ESDP/ CFSP

European Space Policy (ESP) in May 2007  put as priority the need to improve coordination and synergies between defence and civilian space programmes and technologies, in a user-driven approach and to set up a structured dialogue with all actors involved.Has the  responsible for the ESDP body the necessary means to address these challenges?

Les temps où l’évocation de la défense européenne suscitait au mieux les sourires des eurosceptiques et au pire les critiques virulentes des atlantistes les plus militants sont révolus. Toutefois, pour l’observateur en dehors du cercle des initiés, cette défense européenne, bien que plus présente sur la scène sécuritaire internationale depuis l’activation de la coopération structurée permanente (mieux connue sous son acronyme anglais PESCO), reste source de confusion et d’incompréhension.
Deux éléments sont à l’origine de ce défaut de compréhension et des conclusions souvent erronées qui en découlent. Le premier résulte d’une comparaison simpliste entre le fonctionnement de l’OTAN et ’la mise en œuvre de la politique de sécurité et de défense commune de l’Union européenne. Le second est lié à la méconnaissance de l’évolution de notre environnement sécuritaire, du profil de la menace et des doctrines de guerre « hybride » de nos ennemis. Je reviendrai plus tard sur l’inadéquation du qualificatif « hybride », qui ne décrit qu’imparfaitement le type de menace à laquelle nous sommes exposés.
La première partie de mon argumentaire démontrera le caractère indispensable de l’intégration de la défense européenne pour apporter une contribution européenne plus substantielle à l’effort de défense, principalement dans le cadre de l’OTAN mais aussi au sein d’autres formats collaboratifs.
La seconde partie étudiera les mécanismes d’intégration qui sont à l’œuvre afin de doter l’Union européenne des structures nécessaires à la réalisation de son ambition sécuritaire qui découle de la Stratégie globale de 2016.
La troisième partie tentera de définir un nouveau paradigme de défense et d’anticiper les évolutions nécessaires dans l’architecture sécuritaire internationale afin d’évoluer d’une logique de défense collective vers celle d’une résilience intégrée.

Το βιβλίο κάνει ένα βήμα για τη γεφύρωση του χάσματος μεταξύ των επιχειρησιακών χρηστών και των ληπτών αποφάσεων στους χώρους της εσωτερικής ασφάλειας και των μελών της Ακαδημαϊκής Κοινότητας, των ειδικών σε θέματα Διαστήματος, αλλά και του ενδιαφερόμενου κοινού, προκειμένου να γίνει σαφής η χρησιμότητα της δορυφορικής παρατήρησης της Γης στη θεματική «Ασφάλεια».
Παρουσιάζοντας το δυναμικό και πολύπλοκο πολιτικό και κανονιστικό πλαίσιο εντός της Κοινής Πολιτικής Ασφάλειας και Άμυνας της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, έμφαση δίνεται στην επιτήρηση των εξωτερικών συνόρων ως ένα κομβικό στοιχείο της ευρωπαϊκής ασφάλειας. Ο αποτελεσματικός έλεγχος των εξωτερικών συνόρων της E.E. και των κρατών-μελών της είναι θεμελιώδους σημασίας για τη διαχείριση των μεταναστευτικών ροών προς το εσωτερικό της, προκειμένου να παραμείνει «ζωντανή» η ελεύθερη κυκλοφορία των προσώπων, σε μια Ε.Ε. χωρίς εσωτερικά σύνορα.
Η δορυφορική παρατήρηση συμβάλλει στην επιτήρηση των εξωτερικών συνόρων και έχει ήδη υιοθετηθεί πολιτικά ως ένα από τα κοινά εργαλεία από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή μέσω Συμφωνίας με τον Οργανισμό Ευρωπαϊκής Συνοριοφυλακής και Ακτοφυλακής, γνωστό ως FRONTEX, που θα ξεκινήσει να υλοποιείται από το 2017.
Το θέμα αυτό αφορά και την Ελλάδα, που έχει υποστεί ιδιαίτερα έντονα τις συνέπειες των ροών αυτών. Με μια προσέγγιση προσανατολισμένη στον χρήστη, η συλλογή πληροφοριών (μέσω των υπηρεσιών ασφαλείας του ευρωπαϊκού δορυφορικού συστήματος παρατήρησης γης Copernicus) και η ανταλλαγή τους (μέσω του συστήματος EUROSUR), είναι ήδη επιχειρησιακά διαθέσιμη για να συμβάλλει στην επίγνωση κατάστασης και στην ικανότητα αντίδρασης των αρχών συνοριακού ελέγχου.
Το βιβλίο αποτιμά κριτικά τις δωρεάν παρεχόμενες υπηρεσίες επιτήρησης γης και θάλασσας, εντοπίζει τα πλεονεκτήματα από την χρήση των και καταλήγει ότι παρουσιάζεται μια ευκαιρία για τη χώρα μας. Για την εκμετάλλευσή της απαιτείται ανάλογη δράση από τους εθνικούς χρήστες της εσωτερικής ασφάλειας και προς τούτο περιέχονται προτάσεις πολιτικής.
ISBN: 978-960-08-0745-5
Satellites at Security's Service: The Case of European Union's External Borders Surveillance.
This book aspires to take a first step towards bridging the information gap, between operational users and decision-makers in the areas of internal security, on the one hand, and on the other hand, Academics, space experts along the public concerned in order to make clear the usefulness of Earth's satellite observation in the thematic "security".
Presenting the dynamic and complex political and regulatory framework within the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy, emphasis is placed on the surveillance of the E.U.’s external borders as a focal point of European security.
Effective control of the external borders of E.U. and its member States is of fundamental importance for the management of migration flows internally in order to keep the free movement of persons without internal frontiers in the E.U. alive.
Satellite observation contributes to the surveillance of external borders and has already been politically adopted as one of the common tools by the European Commission through an agreement with the European border and Coast Guard organisation, known as FRONTEX, which will Start to be implemented from 2017 and on.
This issue also concerns Greece, which has suffered particularly strongly the consequences of these migration flows. With a user-oriented approach, the collection of information (through the security services of the European Copernicus Earth Observation Satellite system), exchange (via FRONTEX’s EUROSUR system), and analysis (from both EMSA and Satellite Center) is already operational and thus contributes to situational awareness and the ability for border control authorities to react.
The book critically assesses the free provision of Copernicus security services for land and sea surveillance, identifies the advantages of its uses and concludes that this presents an opportunity for Greece to be further exploited. Its exploitation requires similar action by national users of internal security and as such this book includes policy proposals.

