Esoteric Buddhism

This extremely well-researched book deals with one of the most important topics of medieval Esoteric Buddhism in Japan: rainmaking rituals. In early and medieval Japan, the success or failure of such ceremonies could easily make or break a monastic career. This book provides a comprehensive account of the history of this ritual tradition, which can be traced back to the Indian origins of Tantric Buddhism, in Japan, in particular in relation to the Shingon school.

This dissertation deals with the Buddhist dhāraṇī, mainly understood as the term selected by Indian Buddhism to assimilate the non-Buddhist notion of mantra. In the Introduction the two major categories of dhāraṇīs are defined, i.e., the ‘formulaic’
and ‘syllabic’ dhāraṇīs. In Chapter 1 the two sources for the emergence of dhāraṇīs are studied: the non-Buddhist source being focused on the non-Vedic, Vedic and Śaiva Tantric factors, and the Buddhist one being focused on several mainstream Buddhist and Mahāyāna factors. It continues with a study on the Dhāraṇī Scriptures’ emergence and their inclusion within Vajrayāna Tantras. Chapter 2 provides a detailed summary
on the traditional definitions of the dhāraṇī term, its synonyms, compound terms, and its pairing with other Dharma qualities. It is followed by a survey on how the dhāraṇī term is defined and classified according to key Indian Mahāyāna Sūtras and Śāstras,
and the Indo-Tibetan and East Asian Vajrayāna traditions. Chapter 3 is focused on the dhāraṇī practice, first dealing with its ethical basis, its non-ritual and ritual approaches, and its mundane and supramundane accomplishments, and then the main dhāraṇī practices are analysed intended for worldly and soteriological purposes. The dissertation closes with five Appendices including a study on a set of early Vedic mantras appearing within the Buddhist dhāraṇīs, an analysis of the ‘formulaic’ and ‘syllabic’ dhāraṇīs, a survey on mantras/dhāraṇīs accepted by several mainstream Buddhist schools, and another one on mantras/dhāraṇīs within Mahāyāna Scriptures,
and finally, a ‘References’ list providing a comprehensive and updated bibliography in several Western languages mainly focused on Buddhist mantras/dhāraṇīs.

This Master’s thesis (SAMPLE) is an analysis of the statue of Shūkongōjin 執金剛神 of the Hokkedō 法華堂 (hall) of Tōdaiji 東大寺 (temple) in Nara, Japan. Information about this dynamic and well-preserved Buddhist icon, a protective divinity, has largely been drawn from stylistic analysis and records that postdate or predate the work, some of which may be spurious. Recent repairs to the clay image and its pigmented surface and subsequent studies have provided new information about the Shūkongōjin. The hall and its statues were examined twice during the periods 1996–99 and 2010–13, providing new evidence about the decorative motifs represented by the pigments on the statue; additionally, new evidence about its physical placement in the hall emerged. The objective of this thesis is to synthesize all available information regarding the statue in order to determine its most likely date and role in the ancient Hokkedō. To reach these conjectures, this thesis analyzes the appearance and iconography of the statue, early and recent scholarly opinions, worship of Henge Kannon 変化観音 (transformed forms
of the bodhisattva Kannon) in the eighth century, and the history of the Hokkedō hall. These aspects were considered as an organic whole in order to propose the most likely scenario for the Shūkongōjin statue's creation, the history of its placement in the hall, and its function therein.

Buddhist Bubblegum is a study on the role of esoteric Buddhism in the creative process of singer, cellist, composer, and producer, Arthur Russell (1951-1992). Largely ignored during his lifetime, Russell’s work has aroused mass interest in the 21st century. Tim Lawrence’s biography (Hold On to Your Dreams) and Matt Wolff’s documentary (Wild Combination) offer significant and well-researched insight into the artist’s life and work. Little attention, however, has been given to Russell’s actual compositions and musical notations, while his creative process is often reduced to allusion and mystery. After spending several years with the scores and notebooks in Russell’s archive, as well as interviewing many of his friends and collaborators, I discovered a large body of work strategically guided by Vajrayana Buddhism. From his teenage years on a Buddhist commune until his last performances in New York, Russell sought to directly apply Vajrayana techniques--mantra, meditation, visualization, sadhana rituals--to his music, which he called “Buddhist bubblegum.” The initial chapters outline the esoteric spiritual influences that guided Russell’s music. I explore his life-long practice of Shingon Buddhism, his later engagement with Tibetan Buddhism, his study of traditional North Indian music, as well as his use of numerology and astrology. The next chapters explore Russell’s early scores and the maturation of his compositional style. This development culminates with Russell’s largest work, Instrumentals, which was inspired by his Buddhist teacher. This leads us into an in-depth look at the making of Instrumentals, where we outline the unique “matrix” system of composition that Russell devised to compose the work. Next we see how Russell’s “matrix” system continued to inform his later works--his “mutant disco” opus, 24>24 Music, his orchestral collaboration with Robert Wilson, Tower of Meaning, and his work with the Singing Tractors. Finally, we explore the unique conceptual process which Russell used in composing his final full-length work, World of Echo. Buddhist Bubblegum outlines the creative process of an American artist whose unprecedentedly cross-genre work uniquely fused spiritual and musical disciplines.

