stands silent a gleaming monument on a golf course. The Beacon Tower Lighthouse is surrounded by modern posts and wire fences which separate it from the golf course. It is occasionally open to the public and can be viewed very easily from the road.

Few frigates of the mid-1700s garnered the reputation for speed as that of la Renommée (pronounced: lah • reh-noh-may ́), launched in 1744 at the great French naval shipyard at Brest on the Atlantic coast in Brittany. Her unique nautical architecture influenced the future of ship design in Great Britain as well as in France. La Renommée sailed both sides of the ocean under the Bourbon and British Royal Navy ensigns for almost 27 years.
The story of la Renommée begins with the War of Austrian Succession and ended in 1771 when she was broken up in England.

Medievalists have denied the historical existence of King Arthur for over 50 years. King Arthur and the Languages of Britain demonstrates how linguistic evidence can be employed to see if the earliest historical records that mention Arthur are reliable.

The book begins with an analysis of the evidence for the Anglo-Saxon invasions and the response of the Britons, and introduces the main methodological approaches employed in the linguistic analysis of historical records. It then provides evidence for Arthur as a Cumbric-speaker active in the region about Hadrian's Wall, before assessing the linguistic evidence which supports the validity of the references to Arthur in the Welsh Annals and the Historia Brittonum.

Hobkirk’s Hill: Colonel Otho Holland’s Casualty Report

Colonel Otho Holland Williams’ (1st Maryland and deputy adjutant general) report on the casualties from the 25 April battle at Hobkirk’s Hill, just north of Camden, South Carolina

Lieut.-Col. Ford, Maryland, dangerously wounded in the elbow; Lieut.-Col. Campbell, Virginia, a slight contusion on the thigh; Capt. William Beatty, Maryland, killed; Capt. J. Smith, 3rd Maryland, taken prisoner; Captain Dunholm, Virginia, slight contusion; Capt. Lieut. Bruff, Maryland, wounded in both ancles, and prisoner on his parole; Lieut. M. Galloway, Maryland, wounded slightly; Lieut. Ball, Virginia, ditto dangerously in the leg. Non-commissioned officers and soldiers killed, wounded and missing:
1 sergeant, 17 rank and file, killed.
7 sergeants, 101 rank and file, wounded.
3 sergeants, 133 rank and file, missing.
The greatest part of those who are missing had not well understood the order to rally at Saunders Creek; some were killed; 47 of them were wounded and are in the enemy’s hospital; we have tidings of about one-third of the remaining number and hope they will be able to join us.
O. H. Williams,
Deputy Ad.-General
(Thomas J. Kirkland and Robert M. Kennedy, Historic Camden, Part 1, “Colonial and Revolutionary” (Columbia, S.C.: The State Company, 1905), p. 239.)

The reception was mixed, criticism being mainly due to Alice Parsons' decision to create her own words for Jesus rather than the usual employment of exact words from the Bible i. But this decision was most probably due to the fact that she was a member of the Unitarian Church, who believe in the essential goodness of mankind, that all people are born equal, but also who do not believe that Jesus is the Son of God. But there was a lot more to Alice than her theology, and from humble beginnings she went on to have a major influence on Cheltenham in the early years of the twentieth century and until she and her husband moved to London in 1912. At this time Cheltenham was full of intelligent women who were agitating for a greater say in their lives. Her Unitarian background and natural drive meant that Alice was always going to play a leading part in the campaign for change.

An Open Access edition of this book, supported by the LUP OA author fund, is available on the Liverpool University Press website, the OAPEN library and our Digital Collaboration Hub.

In the 1968 local elections the Liverpool Conservatives won 62 percent of the vote and 78 percent of the seats on Liverpool City Council. By 1972 the party had held a majority on Liverpool’s municipal government for 85 of the previous 100 years. But in 1983 they lost their last two MPs, and in 1998 they lost their final councillor. The Conservatives have not won an electoral contest in the city since.