−The paper mainly deals with the influence of the applied measuring voltage on the surface resistance/resistivity of 19 fabric samples, being representative for the various technical solutions of obtaining static dissipative textiles. There were chosen for exemplification six samples with various behaviors regarding the relationship between the increasing excitation DC voltage and the measured results. Based on the Keithley's hard and soft infrastructure, it was developed the Alternating Polarity method, with a sweep of voltage, nine equal steps from 90V to 990V. There were plotted graphs presenting the different trends of the material response at various excitation voltages. The significant number of performed measurements allowed us to pick up and test possible explanations or just hypothesis for different and sometime unexpected performances of the conductive insertion technologies, aiming to transform the fabrics from very good insulators into static dissipative materials.

CERPESC 07/AF/02/2008 - 21 janvier 2008 ;

En 2003, l’Union européenne, après le lancement des opérations/missions EUPM et CONCORDIA dans les Balkans, a élargi son rayon d’action vers le continent africain. Après avoir compris le contexte des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs, nous allons traiter les différentes phases de la présence de l’union en République Démocratique du Congo. L'opération ARTEMIS est considérée comme la première opération militaire dirigée par l'UEO, la première opération autonome de l'UE, première mission de réaction rapide de l'UE, première opération hors d'Europe, première opération appliquant le principe de la nation cadre et premier exemple d'opération "relais", menée en coopération entre l'UE et les Nations unies...

La version à jour et développée de ce texte est retrouvable dans mon livre paru en octobre 2013 chez L'Harmattan : La géopolitique des premières missions de l'Union européenne - en Afrique
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Absolute 1st "best seller" on my Academia.edu site. In the top 4-5% on Academia.edu!

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union is not only a source of political and legal upheaval in Europe but will prompt a recalibration of transatlantic treaty relations. The paper argues that it is a gross oversimplification to conceive of the latter as sets of old and new bilateral relationships. Instead, “Brexit” affects many existing and interdependent triangular relationships that the U.S. maintains with the EU and its Member States, which are conditioned also by the foreign relations laws of these polities. Perhaps counterintuitively, recalibration in the “high politics” area of security and defense will be easier than in the “low politics” of trade and regulation. In elaborating on these arguments, the paper delves into three levels of difficulty: First, the empirical challenge of determining the treaties in force between the EU and U.S. and by which the UK will cease to be covered; second, the transatlantic implications of available alternative models to EU membership for the UK; and third, the way forward in ensuring continuity and bringing about future agreements and cooperation in the EU-UK-U.S. triangle, seeing that the EU itself is a moving target due to ongoing reform efforts.

A British withdrawal from the EU would be a process not an event.

This Strategic Update sets out the nine overlapping series of negotiations that would be triggered and the positions the 27 remaining EU countries and the EU’s institutions would take, gathered from a network of researchers across the continent.