In From Outcasts to Emperors, David Quinter illuminates the Shingon Ritsu movement founded by the charismatic monk Eison (1201–90) at Saidaiji in Nara, Japan. The book's focus on Eison and his disciples' involvement in the cult of Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva reveals their innovative synthesis of Shingon esotericism, Buddhist discipline (Ritsu; Sk. vinaya), icon and temple construction, and social welfare activities as the cult embraced a spectrum of supporters, from outcasts to warrior and imperial rulers. In so doing, the book redresses typical portrayals of "Kamakura Buddhism" that cast Eison and other Nara Buddhist leaders merely as conservative reformers, rather than creative innovators, amid the dynamic religious and social changes of medieval Japan.

A survey of works pertaining to esoteric Buddhist ritual practice that were translated into Chinese, or occasionally composed by Chinese authors, from about the sixth to eleventh centuries. Note that the second Chinese character on l. 3, p. 689a is incorrect; the right-hand element should be 牛, not 午.

This study investigates Yoshida Shinto founded by Yoshida Kanetomo (1435-1511), which reached its peak in the 17th and 18th centuries. Yoshida Shinto is credited as the first religious school that chose "Shinto" (way of the gods) as its denomination and regarded itself intrinsically different from Buddhism. Therefore Yoshida Shinto called itself also the "One-and-Only Way of the Gods." The study analyses the actual religious innovations of Yoshida Kanetomo and their historical and intellectual background. Thereby it addresses the general question to which extent Yoshida Shinto implied a new consciousness of Shinto as an autonomous religion. It is well known among experts of Japanese religion that Yoshida Shinto was heavily influenced by Buddhism and Taoism alike. The author argues, however, that there is a tendency to underestimate the degree, by which these influences were integrated into a comprehensive religious system that also involved indigenous ("Shinto") elements, such as ritual and mythology. The study is the first monograph of Yoshida Shinto in a Western language and includes also translations of three important Yoshida texts. It contributes to the present discussion about the notion of "Shinto," which has become the object of a critical re-evaluation in Japan as well as in the West.

This is an updated version of "Taishō Volumes 18–21," in Charles D. Orzech, Henrik H. Sørensen, and Richard K. Payne, eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2011), pp. 27–36, together with the bibliography, which in the original publication was incorporated into the bibliography at the end of the volume. Last updated 11 April 2019.

Enshrined at Daigoji 醍醐寺 temple—one of the most important centers of Shingon esoteric Buddhism—is the female tutelary deity Seiryō (or Seiryū) Gongen 清瀧権現. Medieval texts depict her as a draconic goddess, usually the third daughter of the dragon king Shakara (Sk. Sāgara) 娑伽羅龍王. Traditions say that she physically traveled to Japan with Kūkai 空海 (774-835), and that her cult became particularly prominent at Daigoji after the temple was established by the Shingon monk Shōbō 聖宝 (835-909).
From the eleventh century to the middle ages, Seiryō Gongen appeared mostly within the context of rainmaking rituals. Such practices at Daigoji eventually fell out of favor during the late Kamakura period, but her cult did not lose its popularity. In fact, her name is frequently referenced in one major Muromachi source for the history of the Shingon school, the diary of the Sanbōin 三宝院 monk Manzei 満済 (also Mansai, 1378-1435).  As the abbot of Daigoji, Manzei conducted various rituals at the Seiryō shrines of Daigoji temple, such as recitations of sūtras, offerings, doctrinal discussions (dangi 談義), and even included Nō performances. He also was a central figure at the court of the Ashikaga shoguns, especially Yoshimitsu 義満 (1358-1408), and he played a crucial role in supporting their regime (Mori 2004).
This article will analyze Manzei’s Seiryō’s rituals and and replace them in the historical context of this goddess’s cult. After a presentation of Manzei’s activities, a return to the origins of the Seiryō worship will show the cult’s stability and evolution during Japan’s less-understood late Middle Ages. I will show how Manzei’s rituals, although they followed traditional patterns, also consecrated a gradual shift in the goddess’s role inside the Daigoji temple. This analysis will then allow for a discussion of the category of guardian deities in premodern Japan, as well as shed new light on the cult’s developments during the Edo period and beyond.

