Etruscan mythology

Benché la Tomba François al suo interno sia piena di affreschi con raffigurazioni splendide di uomini e di gesta, difficilmente chi osserva non sarà attratto dal più esteso e dettagliato fregio animalistico dell'arte antica. Ritengo che sul fregio di Vulci, per il contesto in cui è rappresentato, per le scene che riporta e per le immagini in queste sembianze, vi sia molto su cui riflettere. Come detto, le presenze, le movenze, le caratteristiche di una tale raffigurazione sembravano molto più che peculiari, per una serie di motivi. Prima di tutto la grande varietà delle fiere rappresentate negli atteggiamenti, nella forma e nei colori ognuno peculiare a sé stesso. Inoltre se si osserva attentamente, come sottolineato da molti studiosi, le azioni e le scene di aggressione si trovano sempre sopra le porte. Si è parlato di rappresentazioni che rievocano la vita e la morte, ma per una tomba come quella François in cui per la prima ed ultima volta nella storia etrusca appaiano soggetti storici, mi sembra riduttivo riportare un grande fregio di questo tipo solo ad una questione evocativa di tipo trascendentale.

A pochi mesi dalla conclusione della mostra "EROI ETRUSCHI E MITI GRECI gli affreschi della Tomba François tornano a Vulci", viene proposto un resoconto che possa aiutare coloro che vogliono approfondire e "rivedere" la tomba dagli occhi di chi ha visto lo splendore di quel monumento. La mostra è nata da una idea il Professor Bernard Andreae e della Soprintendente per i Beni Archeologici dell'Etruria Meridionale, Anna Maria Moretti, con il Bucerius Kunst Forum di Amburgo. La città tedesca è stata la prima ad ospitare la mostra: "Gli Etruschi. Lusso per l'Aldilà. Immagini della vita, immagini della morte" (12 Febbraio -16 Maggio 2004), nella quale i visitatori, hanno potuto ammirare l'intero ciclo pittorico dei dipinti della più celebre tra le tombe etrusche, la Tomba François di Vulci, accuratamente restaurato per la circostanza. Dalla Germania sarebbe dovuto giungere a Roma a Villa Poniatowsky, depandances di Villa Giulia del Polo Museale Etrusco. Ma, "per motivi contingenti", questo progetto non si è potuto realizzare. Come accade spesso le cose migliori nascono dalla necessità: era doveroso quindi restituire il ciclo pittorico al luogo di provenienza. L'esposizione nel Castello della Badia, sede del Museo Archeologico di Vulci (Canino, VT), si è protratta per quasi un anno ricollegando virtualmente le pitture al luogo del monumento di origine, la Tomba dei Saties, che era possibile visitare subito dopo, la visione degli affreschi. L'itinerario e la visita alla Tomba François o Tomba dei Saties erano così suddivisi: Castello della Badia 1a) Padiglione nel cortile -Affreschi: pannelli figurati, decorazione a meandri, fregio animalistico, 1b) Museo -Frammenti di stucchi intonaco recuperati nel 1930 dipinti decorativi, rilievo di Charun; 2) Luogo della Tomba -dromos, ingresso, tomba arcaica, tomba classica, camere di deposizione, stucchi; 3) Area della Città di Vulci. Nella mostra, la Tomba François era stata ricostruita tramite un supporto ligneo delle stesse misure e della stessa forma della camera sepolcrale, nelle pareti innalzate a grandezza originale sono stati inseriti i diciotto pannelli originali restaurati per l'occasione. Solo in questo modo i visitatori hanno potuto rivivere il momento della scoperta della tomba.

who prophesied destruction of Troy, image and name on mirror DM AECAI DM-6 aegis, shield, L. aegis-idis, See also EGIS (EbIS) AEKiS Z-46 bronze, metal, L. aes, aeris, AES XA-36, XB-35 Jason, leader of the Argonauts, shown in mirror DF-3, where Orestes is pictured murdering his mother. (See NATHOM) AEITHEON (AEIΘVN), DF-4 age, a lifetime, time of life, age, persons of a particular age, L. aetas-atis, as in "aetas puerilis," puerilis, boys, AETOS (AETVS) CCH-4 age, lifetime, L. aetas-atis; It. agio; Fr. Âge, to go, AGE (AbE) R248, R334 age, lifetime (L. aetas-atis; It. agio; Fr. Âge