Szeged : 10-11 novembre 2016

Le Centre universitaire francophone (CUF), inauguré le 20 septembre 2013 et prévu par la décision n°218/2013 du 28 octobre 2013 du Sénat de l’Université de Szeged, a vocation à renforcer la visibilité et d’assurer la coordination des activités francophones de l`université. Il doit servir de référence pour la coopération francophone académique. Dans l’idée d’une ouverture internationale et suivant un objectif rigoureux d’excellence universitaire, le Centre, fondé sur les valeurs de la francophonie telles que le respect de la diversité et des identités, œuvre à promouvoir le dialogue et l’enrichissement mutuel dans un milieu académique propice à l’innovation et à l’échange des idées.
Le CUF est engagé dans des recherches universitaires pluridisciplinaires autour des thématiques liées aux différentes branches des études internationales. Il s’intéresse aux problématiques liées à la diversité et à l’identité en droit et en sciences politiques. Il accueille également des conférences en sciences humaines, notamment en histoire. Grâce à son réseau important de partenaires, ses enseignants et chercheurs participent à de nombreux programmes de recherche et publient leurs résultats d’une manière régulière. Dans le cadre des doctorats en cotutelle, il contribue aussi à la formation de futurs chercheurs francophones.
Le colloque intitulé « Stabilité, intégration, coopération et développement » s’est inscrit dans le programme pédagogique de la formation Master en Etudes internationales, afin d’ouvrir les étudiants de l’Université de Szeged aux problématiques tant de recherche que de terrain du développement. Les intervenants venant de différents horizons (universitaires, diplomates, militaires, et diverses personnes de la société civile) ont répondu à l’invitation pour traiter d’une manière transversale les grands débats de l’aide au développement, de l’État de droit, des enjeux de l’infrastructure numérique, du groupe Boko Haram, du rôle des ONG ou d’une fondation hongroise crée par un congolais et de ses actions en Afrique.
Dans un esprit d’échange académique et de partage d’expérience, l’assistance a pu recueillir des informations aussi bien théoriques que pratiques sur les nombreux défis auxquels est confronté le continent africain, et qui ont parsemé ces deux journées de colloque.
Les deux journées se sont terminées par une contribution scienti- fique de la part des étudiants de la spécialité Développement Europe- Afrique. Ils se sont penchés sur des thèmes aussi variés que « les droits de l’homme en Afrique, le réveil de la société civile en Afrique, la migra- tion, ou bien encore la coopération militaire entre l’Afrique et l’Union euro- péenne » en apportant leur connaissance sur le terrain et leur point de vue personnel. Plusieurs questions du public ont permis d’approfondir certains propos, et ont témoigné de l’intérêt porté aux diverses présen- tations qui ont enrichi ce colloque et les débats.

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Les actes du colloque Stabilité, intégration, coopération et développement sont mis  la disposition des lecteurs en un tome divisé en deux partie.
Dans la première partie, on peut lire les interventions qui focalisent sur le sujet « Stabilité et intégration », dans la deuxième se trouvent les communications concernant les problématiques de la « Coopération et développement. » Chaque section est structurée selon le m me principe qui était également celui de l’organisation du colloque: les analyses des professeurs constituent l’ouverture, pour donner ensuite la place aux textes des étudiants. Dans la deuxième partie la présentation de quelques sujets spécifiques et les témoignages dominent.
Cette structuration invite  une lecture transversale,  la place d’une lecture traditionnellement linéaire: les lecteurs pourront mesurer les rencontres, les correspondances et les spécificités des quatres sujets aussi bien selon une problématique d’une ampleur plus vaste, que selon des questions et des sujets plus concrets.

Dialogues Européens Nr. 6. – Hiver 2005, pp. 49-64.

Cahiers de l’Ecole doctorale Espace Européen Contemporain (Paris III Sorbonne)
« Quelle politique étrangère et de sécurité et quelle défense pour quelle Europe ? »
Sous la direction de Elisabeth du Réau et Traian Sandu

Pour une présentation encore plus détaillée voir
A. I. Türke: L'Opération ARTEMIS en République Démocratique du Congo
CERPESC 07/AF/02/2008 - 21 janvier 2008 ;

In December 2020, the European Union (EU) rolled out a human rights sanctions regime, emulating the US Global Magnitsky Act. It constitutes the third horizontal sanctions regime adopted by the EU over the past three years. The organising logic of horizontal blacklists, almost alien to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) until recently, fits well the targeted nature of the EU sanctions because it de-links the designation from an international crisis. However, it highlights the existence of a number of challenges that might potentially hinder the smooth application of the sanctions, or the overall success of the EU's policy approach. Three key issues with political implications are singled out: the overlap between horizontal and country-label listings, the non-enforceability of visa bans, and the partial nature of sanctions alignment with liked-minded countries.

CERPESC 08/AF/03/2008 - 02 mars 2008 ;

La nouvelle phase de la crise au Darfour, depuis février 2003, plus violente que jamais, est difficilement interprétable sans connaître la complexité et les antécédents des différentes crises au Soudan. L’Union africaine, pour la première fois depuis sa création, a décidé la mise en place d’une vraie mission civilo-militaire, AMIS/MUAS (Mission de l’UA au Darfour). À cause de l’insuffisance des ressources financières propres, et du manque d’expérience de ce type de mission, l’UA a été obligé de solliciter le soutien de l’Union européenne, de l’OTAN, et des autres partenaires internationaux. Par la résolution 1769 du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU l’AMIS a été élargi et mis sous la mission UNAMID (mission hybride de l'Organisation des Nations Unies et de l'Union africaine au Darfour)...