Whatever happened to Tory Liverpool? Success, decline and irrelevance since 1945 explores the history of Conservative electoral performance in Liverpool from the end of the Second World War to the present day, and challenges a number of myths regarding the city’s political history: Conservative post-war success was not due to sectarian tensions or false consciousness, and neither was Conservative decline due to Margaret Thatcher.

The book takes a multi-method approach to the study of Conservative Party history in Liverpool. It proposes a tripartite framework, which separates the periods of success (1945–1972), decline (1973–1986), and irrelevance (1987 onwards), and argues that each period should be explained by recourse to different phenomena. Only in this way can the complex post-war history of the Conservative Party in Liverpool truly be understood.

There is a collection of more than 700 glass slides for the magic lantern at the Whitechapel Gallery, in London. They were used as educational tools for the lectures at the gallery and the Toynbee Hall from the 1880s to 1940s. Two series are presented in the essay: 'Russia' and 'Geology'. The 'Russia' series, among others, contains very rare and probably unique images taken by a British traveler and preacher Rev. Henry Lansdell in Siberia in the 1870s. The 'Geology' series contains some amusing images of the dinosaurs, the 1860s 'reconstructions', based on the etchings by Edouard Riou, the famous illustrator of Jules Verne, and the student of Gustave Dore.
The essay was published on the Whitechapel Gallery website.

Archival essay on the life of J.N. Duddington, an enigmatic figure in the history of the Whitechapel Gallery. He spent almost 30 years as a gallery director, managing it in the harsh interwar period, and during WWII, he curated several famous Whitechapel exhibitions, he knew some artistic celebrities. He visited Russia and was connected with Russian emigres in London through his wife, a translator and philosopher Natalia Ertel. Nevertheless, he was forgotten and ignored by his colleagues until recently.
The essay was published on the Whitechapel website.

This themed issue of the Open Arts Journal, 'Sustainable Art Communities: Creativity and Policy in the Transnational Caribbean', brings together academics, artists, curators and policymakers from various countries in the English-and Dutchspeaking Caribbean and their diasporas, the UK and the Netherlands. It explores how the understanding and formation of sustainable community for the Caribbean and its global diaspora may be supported by art practice, curating and museums.

This paper explores the development of Winstanley's ideas in terms of the context of place. Although the influence on Winstanley of his early experiences in Wigan and London is difficult to determine, in Surrey we can see a clear connection between locality and the shaping of his ideas. Winstanley moved to the Surrey parish of Cobham in late 1643, and his observations and experiences of tensions and conflicts within the local community there can be seen to have fed directly into his Digger program of 1649 -1650. This program drew on local traditions of social conflict, but it would seem that Winstanley departed significantly from these traditions in his outright hostility to custom and in his adoption of Norman Yoke theories. Custom had long been invoked in conflicts between tenants and lords of manors, and was a crucial weapon in the defense of popular rights, but for Winstanley it always formed part of the armory of the oppressor. His rejection of custom did not, however, prevent him from gaining significant support for the Digger venture from among local inhabitants.

Clare Winsten was a remarkable person […] both a highly original artist and an active humanitarian during a period of far reaching artistic and social change […] Although Winsten, like so many women of her generation did not have a formal career as an artist, her creativity and sensitivity permeated every aspect of her life. 1 Among the 14 artists represented in the much-analysed 'Jewish Section', co-curated by David Bomberg and Jacob Epstein, at the Whitechapel Art Gallery's exhibition Twentieth Century Art: A Review of Modern Movements in 1914, is the name of a lone woman: Clara Birnberg -the only woman to be included in this section (although she was also represented elsewhere in the exhibition). By 1913, as Lisa Tickner has observed, Birnberg was already 'quite the New Woman, a vegetarian and a member of the Women's Freedom League, studying at the Central School and at the Slade, working for Heal's and the Omega Workshops, with a studio in the City Road.' In the same year, she executed 2 the first of three portraits of Isaac Rosenberg (1913, 1914 and 1915). He returned the favour with a splendid likeness in oil in 1915. Winsten's credentials as a member of the Whitechapel group do not rest on this link alone. An émigré, like most of her Whitechapel contemporaries, she spent the latter half of her childhood in the East End, entered the Slade School of Fine Art on a scholarship and studied there alongside many of the 'Whitechapel boys'. Her inclusion in the 'Jewish Section' probably owed much to her early friendship at the Slade with Bomberg, although their relationship was fraught and short-lived. Bomberg also painted Birnberg and for a while in large-scale Slade compositions, they worked along similar modernist lines. Later, she chose her husband, the writer Simy Weinstein (Stephen Winsten), from among the Whitechapel boys. In common with other members of the Whitechapel group, Clara