Etruscan, the language of the people that dominated central and northern Italy from prehistoric time until the rise of Rome, has hitherto not been entirely deciphered. The riddle posed by the nature of the tongue of the early masters of Rome remains a permanent irritant; the more so since the solution to this enigma would help shed a new light on the early history of Mediterranean civilisation. The present approach focuses on a structural comparison of Etruscan with the South-Caucasian (Kartvelian) language family. We find a complete concordance with Kartvelian of the whole system of the attested Etruscan casual terminations, but also an identity of their usage, which is so unusual and complex as to exclude any explanation by coincidence. We also find a compelling number of core cognates and the possibility of applying a typological cross-verification: by using grammatical patterns from one of the two compared systems one is able to predict similar patterns in the other.

Keywords: Rjabchikov, archaeoastronomy, writing, solar eclipses, Pythagoras, Greek, Etruscan, Etruria, Egypt, Italy

This paper was first read by the author on the scientific session of the Sergei Rjabchikov Foundation – Research Centre for Studies of Ancient Civilisations and Cultures, January 13, 2014, Krasnodar, Russia.

This work on the Piacenza Liver (previously published May 9, 2006 on Etruscan Phrases, maravot.com) is based upon three different photos – showing different angles – and a common transliteration found on the internet. Through the three different views I was able to correct the common transliteration seen on most sites on the Piacenza Liver. There are parts of the liver that are still hard to read, and a better photo of the bronze would be helpful in this regard. Piacenza liver rendition by Mel Copeland, correcting some errors from renderings found on the internet

Funde, Eigennamen und Schriftzeichen beweisen Roms lange Zugehörigkeit zur etruskischen Kultur. Die historisch faßbaren Anfänge des Etruskertums in Italien fallen mit der mythischen  Gründungzeit Roms (datiert auf 753 v. Chr.) zusammen. Die Sage berichtet vom korinthisch-etruskischen Ursprung der letzten römische Könige und von Einfällen der Etrusker unter dem König von Clusium Lars Porsenna nach dem Sturz der Tarquinier.  Die zwei römischen Gründungsmythen, die Äneas- und die Romulus-Sage, bezeugen die enge Verbindung Roms mit den etruskischen Nachbarn. Von den sieben sagenhaften Königen Roms, von Romulus bis Tarquinius Superbus, waren vier etruskischer Herkunft. Romulus ist der mythische Ahnherr der *Ruma, eines aus lat. Roma erschlossenen Geschlechternamens. Die erschlossene etruskische Form von Romulus lautet *Rumle. Von ihm leiten sich auch die Gentilizien Romulius bzw. Romilius ab. Auf die Romulii oder Romilii ist auch die erste der  sechzehn ältesten römischen Landtribus, die Romulia zurückzuführen. Remus gilt als der Ahnherr der Remmii, eines Geschlechts, das es wohl im ältesten Rom gegeben haben muß. Dem Gentilnamen liegt der etruskische Name  Rem-ne oder Rem-ni zugrunde. Von diesem Gentilizium leiten sich in und um Rom die Toponyme Rem-ona und Rem-oria her. Tyrrhener  und Römer wurden von den Griechen häufig synonym benutzt: Tyrrhenoì  è Rhomaîoi („Tyrrhener oder Römer“), ebenso wie Tyrrhenía è Italía. Einige Sprachelemente seien zusätzlich genannt: Im Etruskischen lauten die Namensbezeichnungen für Rom Ruma, für Römer Rumach, für Troja Truia, für Trojaner Truial. In der Frühzeit herrschte ein Priesterkönig (lauchme oder lochume, lat. lucumo) in jeder etruskischen Stadt, ein Titel, der möglicherweise auf die Heilskönige und Richter der nordostgeorgischen Bergstämme verweist, die häufig den Namen Luchumi trugen.