Rapport rédigé auprès de l'EUISS et financé par l'Institut.

La version à jour et développée est retrouvable dans mon livre  : LA POLITIQUE EUROPEENNE DE SECURITE ET DE DEFENSE QUEL BILAN APRES DIX ANS? QUELLES NOUVELLES ORIENTATIONS ? (Paris: L`Harmattan, 2012.)

In the top 4-5% on Academia.edu

Sanctions are one of the tools utilised to address human rights violations. They are also an increasingly prominent tool in the European Union’s foreign policy. International sanctions policy is part of a global trend towards individualisation: rather than affecting the state as a whole, bans nowadays are targeted at individuals identified as responsible for the abuses. The present study analyses the evolution of targeted sanctions regimes imposed by the EU, as well as by the UN, against individuals on grounds of gross human rights violations. It focuses on the most recent developments in international sanctions practice. It provides recommendations on how this tool could be further developed at EU level, making reference to the option of adopting a Global Magnitsky-type legislation allowing for the designation of human rights abusers worldwide.

The European Global Strategy (EUGS) is a significant document that came out at a critical time. Decision makers and scholars need to identify and assess the challenges the EU is facing in its effort to pursue its new Strategy. This paper addresses the lack of a tool for identifying those challenges and assessing the EU’s ability to respond to them by introducing a new analytical framework based on the conceptualization of the EU as a small power in the international system, and the literature about the international relations of small states. The framework combines the factors that impact upon a small state’s behaviour and performance in the international system and consists of the following elements: a) the EU’s relations with the great powers in the system, b) developments in the EU’s neighbourhood, c) the EU’s politics, and d) the EU’s reputation. After discussing each one of them, the paper contributes a comprehensive assessment of the EU’s ability to implement its Strategy. It concludes that in order to implement its Strategy, the EU should respond to specific challenges. Therefore, the framework this paper introduces can improve our understand- ing of both the EUGS and the Union’s strengths and weaknesses, shed some light on what measures should be taken for the Union to respond to challenges that lie ahead and be used as a yardstick to assess the Union’s progress. Moreover, the framework can be applied to other areas of the EU’s external action and contribute to both drafting better informed strategic documents and supporting their implementation.

Actes du colloque portant sur les grandes questions de la stabilité et du développement du continent africain organisé par le Centre Universitaire Francophone András István TÜRKE Chercheur-associé à l'Université de Szeged L`Union européenne et sa stratégie de rétablissement de la paix en Afrique 1

CERPESC 07/AF/02/2008 - 21 January 2008 ;

In 2003, the European Union, following the launch of operations/missions like CONCORDIA and EUPM in the Balkans, has expanded its outreach to the African continent. After understanding the context of conflicts in the Great Lakes region, we will deal with the various phases of the presence of the union in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Operation ARTEMIS is considered the first military operation led by the EU, the first autonomous EU operation, the first rapid response mission of the EU first operation outside Europe, first operation applying the principle of the framework nation and first example of "relay operation", conducted in cooperation between the EU and the United Nations.

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Absolute 1st "best seller" on my Academia.edu site. The French version in the top 4-5% on Academia.edu!

While scholarly attention on the CFSP sanctions targeting Russia and disinformation has sparked, only few authors examined the connection between "fake news" and sanctions. Constructivist theories slowly become more relevant in the sanctions literature and sanctions communication requires more research. This paper analyzes 82 cases of disinformation on sanctions from the East Stratcom database. Interestingly, the most frequent narratives found were claims that sanctions will be lifted by an actor in the EU. Economic narratives did also play a role but were not as common as expected.

This paper seeks to analyse and assesses the influence of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on the evolution of the European Union as a security actor in the institutional, operational and ‘identity’ domains. Drawing on a combination of
sociological institutionalism, rational choice approaches and a multi-level analysis, the paper will evaluate NATO’s influence on the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP, formerly known as ESDP) and on the wider development of the EU as an
international security actor in general. The main emphasis will be placed on examining the conditions and processes through which NATO has exerted its influence as a model, enabler and (inevitable) competitor on the EU in institutional, operational and identity terms. Overall, it will be argued that NATO’s institutional influence and impact on the EU has been fundamental, but with two diametrically opposing results. Whilst NATO served as a
model and mentor in the early years of the EU’s ESDP (in institutional and operational terms) through core processes of mimetic, normative and coercive isomorphism, the high
level of similarity and tendency of EU-NATO convergence at the same time pushed some EU member states and EU actors towards exerting and promoting EU differentiation, autonomy and decoupling. The paper will seek to explain why both organizations have thus become inter-organizational competitors, not least through a deliberate effort by EU policy-makers of what Alexander Wendt has referred to as ‘negative identification’: i.e.,
consciously representing NATO as the EU’s ‘Other’.

As a result, the paper seeks to explain how during the last 12 years processes of isomorphism and autonomization facilitated NATO’s fundamental influence on the EU’s own evolution, but also contributed to inter-organizational rivalries. In this sense, the
paper also seeks to provide an institutional and generalizable approach to examining the problems and limitations of ‘effective multilateralism’ between international organizations.