Despite popular opinion, it was sieges, and not major pitched battles which dominated the 'English' Civil Wars, and notwithstanding the often-localised nature of the fighting it was the major towns, the centres of production and supply, that were key. The importance of these places, together with the connecting protected corridors were central to the strategies of Parliamentarian and Royalist alike. Battles were fought as part of campaigns centred upon the taking or relief of these places, and triumph on the battlefield could often result in sufficient local tactical superiority to enable sieges to be conducted without interference.

Battlefield success alone, however, was no guarantee of overall victory: even when the Royalist cause was at its apogee, Parliament's hold on Gloucester, Hull, London and Plymouth kept them in the war. On the other hand, the fatal blow to the King's cause was not on the battlefields of Marston Moor and Naseby, but the loss of York, Bristol, Chester and Oxford.

Despite his large Forfarshire family and its modest income, Edgar was well connected to prominent Scots Jacobites. Godson of the earl of Panmure, Edgar served in the rising of 1715 as clerk to Brigadier John Hay of Cromlix (later ennobled as the Jacobite earl of Inverness), Lord Mar's brother-in-law. Edgar proudly reminded correspondents he was 'amongst the rst' (Tayler and Tayler, 1715, 39) to join Mar when the Jacobite standard was raised at Braemar. Widely reputed for his integrity and amiable nature, Edgar escaped Scotland after the rising's collapse by supposedly evading capture in borrowed farmer's clothes, which he later took pains to return to their rightful owner. Edgar was counted among other Jacobite refugees at Avignon in late 1716, and had proceeded to Italy by 1717. Here he resided as loyal servant and private secretary to James Francis Edward Stuart, the Pretender, for the next four decades in a relationship characterized by mutual devotion and the utmost con dence.

In 2004 a small but extremely informative book, (Ethnic Minorities: Lyme Regis & West Dorset Past and Present) was published, written by Louisa Parker, Judy Ford and Jo Draper. Over twenty years later, an examination of the records of Dorchester Prison (1782-1901), can add to the many individuals identified by Ethnic Minorities… as the gaolers of Dorchester recorded detailed physical descriptions of their charges, including complexion for those identified as “Black”, “of colour” or “Gypsy”. This article is not intended to be a critical analysis of crime and punishment, the penal system – nor the presence and experience in it of individuals described as “Black, of colour” or “Gypsy”. The intent is to publish the details so that others might be able to take the research further, be that genealogy, local or academic history.

for the highest tier; "the spaces in which books are kept," he insists, are "integral to any understanding of their history" (20). Purcell mines everything from letters and diaries to wills and bills of attainder-not to mention books themselves (marginalia, bindings, bookplates)-for evidence of how books were valued affectively and materially, how they were read, and how they dwelled, together with their readers, in country house libraries. The volume's lavish illustrations highlight Purcell's attention to detail and careful documentation. Purcell, formerly libraries curator for the National Trust and currently a deputy director at Cambridge University Library, knows whereof he speaks. Many-though importantly, not all-of the libraries he surveys fall under the care of the National Trust, which superintends roughly 170 country house libraries and their nearly 300,000 books. Purcell makes the case that country house libraries should be preserved in situ, but also that those still in private hands be catalogued, that these catalogues be readily available to researchers online, and that owners be held to obligations regarding public access (the public has the right to see books, for example, that have been "conditionally exempted" from taxation). Purcell seems resigned, but also sanguine, about the future of Britain's country house libraries. While those in private hands might flourish or falter together with their owners, those in public hands will benefit from recent scholarly developments in such fields as cultural and book history and the digital humanities. The Country House Library is meticulously researched and liberally illustrated, as intellectually satisfying as it is visually compelling; academic and amateur enthusiasts alike will find much to ponder and relish in these pages.

