Causative Light Verbs

Causative verb adalah kata kerja yang digunakan untuk menunjukkan jika subjek tidak bertanggung jawab langsung terhadap aksi yang terjadi, melainkan seseorang atau sesuatu yang lain yang melakukan aksi tersebut. Contohnya adalah : "I had my hair cut". Subjek I pada kalimat tersebut tidak memotong rambutnya sendiri tapi justru membuat orang lain yang melakukannya. Umumnya ada empat kata kerja causative verb yang sering digunakan, yakni have, get, let, dan make. 1.Have Have merupakan kata kerja causative yang umum. Kata kerja ini berfungsi untuk menginginkan seseorang mengerjakan sesuatu untuk subjek. Rumus yang digunakan adalah sebagai berikut : Kalimat aktif : S + (have/ had + agent + action verb (bare infinitive) + object. Kalimat pasif : S+(have-had)+object+action verb(V-3). Contoh : •I had my brother take that glass (aktif) •Mr. Setia had Lillie check the paper (aktif) •I had my jacket cleaned yesterday (pasif) •I had my computer fixed (pasif) 2.Get Penggunaan kata kerja Get mirip dengan have namun dengan struktur kalimat yang berbeda. Rumus yang digunakan adalah sebagai berikut : Aktif : S + (get/ got) + agent + action verb (to infinitive) Pasif : S + (got) + object + action verb (V-3) Contoh : •He got his father to buy a ball (aktif) •I got my jacket cleaned (pasif) 3. Let Kata kerja ini berfungsi untuk membiarkan seseorang melakukan sesuatu. Rumus yang digunakan adalah sebagai berikut : Aktif : S + let + agent + action verb (bare infinitive) Contoh : •Wil you let me go now? •She lets me drive her car •My father lets me choose the gift 4. Make Kata kerja ini berfungsi untuk memaksa atau sangat meyakinkan seseorang untuk melakukan sesuatu. Rumus yang digunakan adalah sebagai berikut : Aktif : S + (make/ made) + agent + action verb (bare infinitive) Contoh : •The manager makes her staff work hard •My teacher made me apologize for what I had said •Did she makes you wear that ugly hat? Activity 8. Study the following information Causative HAVE and GET

Abstract: This thesis* explores some of the syntactic & semantic properties of Purposive Constructions in English. The term "purposive" is recognized as a semantic concept which finds regular expression in a small range of syntactic configurations. Purpose Clauses (PCs) and Rationale Clauses (Rat.Cs) are examined in some detail. Briefer reference is made to several other configurations, notably Because Clauses, So-That Clauses and Infinitival Relatives. In general Purposive Constructions comprise rather fuzzy semantic categories. Nevertheless, the main syntactic features are fairly clear. Interpretation of the constructions requires a systematic account of the control of empty slots (ellipted NPs) by thematic elements in the matrix clause. General conditions of Government and Binding appear adequate to predict the distribution of gaps in most Purposive Clauses. However, the relationship between propositions predicated of a common argument in these constructions is found to sometimes require matching conditions too subtle for syntax alone to predict. A concept of Thematic Coextensiveness is introduced to account for such matching.

Abstract : The analysis considers the manner in which a class of matrix verbs, the so-called raising verbs, have been fitted into some generative linguistic models. Taking as a cue the difficulty posed for these models by sentences of the kind, *Linda believes Gary to murder David, the analysis proceeds beyond existing criteria for "raising" to the notion of Relative Tense.

It is found that Relative Tense has a direct bearing on the infinitival complements permitted by raising-to-object verbs and some raising-to-subject verbs. The relevant constraints are formulated for incorporation into Bresnan's Lexical Functional Grammar as the Independent XCOMP Singularity Condition. The IXCSC may be recorded for convenience in the functional structure of LFG as a complex feature. When IXCSC carries a positive marking the functional structure of a sentence, that sentence may only be interpreted if ASPECT (AUX) is also marked as positive.