Das etruskische Erbe Roms gelangte erst Jahrhunderte später, während des Humanismus und in der Renaissance wieder zum Vorschein. Bei der Hinwendung zur Antike in der Rinascita spielte in der Toskana und in Latium, vor allem in Florenz und Viterbo, die Etruscheria, die Begeisterung für die Etrusker, eine besondere Rolle. Das Etruskertum diente als Modell gesellschaftlicher Erneuerung und fand Eingang in die kulturellen Programme der Renaissancefürsten, nicht zuletzt  der Medici. Der römische Baumeister Vitruv hatte  in seinem Augustus gewidmeten Werk De architectura  die tuskische Säulenordnung beschrieben. Diese Schrift regte die Renaissancearchitekten Andrea Palladio und Giorgio Vasari an. Der Palladianismus bildet zwei Jahrhunderte später eine der wichtigsten Stilrichtungen des Klassizismus. Durch die Lektüre von Palladio inspiriert, errichtete Thomas Jefferson sein Haus „Monticello“ mit toskanischem Portikus – die  erste toskanische Villa in der Neuen Welt.  Den Etruskern verdankt das  abendländischen Denken  schließlich  eine zentrale Kategorie – die Person.

The following are preliminary declension tables of the Etruscan language. As the glossary, grammar and declension tables are studied they will be corrected. For reference purposes we have included the Latin cases which may or may not apply. This document is to be used in connection with "Etruscan Phrases" spreadsheet Etruscan_GlossaryA.xls, which is our working document that most easily displays the data we need to examine and refine. Women's names from mirrors or paintings are highlighted in blue; men's names are red. The name TARKONOS is quite revealing, since it refers to Tarquin, a king from Tarquinia. The suffix, "os," is also in the name of Tarquin's wife, THANIKOILOS. Her name is in a short text, Script A, indicating the place of her tomb. His name is on a mirror, Script DL, that shows several people examining a liver. The script refers both to Tarkonos and the Tarquins (TA RKIE) -a plural suffix. The suffix, "ei," is common to other words that probably are of feminine gender, such as Helen of Troy's name, ELENEI and the name of Persephone (Etr. PERSIPHNEI) The suffix "os or us" is neuter singular, whereas "ei" appears to be feminine singular. "os" and "on" are suffixes that mark the Second Declension of Greek; and "us" marks the Second and Fourth Declensions, nominative and genitive singular, in Latin.