This text, The Path of the Grove: Doctrine of the Three Haven Society, serves as the spiritual foundation and guiding principles for the members of the Three Haven Society (THS). As a legally protected religious corporation recognized by the State of Indiana, and enjoying the same protections as a church under both Federal and State laws, THS is committed to fostering a harmonious relationship with nature, honoring ancient wisdom, and nurturing a community of inclusivity, respect, and shared purpose. The Grove symbolizes our sacred connection to the natural world, the divine, and one another. It is both a physical and spiritual sanctuary-a place where members gather to explore their paths, celebrate the rhythms of the Earth, and deepen their understanding of life's sacred cycles. Guided by the ancestral wisdom of the Celtic Tuatha Dé Danann and the Triple Moon Goddess, the Grove is a living expression of balance, creativity, and resilience. This doctrine outlines the teachings, rituals, and values that form the heart of the Three Haven Society. It is both a spiritual guide and a living document, growing with the contributions of those who walk the Path of the Grove. Here, we honor the interconnectedness of all life, embrace the responsibility of stewardship for the Earth and the Wyrd, and strive to embody the divine principles reflected in the sacred archetypes.

The development of the possible worlds theory and its application to the literature works allowed to regard this question from another point: fictional worlds considered to be a subset of the possible worlds, so the question of truthfulness was posed in relation to the artistic fiction propositions. In the given work the attempt is made to systematize the positions of different scientific approaches -narratology, possible worlds theory and speech acts theory -in relation to the artistic text propositions. In the article the common field of possible worlds theory and narratology is designated as a study of fictional worlds phenomenon. Here the different positions are presented on the speech acts specifics inside the fiction as well as in relation to it, and also the attempt was made to define the cause of credibility to the fictional world of the artistic work from the side of recipients.

African Americans and the American Revolution • African Americans participated in the American Revolution (1775-1783) on both sides of the conflict. Either as slaves or free men, numerous African Americans fought for the American cause of political sovereignty as early as the battles of Lexington and Concord (1775). • The British also understood the value of African American populations, and often used black troops for building fortifications and guerilla warfare. African Americans are vital to understanding why half of the British colonies of the Western Hemisphere did not revolt during the Revolution, why specific mainland colonists were eager to outline their independence in 1776, and the outcomes of the military conflict in 1783. • The American military usually applied African Americans for defensive fortification, fearing that black populations would possibly flee during battles. Black patriots chose to fight for many reasons, but mostly for the idea that they would earn their freedom if they served. Many were offered bounties to fight, many were ideologically driven by a belief in the cause of universal freedom, and others were simply forced into combat by their masters.

The study analyzes the diplomatic dynamics surrounding Romanian-Polish relations and British-French guarantees to Romania in 1939, as Europe approached World War II. Poland was hesitant to include Romania in the broader Anglo-French security architecture, fearing this might push Hungary further into Germany's sphere of influence. Despite British and French efforts to forge a stronger military alliance between Poland and Romania, these initiatives largely failed. Poland's foreign minister, Józef Beck, argued against formal security guarantees for Romania, citing concerns about maintaining good relations with Hungary and the weakness of Romania's military. Additionally, Beck believed that Poland did not need to be bound by additional obligations, as its focus was on its own security. Romanian officials, led by Foreign Minister Grigore Gafencu, initially supported a westward reorientation of their alliance but hesitated to provoke Germany. Despite discussions about transforming the Romanian-Polish alliance into a broader defense pact against all aggressors (erga omnes), no concrete actions were taken. Both Romania and Poland were reluctant to commit to mutual defense against Germany, leading to the collapse of Western efforts to establish a stronger security framework in Eastern Europe. The failure to implement this strategy contributed to the vulnerabilities both nations faced in the early stages of the war.