Across Tibeto-Burman (hereafter TB) languages we find causatives expressed both through morphological means (a prefix on the verb, a difference in the voicing and/or aspiration of the initial consonant, a change in tone, or a combination of these types of marking) and through syntactic means, using a verb meaning "to do" or "to cause" as an auxiliary in collocation to a main verb to create a causative construction. 1 A similar pattern is found across Sinitic languages as well, but while across Sinitic the morphological means are mere residues, across TB languages they are still productive, in various degrees. The causative auxiliaries used across the TB languages are related, but we do not seem to be able to trace them back to a single proto-TB pattern; as for the morphological means, according to LaPolla 2003, we can reconstruct at least three types of derivational morphology at the Sino-Tibetan (hereafter ST) level: *sprefix, voicing alternations and *-s suffix. These three types are at the origin of a large number of Old Chinese (hereafter OC) doublets of causative/simplex verbs, like 敗 bai (*prats) "to defeat" (V2) / bai (*N-prats>*brats) "to be defeated" (V1), 2 reconstructed from Middle Chinese (hereafter MC) collections of reading glosses (like the Jingdian Shiwen 經典釋文) and rhyme books.

This paper offers a novel analysis of the Spanish light verbs poner(se) 'to become' and quedar(se) 'to become/stay' in combination with adjectives. These verbs have the peculiarity that they may appear with or without se in these constructions, with clear effects on argument structure and thematic and aspectual interpretation. I propose a unified formal analysis that takes event complexity and argument coindexing as the common denominator of se in these complex predicates. I further observe that these effects with se are not exclusive to these light verbs, but can also be observed in certain types of lexical verbs, strongly suggesting that both lexical and light verbs lexicalize the same eventive spine.

Negli studi tipologici sui costrutti causativi (cfr. Comrie 1985:165-84) si suol distinguere tra il costrutto detto analitico da un lato, come nell'esempio inglese (1a) dove il predicato causativo (make) e il complemento verbale (fall) costituiscono due parole indipendenti, e il costrutto detto morfologico dall'altro, come nell'esempio (1b) tratto dal chichewa dove il morfema causativo (ets-) viene direttamente abbinato al tema verbale (gw-'cadere'): 1 a Mary made John fall (ing.) Mary fece John cadere 'Mary fece cadere John' b Mtsikana a-na-u-gw-ets-a mtsuko (chichewa) ragazza acc.sogg.-pass.-acc.ogg.-cadere-caus-asp brocca 'La ragazza fece cadere la brocca'

This paper is concerned with the linking of arguments to syntax in Chinese resultative verb constructions. It is demonstrated that the linking principles based on event roles can account for the complementary distribution of the Ba-construction and the Verb-copying construction, because 'ba+NP' is associated only with the Locus of affect role (an entity that is involved in the endpoint), whereas 'a copied verb+NP' is associated only with the Target of activity role (an entity that undergoes the action). It is predicted that a resultative verb construction, which can occur in the Ba-construction, can have a corresponding Bei-construction, because both constructions involve the displacement of the Locus of affect role.

All’interno della categoria dei verbi supporto è stato individuato un tipo più specifico di verbi, a volte chiamati estensioni, che non operano soltanto a livello sintattico e morfologico –dotando  il sostantivo delle categorie verbali (modo, tempo, persona, etc.) che di per sé non potrebbe esprimere e determinando la struttura argomentale‒ ma anche a livello semantico,  modificando la struttura eventiva e la diatesi dei nomi con cui si combinano. La capacità di questi verbi di manifestare relazioni diatetiche e aspettuali fornisce spesso ai parlanti la possibilità di colmare lacune lessicali e morfologiche (ad esempio, nel caso dei verbi difettivi).
In questo intervento saranno presentate le costruzioni a verbo supporto del sostantivo latino dolor, alcune delle quali codificano l’opposizione incoativo/causativa, propria dei predicati psicologici, che il verbo doleo, in quanto che stativo e difettivo, non è in grado di esprimere. 
Inoltre, si faranno considerazioni generali sulla relazione fra causatività e valenza quantitativa, sullo status della causa nel caso dei nomina sentiendi e sul ruolo dei tratti lessicali, soprattuto quelli vincolati al soggeto, nella scelta del verbo supporto più appropriato.