The future of the transatlantic relationship is rarely out of the headlines in Europe or North America. Despite the closeness, the relationship faces – as it has always done – new and familiar challenges.

This report offers views on the future of transatlantic relations from scholars who are at the start of their careers, with European and US perspectives on what the future holds in defence, economics, values, and relations with emerging powers.

AUTHORS:
Editor: Tim Oliver is Dahrendorf postdoctoral fellow at LSE IDEAS.
Philip Bednarczyk is Democratic professional staff on the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee responsible for the Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats.
John Hemmings is an Adjunct Fellow at CSIS and Pacific Forum, CSIS and a doctoral candidate at LSE
Ben Jones is a PhD student at King’s College London and a former foreign affairs adviser to the British Liberal Democrats and MEP Assistant.
Jeff Lightfoot is a non-resident senior fellow at the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security, Atlantic Council.
Parke Nicholson is a Senior Research Associate at the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies focusing on transatlantic relations and foreign policy.
Tereza Novotná is an FNRS Post-Doctoral Researcher at the Institute for European Studies, Université libre de Bruxelles.
Claire Sutherland is a Senior Lecturer in Politics at Durham University.
Julia Teebken is a PhD student at the Environmental Policy Research Center and the Graduate School of East Asian Studies at the Freie Universität Berlin, Germany.
Andrew Whitworth is a doctoral candidate in political economy at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) in Washington, DC and Bologna, Italy.

AB Dış İlişkiler ve Güvenlik Politikası Yüksek Temsilcisi Federica Mogherini, uzun zamandır beklenen yeni AB küresel strateji belgesini, 29 Haziran 2016’da yapılan AB Konseyi toplantısında AB liderlerine sundu. Strateji belgesi Paylaşılan Vizyon, Ortak Eylem: Daha Güçlü Bir Avrupa - Avrupa Birliği’nin Dış ve Güvenlik Politikası İçin Küresel Bir Strateji başlığını taşıyordu. Bu Konsey toplantısının asıl gündeminde ise AB’yi derinden sarsan hayati önemdeki sıcak bir gelişme, İngiltere’deki halkoylamasında AB’den çıkma kararının alınması vardı. Yüksek Temsilci Mogherini’nin hazırladığı küresel strateji belgesi, AB zirvesinde ele alınmamış olsa da “Brexit” kararının şokuyla çalkalanan Avrupa’da, Avrupa ordusu tartışmasını yeniden canlandırdı. İngiltere’nin Avrupa ordusu düşüncesine karşı çıkan bir ülke olması da tartışmaya yeni bir boyut kazandırdı.
Bu önemli gelişmeler, İngiltere’nin AB’den çıkışının Avrupa ordusu tartışmasına nasıl bir yön vereceğiyle ilgili bazı soruları da akıllara getiriyor: Yumuşak gücüyle bilinen AB’nin kendine ait birleşik ve daimi bir orduya ihtiyacı var mı? Bundan sonraki süreçte, İngiltere’siz bir AB kendi ordusuna sahip olabilir mi ya da olmalı mı? AB’nin sonunu hazırlayacağı şeklinde yorumlar yapılan Brexit kararı, tam tersine Avrupa ordusunu kurmak için bir fırsat olarak değerlendirilebilir mi? Bütün bu soruların cevabı, AB ülkeleri ve yetkililerinin AB’deki mevcut askeri yapılanmaya ve Avrupa ordusu düşüncesine nasıl yaklaştığında saklıdır ve AB’nin stratejik hedefleriyle yakından ilgilidir.

L`Harmattan - Paris  ; Questions contemporaines , "Cet ouvrage étudie l’évolution récente de la politique étrangère et de défense de l’Union européenne dans sa complexité historique. Peut-elle jouer un rôle important ou reste ballotée entre les acteurs. La construction européenne a garanti, soixante années durant, la paix et la stabilité sur notre continent. Cette situation a permis à l’Europe de renaître des cendres et de construire une zone de prospérité et de bien-être, avec un modèle social unique.
L’Europe n’est pas une forteresse et ne saurait se satisfaire d’un monde où subsistent tant de déséquilibres. L’objectif de l’Union est de donner aux pays et populations défavorisés les moyens de se développer, autrement dit s’attaquer aux sources mêmes de la pauvreté et de la vulnérabilité. Cette action suppose la mise en œuvre de politiques qui permettent de contribuer à consolider la démocratie, l’État de droit, la bonne gestion des affaires publiques et le respect des droits de l’homme. Car le développement ne va pas sans la démocratie et cet ouvrage montre que les droits de l’homme restent une exigence majeure pour l’Union qui joue un rôle moteur dans ce domaine.
La question principale à laquelle l‘auteur cherche la réponse, c’est dans quelle mesure l’Union peut-elle devenir un acteur international. Comment l’Union peut-elle transformer sa puissance économique en une puissance politique dans le système international du XXIème siècle. Comment concevons nous la coopération entre les institutions de l’Union européenne et celles de l’OTAN ?