This is the first of three parts of a study of the particular interest shown by Sri Lankan Esoteric Buddhists, including the 8th century royalty, in Buddhist relics, especially those stupas enclosed in a pillared rotunda ('vatadage').  I note that these interests convene with a vein of 8th century Esoteric Buddhist textual material which also appreciates relic- and stupa- worship, and propose that the Sri Lankan vatadages may have served Sri Lankan Esoteric Buddhists in a legitimating role parallel to that of the 'Iron Stupa' legend employed by Esoteric Buddhists in contemporary East Asia.

The essay offers a lengthy examination of the Esoteric Buddhist activities and proclivities of King Manavarman (r. 684-718) and his descendants, and their very close relationship to the monastic ministers and advisers in the Abhayagirivihara.

This study investigates the sources of Japanese Buddhist astrology and astral magic while also examining their later developments, arguing that a significant amount of such arts actually originated in the Near East. Two types of Buddhist astrology are identified: “Mikkyō Astrology,” which was primarily used to determine auspicious days for rituals in Shingon and Tendai, and Sukuyōdō, the sole Japanese tradition to practice horoscopy. The role of astral magic within these Buddhist traditions is furthermore examined, with a particular focus on the Japanese reception of icons that in large part originated from Iranian sources that had been earlier received in Tang China. Finally, this study attempts to demonstrate the larger cultural significance of Buddhist astrology in medieval Japanese society.

Kotyk, Jeffrey. "Japanese Buddhist Astrology and Astral Magic: Mikkyō and Sukuyōdō." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 45, no. 1 (2018): 37-86.

What do dice and gods have in common? What is the relationship between dice divination and dice gambling? This interdisciplinary collaboration situates the tenth-century Chinese Buddhist "Divination of Maheśvara" within a deep Chinese backstory of divination with dice and numbers going back to at least the 4th century BCE. Simultaneously, the authors track this specific method of dice divination across the Silk Road and into ancient India through a detailed study of the material culture, poetics, and ritual processes of dice divination in Chinese, Tibetan, and Indian contexts. The result is an extended meditation on the unpredictable movements of gods, dice, divination books, and divination users across the various languages, cultures, and religions of the Silk Road.
Link: https://brill.com/view/title/59960

A study of Japanese Shingon Buddhist Cosmology, particular as it is represented in the Pilgrimage to 88 Temples in Shikoku. The paper describes the relationship of Shingon and the pilgrimage to Six Element theory, the Dual Mandala, the Three Mysteries, and Sokushin jōbutsu.

This is Revision 2 of a draft of Part 1 of my study of the ninth century Shaiva temple at Prambanan in Central Java.  It springboards off of Roy Jordaan's insightful vision of its elevated central courtyard serving as the temple's tirtha, conceptualized as the Ocean of Milk of Hindu cosmogonic myth.  I point out elements of support for Jordaan’s thesis.  (Of particular note for readers of prior versions of this essay is not only the discovery in two Lankan chronicles of their documented practice of periodically flooding the courtyard of the Ruwanweli stupa, some 800 years before Prambanan, but also the recent discovery of a temple in East Java that clearly demonstrates precisely the flooding of the temple courtyard that occurred at Prambanan.)  I then use new data about the imposing but long-forgotten statue of Brahma that was placed in the courtyard, as well as fresh observations from other Shaiva water sanctification sites in Java, Cambodia, and India, to argue the presence of a Prambanan sahasralinga system that functioned to consecrate the rainfall into the temple (as a Descent of the Ganges or Gangavatarana), as well as the presence of three instances of the 'Origins of Linga' (Lingodbhava) instantiated in the three principal temples.  I also suggest the presence of royal symbolism of King Sanjaya's dynasty, and argue that the entire Prambanan superstructure encodes a response to the Esoteric Buddhists who previously held sway in the kingdom, but who in the 840s and 850s had fallen into substantial discredit in other places in Buddhist Asia.
     