In this paper our propose is to analyze the Latin collocation poena afficere, ‘to inflict punishment’, a type of collocation having both syntactic and semantic specificities that distinguish it from the prototypical ones: the predicative noun functions as third argument of the support verb, a syntactic scheme that is ideal, as we shall attempt to demonstrate, for the expression of causative predicates. From the examples of poena afficere documented in a large text corpus, we will intend to highlight the main features of this type of collocation. For its description and formalization, we will use the theoretical framework proposed by the Meaning-Text Theory.

ABSTRACT. One of the problems from which the grammatical term "ergativity" suffers derives from the relativity found in the grammaticality of "absolutives." In the sense that the object NP of a transitive VP is not omitted subsequent to the movement into the subject NP of an intransitive VP, the nominal item can be termed so. However, the grammatical argument of the subject NP "Jessie" as in "Jessie milks well," a semantically passivized construction from "Jesse milks Jessie well," is not an “absolute” one due to the change of the thematic role: from an agent to a patient. Thus, the ergative transition can be better understood when the term absolute is replaced by "relatives."

CONCRETE: Ergativity in the literature of linguistics and grammar denote a system of marking grammatical process by which intransitive subjects comes from transitive objects (“absolutive”) whose grammatical subject NP is an agent (“ergatives”). The problem is that the "absolute" NP is quite "relative" in the sense that it moves itself from an object NP to a subject NP. Given the instability of the so-called "absolute" NP in the context of syntax, the label needs to be transferred to the VP: the "absolute" VP. However, the valency of the "absolute" VP also changes. In other words, the morphological absoluteness is counter-balanced by the gradual change in the verbal energy in terms of transitivity. Whether it is called "absolute" or "relative," neither permits us to accept the binary polarity found in the grammaticalness. In terms of morphology, the NP and the VP almost never change. In view of semantics, however, they change significantly. Thus, the "reciprocity" might be a better alternative to the grammatically symmetric inter-changeability.

The verb láta ‘let/make’ in Icelandic provides a unique opportunity to understand the behavior symmetric versus asymmetric DAT-NOM constructions, as well as the nature of nominative-accusative case alternations. In this paper, we take a close look at láta and examine a set of cases where DAT-NOM verbs are embedded under láta, resulting in the otherwise nominative object becoming accusative in some cases and remaining nominative in others. We propose that phase extension of an Appl head underlies both the availability of accusative in an embedded DAT-NOM verb and the possibility of A-moving a nominative object past the dative to the subject position. We further hypothesize that the base generated position of the verbal root in the syntax underlies the lexical difference between symmetric and asymmetric DAT-NOM verbs.

"Abstract
The different patterns on lexical (direct) causativization exhibited by intransitive verbs are a fundamental topic in the lexical semantics area. The possibilities and restrictions observed in the causativization of intransitives have always triggered divisions in their classification (Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995) beyond the classical inergative-unaccusative distinction proposed by Perlmutter 1978. Spanish is an interesting language to explore the limits between possibilities and restrictions regarding causativization of intransitives, given the syntactic variation exhibited by its different dialects. For example, intransitive predicates that resist lexical causativization in Standard Spanish, such as caer ‘fall’ and entrar ‘go in’, allow it in other dialects such as Andalusian Spanish. In this article we contrast the causativization patterns between the Standard and Andalusian dialects, exploring the relationship between such patterns and other phenomena such as the eventive structure obtained as a consequence of the composition of the verbs under study and other syntactic elements such as reflexive se.

Key words: lexical causativization, inchoative-causative alternation, syntactic variation, Andalusian Spanish, eventive structure, nanosyntax, aspectual se.
"