Ancien visiting fellow de l’EUISS et de la Commission de Défense de l’Assemblée de l’UEO, András István Türke est docteur de Paris III-Sorbonne Nouvelle. Il a effectué sa thèse sur l’évolution de la défense européenne et travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant pour les questions internationales et de défense. Il est chercheur associé de plusieurs instituts de recherche en France et en Hongrie.

296 p.



TABLES DES MATIERES

INTRODUCTION

PREMIERE PARTIE – L’EMERGENCE D’UNE POLITIQUE EUROPEENNE COMMUNE EN MATIERE DES AFFAIRES ETRANGERES, DE SECURITE ET DE DEFENSE (1947-1998)

CHAPITRE I. L’architecture européenne de sécurité et le développement de l’idée d’une défense commune dans l’espace transatlantique
/Du traité de Dunkerque en 1947 jusqu’à la mise en place de l’Union de l’Europe occidentale en 1954/

CHAPITRE II. La défense européenne entre l’architecture européenne de sécurité et le développement de l’idée d’une défense commune
/Du traité de Rome en 1957 jusqu’à l’Acte final d’Helsinki en 1975/

CHAPITRE III. La sécurité et la défense européenne de la réactivation de l’Union de l’Europe occidentale jusqu'à la mise en place de l’EUROCORPS (1979-1991)

CHAPITRE IV. La mise en place de la politique étrangère et de sécurité, et la défense européenne (1991-1998)
/Le deuxième pilier de l’Union européenne ou le pilier européen de l’Organisation de traité de l’Atlantique Nord?/

CHAPITRE V. L’élargissement de l’espace de sécurité vers l’Europe orientale
/Études de cas : La Hongrie, la Pologne et la République tchèque/ 7

DEUXIEME PARTIE – L’EVOLUTION INSTITUTIONNELLE JURIDIQUE ET STRATEGIQUE DE LA POLITIQUE EUROPEENNE DE SECURITE ET DE DEFENSE (1999-2009)

CHAPITRE I. Les grands débats autour du développement de la PESD

CHAPITRE II. L’évolution institutionnelle et juridique

CHAPITRE III. Capacités, armements, financement

Conclusion générale

Bibliographie

Europa Varietas Institute - http://www.europavarietas.org
András István Türke - http://andrasistvanturke.blogspot.ch

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there remains a number of protracted conflicts, within and between the successor states, concerning irredentist entities. This article examines four cases of such de facto states, the self-proclaimed republics of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Transnistria. After reviewing the genesis and geopolitical significance of these conflicts, the article focuses on the role of the European Union in conflict resolution. We argue that the EU plays a marginal role in all the protracted conflicts. Based on an analysis of its recent policies, we claim that the Union will maintain a low profile in the foreseeable future. 7 'Energy infrastructure priorities for 2020 and beyond -A Blueprint for an integrated European energy network', Communication

The recent spurt of sanctions activity brings with it a key innovation: horizontal blacklists. This is a welcome development in the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) approach to sanctions, argues the author, because it seeks to advance its security policy goals and strike a balance between keeping EU unity intact, maintaining transatlantic solidarity and refraining from further antagonising Moscow.

The upsurge of piracy attacks off the Somalia coast in 2007/08 challenged European Union (EU) security by threatening one of the three vital sea lines of communication for extra EU trade. Operating on the Gulf of Aden, Somali pirates wreaked havoc in the Indian Ocean waters; originating damages on European trade and economic networks, threatening the lives and well-being of seafarers, destabilizing regional security, and potentially threatening local biosphere. It became then clear that piracy was not a threat of the past, nor a threat with only regional implications; quite the opposite. Indeed, the economic development, free trade, transport, and energy security of the EU heavily rely on safe global maritime routs; hence the need for the EU to take an active role in tackling piracy worldwide. Flagged since the 2003 European Security Strategy, piracy has successively evolved within EU documents, and since 2014 it has been understood under the broad umbrella of maritime security. Attaining on the particular threat of piracy off the Somalia Coast it is thus our aim to assess the implications of piracy for the security of the EU, and analyze the devised strategies to tackle modern piracy between 2003 and 2015.

Traditionally the EU has been a civilian power, leaving the conduct of its security issues in the hands of the North Atlantic Organisation. The end of the Cold War and the new millennium brought new security challenges making it harder and harder for the USA to play the role of the "world's gendarme" and to carry on its shoulders the burdens of the entire humanity, needing the help of its European allies, which demanded that their concerns to be taken serious, and to be consulted by their transatlantic counterpartners, the USA not being able to shape any further the transatlantic policies accroding to its own interest. This paper wants to initiate the reader in the European security architecture, emphasizing its relationship with the NATO, wondering if this "great experiment" called the European Union will be ever able to rise above its condition and to provide its own and its neighbourhood's security without any kind of foreign assistance.