      Prior readers of earlier drafts will find that the first 10 sections are substantially the same although considerably amplified in a number of places, especially in the extensive and new final two subsections of Section 7.  In those two new subsections I take on the issues of Shaiva cosmogony that are evidently displayed at the very heart of the temple, with depictions of the cosmogonic Egg of Brahma poised in Shiva's hand and the commencement of both the apsara-executed tandava dance and the inferior Ramayana tale with its Ocean of Milk scene.  This subsection addresses the evidently important figure engraved above the entrance to the primary Shiva temple garbhagrha.  I propose that this figure is the demiserpent yogin Patanjali, pointing to the roughly contemporaneous painted depiction of that semilegendary figure at the Chidambaram temple of Shiva as Nataraja.  I evaluate the significance of Patanjali at the Prambanan temple, including his service as Shiva's principal devotee, promoter of Shiva's cosmic dance, and his prior incarnation as Ananta, the cosmic serpent upon whom Vishnu slumbers on the Ocean of Milk at the beginning of a Shiva's cosmic cycles.  I note that the lintel figure apparently gazes down upon Patanjali's own various manifestations and incarnations at the very heart of the Prambanan temple.  I suggest that the depiction of Patanjali as a demiserpent was a very effective display of his mythological role as the naga who facilitated and supported Shiva's regulation of space and time, even while in his role as primordial and preeminent yogin Patanjali shows the essential method of Shaiva soteriology, the yogic techniques of overcoming time to merge with Shiva.
     
      In the new Section 12 I resume the discussion of the indispensable yogin Patanjali, delving into the question of Patanjali's relationship to Patanjala and Agastya.  I conclude by considering afresh the question of the human skeleton found in the temple well underneath the Shiva statue of 'Candi B', evaluating it as the receptacle for Shiva's yoga-enabled incarnation in the world, the Kayavatarana episode as established in the Puranas, Pashupata legend, as well as in extant Shaiva literature from Java and Bali.
     
      The reader should note that to facilitate printing, the Figures are placed at the end of the essay but can be referenced in the main body of the text by their numbered captions.

Geoffrey C. Goble’s Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition is a fascinating study of the transformation during the Tang Dynasty of what he calls “esoteric Buddhism” into “Esoteric Buddhism”, a self-consciously new form of the imported Indian religion. In his “Introduction” Goble establishes the three important teachers, Subhakarasimha, (637-735 CE), Vajrabodhi (671-741 CE), and Amoghavajra (704-774 CE), and argues that the former two were “esoteric” teachers, while the last was an innovator with a “dual identity as Esoteric Buddhism master cum Imperial Buddhist administrator” (p. 13).

Kotyk, Jeffrey. “Yixing and Pseudo-Yixing: a Misunderstood Astronomer-Monk.” Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies 31 (2018): 1–37.

The present study argues that we must differentiate between the historical Yixing (673–727), an eminent Chinese monk, and the later legend that developed: a pseudo-Yixing, to whom various texts incorporating elements of astral magic and astrology were attributed. Scholars have not adequately differentiated between the historical Yixing and the later fictionalized figure, resulting in misunderstandings about the evolution of Buddhist astrology in China, and more specifically Yixing's role within it, in addition to the chronology of Buddho-Daoist interactions. This corrective study examines some Buddhist texts attributed to Yixing and proves that they are all products of the ninth-century.

This installment of my tripartite study of Esoteric Buddhism in the Sri Lanka of the late 7th through late 10th centuries focuses on two subjects.  The longest section addresses the Abhayagiri's 'Mahanetraprasada' arama and its relationship to the mysterious Eye Relic during both the Esoteric Buddhist period as well as the Shravakayana restoration under the primacy of the Mahavihara.  There is also an accounting of the vatadage sites, with particular emphasis on the vatadages at the Lankarama, the Ambasthala, and at Medirigiriya.  Finally, there is an attempt to provide a conspectus on the present state of understanding of the practice and influence of Esoteric Buddhism at the Abhayagirivihara and affiliated monasteries, as well as an assessment of the role of Buddha Relics in the 'state protection Buddhism' of the Vajrayana as practiced by such figures as Amoghavajra and, apparently, the Abhayagirivasins.  The Appendices are devoted to a close reading of the curious biography of Aggabodhi V and his association with padhanagharas and pamshukulika monks; a history of 80-year conflict between Rajarattha and the Cholas over the Pandya  that serves as background for understanding the Abhayagiri regulatory inscriptions of Kassapa V and Mahinda IV; and a short chronology of the significant events during the last century and a half of the Anuradhapura period.