Contents
1. Hospital Patients by Unit
a. Unknown Unit or Unattached Personnel (Men and Women)
b. Prisoners of War
c. Campbell's Virginia Battalion
d. Gunby's 1st Maryland Battalion
e. Ford's 2nd Maryland Battalion
f. Buford's Virginia Battalion
g. Green's Virginia Battalion
h. 1st Regiment Continental Artillery
i. Regiment of Artillery Artificers
j. Delaware Battalion (light company)
k. Lee's Legion
2. Totals, Wounded and Sick: Perkins Hospital, 9 May 1781 to 9 June 1781
a. Overall Total, Wounded and Sick (Men and Women)
b. Unit Totals, Wounded and Sick Hospital

The dawn of 1834 found the population of the Falkland Islands scattered; divided between refugees and hostiles. Port Louis deserted. Some were hiding on islands in Berkeley Sound, while others had been taken to the relative safety of Saunders Island, on the far side of the archipelago.
British sovereignty had been reasserted just 12 months before, but Britain's Navy had not remained. After Commander Onslow's departure, the Islands were without any direct authority, other than an Irish Storekeeper tasked with raising the Union flag on a Sunday. That lack of an authoritative presence resulted in five deaths and a settlement in ruins. Five months later, little had changed. This chapter deals with the aftermath of the murderous riot of August, 1833, and the capture of the offenders. Also the decision making process that finally led to formal administration.

In my study, following the introduction, I will review the methodological basisof media planning, afterwards I will present the categories of the media indexnumbers. Regarding the online/digital media, I will give several references tothe indexes’ criteria, which also appear in the index numbers of informationsecurity. After the part which deals with digital communication, I will continue with the security and vulnerability of information, indicating the gathering, thetransmission, the processing and the conservation of information, as well asthe attacks launched against the human resources. Regarding the measurementof the security of digital communication, on a lesser extent I will confer aboutintuitive measurement, while on a larger extent I will confer about exact measurement.I will also deal with the steps of determining performance indicatorsand the indexes of performance indication. I will conclude my study with recommendationsconcerning the possibilities for development of th...

Very interesting and pretty persuasive, bearing in mind the need for symbolic corroboration. Excellent material and I hope to see it in print.

You have done a great job in extending and deepening references and examples, Temple Newsam, Lady Hervey, Charlie Trees and much more.

Professor Murray Pittock MAE FRSE
Bradley Professor and Pro Vice Principal
University of Glasgow

This study aims to examine and discuss the concept of social entrepreneurship and to create an awareness in this field with application examples. For this purpose, the literature was first examined, and different meanings of social entrepreneurship were discussed. Also, the purpose, importance, dimensions, and activity areas of social entrepreneurship are explained. Next, a comparison is made between traditional entrepreneurship and social entrepreneurship. The criticisms made on the topic, the education of social entrepreneurship, and the social impact on society have been examined. Later on, social entrepreneurship practices in Turkey are explained by detailed descriptions and examples. The results show that social entrepreneurship activities in Turkey increased after 2000. Still, the concept is not known by everyone, and there is conceptual confusion. Finally, today social entrepreneurship is supported based on businesses and individuals. With the projects carried out, social entrepreneurship field develops even more, and the number of entrepreneurs, especially the youth, is increasing.