CERPESC 16/E/03/2016 - 20 December 2016 ;

The events of the last 20 years, the first operations and missions, show that the Common Security and Defense Policy, the CSDP (the European Security and Defense Policy: the ESDP, before 2009) does not exist only on paper. Europe must act to prevent wars and crises or to stop them. The European Union and its member countries are confronted with decisive choices for the future of Europe as a political entity. The external (and above all, energy) dependence of the Union is particularly emphasized by the European security strategies. The documents that function as strategies (the first, the 2003 ESS and the most recent, 2016 EUGS) of the European Union are quite poor in terms of content and objectives. They list the challenges, without drafting the places and means of the overall strategic presence. The purpose of this analysis is to examine the major development issues of EU strategic thinking during the period 2003-2016. Can we talk about development, stagnation, or devolution? Is the new strategy capable of fulfilling its role and can really serve as the basis of our ambitions?

A recent trend in the foreign policy sanctions of the European Union (EU) is the increasing adoption of ‘horizontal’, or ‘themed’, sanctions regimes.1 Country-label sanctions regimes represent the traditional form of sanctions. Horizontal sanctions regimes, by contrast, address a specific norm violation without
circumscribing its scope to geographical limitations, allowing for the listing of individuals and entities irrespective of their location or national affiliation. From 2018 to 2020, the EU consecutively adopted three thematic sanctions regimes concerning three distinct challenges: cyberattacks, the use of chemical weapons, and human rights abuses. This chapter analyses the trend towards the ‘horizontalization’ of sanctions and identifies the challenges it presents in terms of interface management.

CERPESC Review, 10 January 2011 ;

The mission "EU SSR / EUSSR Guinea-Bissau" (16.06.2008 - 30.09.2010) is a new experience significant because it was the first ESDP mission in an integrated manner covering the entire security sector combining defense, justice and police. It was also the first mission fully planned and controlled as part of the Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability (CPCC, established in August 2007) for civilian operations of crisis management by the EU. In which context this mission has been deployed and what is its value in the SSR process?

L`Harmattan - Paris ; 2013.

"commander le livre : info@europavarietas.org
sur le site de l`Harmattan : http://www.editions-harmattan.fr/index.asp?navig=catalogue&obj=livre&no=41212&razSqlClone=1

Ce deuxième ouvrage de l'auteur concernant la politique étrangère et de défense de l’Union européenne étudie l’évolution des missions et opérations de la PESD/PSDC en Afrique, dans le concert de la diplomatie européenne et l'activité des organisations internationales et des différents acteurs. L'approche régionale nous aide à comprendre la complexité des enjeux et des défis, la structure des conflits, et à analyser les interactions transfrontalières.
Les premières missions et opérations sont l’expression concrète de la volonté de l’Union d’agir. Agir pour promouvoir la paix et la stabilité, agir pour contribuer à la prévention et à la résolution de conflits. Mais, est-ce que les missions européennes strictement limitées dans l'espace et dans le temps sont capables de contribuer à la stabilisation en Afrique?
Le contient africain au cœur des intérêts des grandes puissances surtout à cause des matières premières stratégiques, le terrorisme international, la piraterie et de plus en plus pour la migration et la fuite des cerveaux. L’intérêt de l’Union européenne est garantir sa propre sécurité et ses besoins et qu’elle soit un partenaire fiable des pays et organisations africains. L’Afrique a besoin des aides et des subventions, plusieurs États sont incapables de garantir leur propre sécurité. La géopolitique en Afrique a une priorité absolue.
La question principale à laquelle l‘auteur cherche la réponse, c’est dans quelle mesure l’Union peut-elle devenir un acteur international. Comment l’Union peut-elle transformer sa puissance économique en une puissance politique dans le système international du XXIème siècle. Comment concevons nous la coopération entre les institutions de l’Union européenne et celles de l’Union africaine et de l'OTAN ?

Ancien visiting fellow de l’EUISS et de la Commission de Défense de l’Assemblée de l’UEO, András István Türke est docteur de Paris III-Sorbonne Nouvelle. Il a effectué sa thèse sur l’évolution de la défense européenne et travaille aujourd’hui comme consultant pour les questions internationales et de défense. Il est chercheur associé de plusieurs instituts de recherche en France en Hongrie et en Suisse.

256 p.

TABLES DES MATIERES

CHAPITRE I. Les enjeux et les défis européens en Afrique
/Néocolonisation ou nouvelles stratégies pour une présence en Afrique ?/

CHAPITRE II. Les missions de l’Union européenne en République Démocratique du Congo

CHAPITRE III. L’Union européenne et la crise du Darfour
/Les missions de l’Union européenne au Soudan, au Tchad et dans la République centrafricaine/

CHAPITRE IV. La réforme du secteur de sécurité en Guinée-Bissau

CHAPITRE V. L'Union européenne, la PSDC et la crise en Libye
/EUFOR Libye : « L'opération fantomisée de la légion invisible? »/

CHAPITRE VI. Somalia, East Africa and the EU: Geopolitics, drivers and “comprehensive” engagement
(András Hettyey)

Conclusion générale
Bibliographie

Europa Varietas Institute - http://www.europavarietas.org
András István Türke - http://andrasistvanturke.blogspot.ch"

Many EU member-states have a long history of conflict resolution and mediation. The Union as a whole, however, has rarely been seen in this capacity in the past, mostly due to a limited approach, based on confidence-building and post-conflict reconstruction priorities in its instruments set, and quite often, an inability to find a consensus for a strong consensual position in a conflict settlement. This was particularly the case with EU peacekeeping activity, which has mostly taken the form of police missions or supporting role to UN activities and, at times, acting in the framework of old post-colonial connections between separate member-states and countries in conflict.