This is a rather long paper (c. 270 pages) and the reader might benefit from the independent Table of Contents provided elsewhere on this site.

This edited volume advocates a trans-regional, and maritime-focused, approach to studying the genesis, development and circulation of Esoteric (or Tantric) Buddhism across Maritime Asia from the seventh to the thirteenth centuries AD. The book lays emphasis on the mobile networks of human agents ('Masters'), textual sources ('Texts') and images ('Icons') through which Esoteric Buddhist traditions spread.

Capitalising on recent research and making use of both disciplinary and area-focused perspectives, this book highlights the role played by Esoteric Buddhist maritime networks in shaping intra-Asian connectivity. In doing so, it reveals the limits of a historiography that is premised on land-based transmission of Buddhism from a South Asian 'homeland', and advances an alternative historical narrative that overturns the popular perception regarding Southeast Asia as a 'periphery' that passively received overseas influences. Thus, a strong point is made for the appreciation of the region as both a crossroads and rightful terminus of Buddhist cults, and for the re-evaluation of the creative and transformative force of Southeast Asian agents in the transmission of Esoteric Buddhism across mediaeval Asia.

A widespread scholarly opinion has sanctioned the view that ‘Hinduism’ in Java and Bali was fundamentally syncretic in character, forming a blend of Śaiva and Bauddha elements. What has been generally termed the ‘religion of Śiva-Buddha’ or ‘Hindu-Buddhist religion’ (in Indonesian ‘Agama Siwa-Buda’ or ‘Agama Hindu-Buda’), and ascribed to the Hindu-Buddhist era (jaman Hindu-Buda) of Javanese history, has been characterized in terms of ‘identity’, ‘syncretism’, ‘parallelism’ or ‘coalition’. The basic idea that my chapter tries to convey is that the nature of the equation of the paramount principles of Śaivism and Buddhism as expressed by a number of Old Javanese sources from the Singhasari-Majapahit period has not always been correctly grasped, and that alleged instances of “Javanese syncretism” should now be challenged.

This study surveys the presence of astrological determinism (i.e., the belief that celestial bodies influence or signal fated developments) within Indian Buddhism, from early literature until late-Tantra, in which passive belief in astrology is more often expected than rejected. It is argued that a tradition of ‘Buddhist astrology’ did, in fact, exist with a clear evolution over time. This demonstrates that many Buddhists were comfortable with astrology alongside a belief in karma. The increasing incorporation of astrological elements into Buddhist texts also reflects the growing appreciation of astrology in Indian culture over the course of the first millennium CE.

The argument is that the reception of Indian astronomical methods in Baghdad in the eighth century was conditioned by contact with the Tang court, where astronomers using the same Indian methods were already employed. The explanation sheds light on the connection between the exportation of Indian astrology and interest in esoteric Buddhism in China, on the one hand, and on the early background to the movement to translate Greek works into Arabic on the other.

This research analyses the images from Mogao and Yulin caves, which have been traditionally ascribed to Tibetan influence and believed to represent the early Tibetan style. Contrary to this common opinion, the author shows that these images are in fact influenced by Southern Indian art and in particular by the art of the Pallava kingdom in Tamil Nadu and closely affiliated with teachings introduced to China by Vajrabodhi (金刚智, 671-741), a renowned Buddhist master from the Pallava Kingdom, in the first half of the 8th century and specifically propagated in Hexi by Amoghavajra (不空 Bukong, 705-774) in the mid 8th century. He argues that these images belong to a distinctive artistic tradition, which was established by Vajrabodhi who was also known in China as a great painter. The presence of these images in artwork from the Tibetan period merely signifies the continuation of the artistic and religious trends that existed in Hexi before the Tibetan conquest. Furthermore, the article argues that the Tibetan conquest of the Hexi corridor enabled the Tibetan appropriation of Chinese religious and artistic trends, which were popular in the region. This conclusion well supports Christopher Beckwith's theory according to which the Tibetan adoption of Buddhism as a state religion was inspired by the Chinese model of state-protective Buddhism established by Amoghavajra.