It has been forty-one years since I presented my initial work on the Etruscan language to the curator of the Louvre Museum in Paris, France. It was about this time of the year and at the time I was thirtyeight years old. The curator kindly met with me but was not able to help me beyond suggesting meeting with some professors at the Sorbonne University. I was looking, of course, for the scholastic world s interest in the work and help in pursuing it in detail. I went to the Sorbonne without any positive result. I had been working then on the Etruscan language for about ten years, having been curious about Michael Ventris decipherment of Linear B, a writing system used in Crete by the Mycenaean civilization. Having spent some time on it and Linear B (which continues to be undeciphered, I switched to the examination of a curious Etruscan lead tablet called the Magliano Disk which had an inscription in the form of a spiral or meander. The Magliano Disk has been date to be around 500 B.C. Another document like the Magliano Disk is the Phaistos Disk which dates to 2,000 B.C. The Magliano Disk prompted me into searching out all of the Etruscan texts I could find, the results of which are provided on my Etruscan Phrases web pages. All written documents are intended to be understood and assume that the reader knows the value of the characters used to communicate the ideas expressed in a document. The Etruscan characters posed a unique problem, since they are almost the same as the Roman or Western alphabet and one is tempted to assign the values we know and understand to the Etruscan writings. But there is a problem with this, since the Etruscan writing often did not separate characters, phrases, or sentences, and separating distinct words in the texts is a challenge. Complicating the reading of the texts is the problem peculiar to Phoenician and later Hebrew texts where vowels are omitted. The omission of vowels in the Etruscan texts, however, did not appear to be systematic. The values of the Etruscan characters turn out to be not the same as our alphabet. The V, for instance, is not the Roman v but used as a u and o. The Etruscan F is interesting since it serves both as a consonant and a vowel. It is a v and a u, as in the word for Dionysus, Bacchus, L. Euias, Euan, which is Etruscan EFAIS, Euais. Euan is Etruscan EFAN. These and other similar relationships will be seen in the Copeland-English-Etruscan Dictionary (as well as the Etruscan Glossary A). In any event, it is now October 17, 2022 after preparing the Introduction to the Etruscan Language and further pursing the draft findings of this document, identifying specific declension and grammatical applications, another document has grown out of the work which is the Copeland-English-Etruscan Dictionary. It has been compiled using a worksheet at the end of this document called the Etruscan Glossary. Since the Etruscan Glossary is an excel spreadsheet, it could be used to organize refine and translate the Etruscan words of the Etruscan texts. Associated with preparation of the Etruscan Glossary is my Indo-European Table1 which is in 11 parts, available on academia.edu at: Introduction to the Etruscan language 2 https://www.academia.edu/35148685/Etruscan_Phrases_Indo_European_Table_1_Update_02_06_22_ The purpose and function of the table can be easily discerned by one s first look at the table and its succeeding 10 parts. Its 11 parts can also be easily accessed at: http://www.maravot.com/indo-european_Table.html. The Indo-European Table is not what I intended it to be, for it has grown into a table and worksheet on Eurasian languages. Each language represented in the Table reveals relationships that may be surprising. For instance, those who are interested in the origins of certain English words will see entries on origins (taken from The Concise American Heritage Dictionary, 1987 Houghton-Mifflin Company. Many of the English source or origin entries may not be correct, as will be seen in the Table. What does all this have to do with the Etruscans, who date from about 1,000 B.C. in Tuscany, Northern Italy? A good part of the English language derives from Latin, and Latin is very closely related to Etruscan (an older civilization that the Latin/Roman civilization). Civilizations influence on another, either by trade or conquest or both. We know the relationship of English-Latin, or French-Latin, etc. because of the Roman conquests. The Etruscan-Latin relationship is more perplexing, since the Etruscans had an established civilization long before, hundreds of years before, Rome came into existence. There were Latin-speaking tribes that were neighbors of the Etruscans but since the relationship between them and the Etruscans was before Rome came into existence we can t speak to the history of the Etruscans and Latin-speaking people. Could they understand one another? It s hard to say. We can assume that old Latin was closer to Etruscan than Roman Latin. The name of Hercules, for instance, in Etruscan is HERCLE, in old Latin it appears to be the same. In French the name of Hercules is Hercule. There is a possibility that we can write a history the Etruscan world from the Etruscan point of view and that is through the translation of the Etruscan texts. This leads you to the Copeland-English-Etruscan Dictionary, currently in preparation. There are 136 pages in the document and growing, as I convert the Etruscan Glossary A data into a working dictionary. The final Etruscan dictionary will be in excess of 300 pages, estimated to include about 3,000 words.

Reviews:
Journal of Roman Archaeology 31.2 (2018) 563–567 [N. De Grummond]; Etruscan Studies 20.1 (2017) 100–107 [I. Edlund-Berry]; Opuscula Romana 10 (2017) 190–91 [F. Tobin]; American Journal of Archaeology [online] 122.3 (2018) [L. Taylor]; Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2018.04.41 [V. Riedemann Lorca].

Thanks to the increasing multidisciplinary approach to the analysis of votive contexts, a meaningful amount of information about both archaeological finds and associated faunal remains is available, giving way to interpretations about cults and sacrificial practices. This paper deals with the filling of different categories of “cavities” included in Etruscan sacred areas: the deep ones providing a connection with the underworld (mainly holding a primary hydraulic function); the wide ditches and the artificially delimited hollow spaces. In spite of the uneven quality of published data, this paper attempts to discuss and highlight their possible meaning and common distinctive features, taking into account their stratification, the sequence of operations involved and the evidence of specific rituals performed during the definitive land filling.

Excavations carried out in the Ager Faliscus in the last twenty years of the 19th century during the survey for the Carta Archeologica d’Italia, were hampered by severe difficulties which are reflected in the incomplete publication of the necropolises, also due to the systematic sack of the tombs by illegal diggings. This did not allow those who approach the study of the funerary contexts of this territory to offer precise data on the composition of the grave goods and on the aspects of the ritual. Moreover, in many cases it was impossible to get information about the composition of the grave goods, considering the long use of the chambers, which host many generations between the 6th and the first half of 3rd century BC.
Nevertheless, in some cases it is possible to reconstruct the presence of child burials thanks to the reduced dimensions of the loculi or for the use of special sarcophagi. It is also sometimes possible to recognize objects suggesting the young age of the deceased. This paper aims at presenting these cases from Falerii and the smaller centers of its territory, in an attempt to identify any recurring characteristics that respond to specific requests of a ritual nature, highlighting on the other hand the poor
visibility of the burials of children in the Faliscan area.