The situation started changing in 2008, when the EU for the first time attempted to act as a single mediator in the Russian-Georgian conflict, being involved at the highest point of the crisis. Whether this mediation can be considered as a successful one remains disputed, as the fighting was stopped but the peace has not been reached and separatist regions announced their independence, supported and recognized by Russia. However, the ability to act as a single actor had a significant effect on a perception of the European Union as a reliable and possible mediator in the region.

The Ukrainian crisis of 2014 brought a new challenge to the EU. Since an aspiration by Ukraine to integrate with the EU was seen as one of the reasons for the crisis, it could not stay apart. Due to the divergence in positions and approaches among member-states, however, the EU was not able to become a real mediator. The Normandy format with Germany and France as mediators made that evident. The call on the Ukrainian side to send an EU peacekeeping mission became an additional question of concern, as neither Ukraine realized the format it needed nor the EU had sufficient capacity to deploy. Brexit brought additional difficulties with the attention shifting from the Ukrainian crisis to an internal EU crisis.

In this article, we will try to answer the following questions:  How do the EU Common Defense and Security Policy consider the mechanisms and perspectives of a joint mediation and peacekeeping missions? Is the EU an equal and reliable partner in peacekeeping and mediation activities in European conflicts? Why isn’t the EU is presented as a single mediator in the Ukrainian conflict, and can the situation be transformed? What are the perspectives of a EU peacekeeping mission in Ukraine? Will the EU involvement in the Ukrainian crisis decrease or increase the role of the Union at the international security arena?

Since 2014, the EU has enacted three separate sanctions regimes on Russia. The present contribution aims to contextualize this complex set of EU measures on Russian targets in the framework of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It will then review the current state of the sanctions regime and their sustainability before sketching some ideas as to how the current impasse could be surmounted.

Since 2013 the governance of lethal autonomous weapon
systems has been discussed within the framework of the
1980 United Nations Convention on Certain Conventional
Weapons. The discussion is at an early stage, with most
states still in the process of understanding the issues at
stake. Extended discussions will be necessary to resolve
contentious issues and generate a constructive basis for
any potential formal negotiation.
The European Union has not yet been able to take a clear
stance on the debate, due to the lack of a common
perspective among its member states. However, it could
implement measures that would help its member states to
develop, refine or reconsider their views. These include
providing a structured framework for information
sharing, supporting capacity building and supporting
research in relevant areas. Such measures could foster
discussion and ultimately narrow the gap between the
diferent positions of member states.

The paper aims to explain the European Union’s Strategy for Security
and Development in the Sahel, the context that it was brought in, its premise, limits and goals. It looks at the Strategy as a part of the Common Foreign and Security Policy institutional framework and at its position within the EU’s overall involvement to the Sahel region. The paper uses the actor-specific (EU) approach in this attempt, bearing in mind the nature of the EU’s foreign and security policy unique setup, its preference for exertion of normative power, focus on social development issues and problems with using military power. This strategy was developed in March 2011 under the pressure from worsening security situation in the Sahel region, specifically its western part, which developed from the local unrest as well as from the Arab Spring’s spillover effect. It will be shown how over the next two years it became the main tool of the EU’s engagement this also including the added CSDP missions and French military involvement. As the crisis worsened, bringing focus to the rebellion in northern Mali in January 2012, it required coordinated and evolved response not only from the EU but from national governments in Europe and ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) countries, which in turn, brought more complexity to the crisis response governance and coordination in this volatile region. While the acute crisis in the form of the armed rebellion has been quelled, it is expected that the European Union’s expertise in institutional capacity building will be able to add some stability and overall social progress to the region.

EU external relations law is a doubly peculiar field of scholarship that has attracted significant scholarly attention over the last several decades. It is both part of EU law—considered a "new legal order" distinct from international law—and it is concerned with the European Union as a global actor, a "strange animal" in that the EU is neither a state nor a classical international organization. This essay argues that in the emerging field of comparative foreign relations law, the law of EU external relations will be both a supporting pillar and important driver: A pillar, because, next to U.S. foreign relations law, it is one of the most vibrant scholarly discourses on the subject; and a driver, because it continues to be a fascinating comparator for national—especially federal—systems of foreign relations law that questions many of the assumptions underlying nation-based concepts and blurs the lines between national and international law.