ABSTRACT Across Tibeto-Burman (hereafter TB) languages we find causatives expressed both through morphological means (a prefix on the verb, a difference in the voicing and/or aspiration of the initial consonant, a change in tone, or a combination of these types of marking) and through syntactic means, using a verb meaning "to do" or "to cause" as an auxiliary in collocation to a main verb to create a causative construction. 1 A similar pattern is found across Sinitic languages as well, but while across Sinitic the morphological means are mere residues, across TB languages they are still productive, in various degrees. The causative auxiliaries used across the TB languages are related, but we do not seem to be able to trace them back to a single proto-TB pattern; as for the morphological means, according to LaPolla 2003, we can reconstruct at least three types of derivational morphology at the Sino-Tibetan (hereafter ST) level: *s-prefix, voicing alternations and *-s suffix. These three types are at the origin of a large number of Old Chinese (hereafter OC) doublets of causative/simplex verbs, like 敗 bai (*prats) "to defeat" (V2) / bai (*N-prats>*brats) "to be defeated" (V1), 2 reconstructed from Middle Chinese (hereafter MC) collections of reading glosses (like the Jingdian Shiwen 經典釋文) and rhyme books. While these three morphological processes have a wide range of functions in OC, if we concentrate on the derivation of verbs from verbs we can connect them with three main verbal features: transivity (increase and decrease), causativity, and directionality (a 1 LaPolla 1994: 70. 2 The reconstructions, unless otherwise noted, are from Sagart 1999. I am here using V2 as equivalent to "transitive", V1 as equivalent to "intransitive"

The Chinese Causative Resultative V-V, also referred to as "resultative verb compound", is a construction that expresses caused-result meanings. A prominent feature of this construction exists in its word order: the cause-denoting V and the result-denoting V are in adjacency. While exhibiting compound nature, this construction also shows productivity, semantic compositionality, and semantic ambiguity. Within the theoretical framework of the Minimalist Progrram, under the general assumptions of Distributed Morphology, this study proposes a structure for this construction, attempting to account for its properties holistically. We propose that these V-Vs involve root-selecting causativization and Manner Conflation. In spite of being syntactically formed, each V-V functions in a similar way as a V 0 .

This paper contributes to the study of transitivity as a general property of the clause. Unlike most previous work on the subject, however, transitivity in the present article is used to study a lexical alternation, namely the two causative predicates dejar ‘let’ and hacer ‘make’ in Spanish. To do this, I use the transitivity index (TI), a weighted continuous measure of transitivity based on Hopper and Thompson’s (1980, transitivity in grammar and discourse, Language 56, 251–299) transitivity parameters. The advantage of the TI is that it assigns different weights to each of the transitivity parameters and it is therefore sensitive to the particular construction it is applied to. I show that the TI can correctly predict the two Spanish causatives dejar ‘let’ and hacer ‘make’ with 80% accuracy and demonstrate that hacer is associated with higher transitivity contexts. In addition, linguistic features of the causer such as grammatical person and number are found to help distinguish be...

This paper contributes to the study of transitivity as a general property of the clause. I take seriously the claim that Transitivity is a scale made up of various contributing parameters and I propose the Transitivity Index (TI), a weighted continuous measure of clausal Transitivity inspired by Hopper and Thompson’s (1980) Transitivity parameters. The advantage of the TI is that it assigns different importance scores to each of the Transitivity parameters and it is therefore sensitive to the particular construction it is applied to. I show that the TI can correctly predict the two Spanish causatives dejar ‘let’ and hacer ‘make’ with 80% accuracy and I demonstrate that hacer is associated with higher transitivity contexts. The analysis is conducted on a dataset with over 4500 sentences taken from Corpus del Español (Davies 2002), which was analysed with Bayesian mixed-effects logistic regression models. The TI adds hierarchical structure to the Transitivity parameters making it an i...

Los nombres de evento en latín pueden combinarse con verbos total o parcialmente vacíos de significado formando predicados complejos conocidos como construcciones con verbo soporte. El interés que este tipo de predicados ha suscitado en lenguas modernas y, más recientemente, en latín y en griego, se ha traducido en interesantes propuestas orientadas a explicar sus características intrínsecas y funcionalidad. Entre otras razones que explican su alta frecuencia de uso está el empleo de los verbos soporte como marcadores léxicos de diátesis.
En esta comunicación nos proponemos estudiar el rendimiento funcional de estos verbos en latín para la expresión de un tipo particular de diátesis: la causativa. En concreto, nos centraremos en el análisis de verbos de “inducción”, tales como adducere o inducere, que pueden funcionar como verbos soporte causativos en marcos predicativos de naturaleza triargumental, donde el predicado base, nominalizado, ocupa la casilla de tercer argumento, con las marcas de in/ad + acusativo, y el primer actante se codifica como Objeto Afectado (ej. aliquem in metum adducere).