Traditionally, scholars have portrayed British popular Liberalism as thoroughly laissez-faire, minarchist, and anti-imperialist before the late nineteenth century. After this point, many scholars claim, popular Liberals broke with their traditional policies for humanitarian and pragmatic reasons by funding social welfare programs, regulating the economy, and endorsing imperialism. This article disagrees, contending instead that British popular Liberalism was never sufficiently committed to classical liberalism. A misguided humanitarian impulse arose within the movement that permitted exceptions to laissez-faire at home and interventionism abroad. Popular Liberals believed that because these exceptions were rare and undertaken in good faith, they did not undermine the movement. However, these initial interventions advocated by popular Liberals established a precedent that was exploited whenever further interventions seemed expedient. In the end, this statist trend destroyed the movem...

Scholarship on modern antisemitism frequently assumes that the spread of liberal political thought in modern nation-states worked to eliminate pre-existing sociopolitical hierarchies between Jews and non-Jews and increase toleration of Judaism. Using the Jews of modern England as a case study, this thesis argues that, contrary to this assumption, liberal politics did not eliminate these inequalities but rather reinforced them vis-à-vis modern social and political projects. The purpose of this thesis is to therefore examine liberal policies and discourses which deliberated on the ethno-religious aspects of Jewish identity perceived as being the greatest obstacle to their assimilation and naturalization. To strengthen their integration, liberal policies sought to supplant Jews’ ethno-religious identity with a “universal” religious Jewish identity compatible with the English nation-state concept and with liberal understandings of the “self”. This would ostensibly allow Jews to integrate into liberal British society while still maintaining a distinct religion, however abstracted. With great success, liberal institutions worked to suppress “problematic” aspects of Jewish identity, such as the use of Hebrew and other Jewish languages, prayers and rituals which reinforced Jews’ national identity and regional attachment to “Eretz Yisroel” (the Land of Israel), as well as imagined “Jewish” traits such as tribalism, obsession with money, and other “evils of the flesh”. Through its analysis, this thesis also contemplates why scholars have often associated the history of liberalism with “pro-Jewish” politics despite the de-Judaization efforts it inspired. It thus considers the following questions regarding scholarship on modern antisemitism: What are the moral values and cultural sensibilities which inform scholars’ understanding of oppression and how have those values shaped historical narratives around antisemitism specifically? While liberal and postcolonial scholars often disagree, for example, on which condemnations and even violence against Jewish groups deserve to be labeled as antisemitic, all social scholars assume the right to render judgment on the beliefs and actions of Jews across space and time, as well as the actions and beliefs of non-Jews towards them. And although this thesis neither denies the necessity of judgment nor its importance in the study of antisemitism, it remains critical of the liberal political philosophies which underly common judgements of Jews across scholarship to this day and which posit significant aspects of Jewish identity as inimical to social progress. In executing such a critique, this thesis inevitably presumes the value of a “pro-Jewish” historical narrative from which political inequalities and prejudices against Jews can be unearthed and analyzed. It does not attempt, however, to instead locate “true” political equality within the Jewish imagination of a just society, but rather questions the viability of equality as a social and political ideal all together.

In 1859, following the evangelical revival in Ulster, a Female Mission was founded in Belfast as an evangelistic agency and philanthropic enterprise. It was one of many voluntary societies. Upper-class evangelical women employed the services of lower-class women of similar religious energy to work among the poor of the city. This article explores the surviving documentation of the mission to assess its work, and, more important, to ascertain if involvement in this limited public sphere was a catalyst in the broader liberation of evangelical women. The issues go beyond the relationship of inner faith and public expression in popular religion to the notion that evangelicalism, as a heightened form of Christian belief and action, was a trajectory as well as a boundary in nineteenth-century society.

In this chapter, I examine different approaches to reading and understanding
Pandit by reclaiming her role in postcolonial politics and, in turn, the development of international law. The archival materials and scholarship distil her memory as the innocuous sister, feminist visionary, privileged Indian elite, freedom fighter, staunch anti- imperialist, South- East Asian integrationist, and a Cold War neutral imbued with a liberal and left internationalism. Her multi- faceted appearances, at times seemingly
contradictory, allow us to examine the spirit of the post colonial state, while engaging with the intricacy of its contingencies in the international legal order.