The traditional view of a clear break after the Roman conquest of Veii in 396 BC. has been around for some time questioned by re-evaluating the passage of Livy (6. 4. 4) and on the basis of a careful reading of the
archaeological data.
The research conducted by Sapienza University of Rome in the urban area within the framework of the Veii Project and the data emerging from the recent excavations conducted by the Superintendency in the southern sector of the territory allow to reflect again and with more up-to-date tools on the problem of continuity / discontinuity of the life of the great Etruscan city in the phase of “Romanization”.

Between the fifth and fourth centuries BC the Etruscan city of Spina, founded at the mouth of the Po on the Adriatic, weaves such a close relationship with the Greek people that it established a thesauros in Delphi and became a privileged partner of Athens. Ancient literary sources remember it as polis hellenis. Its cemeteries have been officially excavated since 1922. Several thousand burials have been discovered. In many of them there are vases with Attic red-figured pottery. The present work aims to understand if the Etruscans of Spina are able to understand the iconographic lexicon used by Athenian potters and if they assign it the same semantic value. In particular, the work focuses on an Attic red-figured kylix from tomb 503 in Valle Trebbra, depicting the mythical episode of Danaë abandoned with her son Perseus in a chest on the sea by the will of her father Acrisio, king of Argon. The study of the other vases with the same scene shows that the myth of Danaë and
Perseus was widespread in the Italian peninsula where it could be a reference to the idea that no man can escape his fate.

Updated attached exel file only, 3.09.2024. Updated to include corrections of mirrors. One mirror carries the name TIRANAII (Tyrhenni).  It is the oldest extant document containing the name Herodotus referred to and may predate Herodotus' "Histories." The Etruscan Glossary A spreadsheet presents 2,800 individual words from the major extant Etruscan texts. The texts contain a total word count of 6,000+ words, about 4,000 of which are repetitious. The Etruscan Glossary also sheds light on Etruscan declension and conjugation patterns that are similar to Latin, French & Italian. The glossary accounts for all of the 6,000+ words in the texts, including  the Zagreb Mummy wrapping and important grammatical and mythological data contained in Etruscan mirrors. Each word in the glossary has alphanumeric locators showing exactly where they are used in the cited texts.

La natura solare della dea etrusca Cavaθa e la sua identità con la divinità recente Caθ(a) sono state più volte affermate o negate dagli studiosi nel corso degli anni. Nel presente contributo, l’A. sulla base delle testimonianze epigrafiche ed iconografiche disponibili, cui si aggiunge il riesame della glossa etrusca καυτά(μ) nel cosiddetto ‘Dioscoride alfabetico primario’ quale equivalente del latino solis oculus, torna a dimostrare che con buona probabilità la religione etrusca conosceva una figura divina solare connotata al femminile. Passa quindi in rassegna i possibili casi di opposta connotazione sessuale delle divinità astrali etrusche rispetto alle corrispondenti del mondo classico: la divinità della luna, Tiu(r), e quella della notte, Cilens, entrambe in origine forse maschili; ma in generale con il passare del tempo la forza del modello culturale greco, iconografico e mitologico, sembra aver vinto le resistenze della tradizione etrusca.

The vital link between the site of Pyrgi and the town of Caere is highlighted by the many measures taken by the Etruscan town in order to turn the complex system of the settlement, the sanctuary and the harbour into the outpost of its political power and its enterprises in the Mediterranean Sea. The harbour of Pyrgi played a fundamental role in Caere’s political and military organization. The track of the road connecting Caere and Pyrgi demonstrates that the overall organization of its territory mainly aimed at connecting the town to its most
important harbour according to a model which is also attested in the Greek world (Athens, Corinth). As recorded by ancient authors, the archaeological system of Pyrgi is based on the
strict relation between the harbour and the sanctuary, as they had the same role in the international political context. The building and restoration projects of the central power regarding
the Northern Monumental Sanctuary clearly mirror the ideology of the metropolis through cultic aspects and decorative systems. According to the archaeological data, a crucial
stage for the reorganization of the littoral zone took place in the second half of the 6th century, soon after the battle of Alalia (540 BC). This operation implied progressive interventions
which are documented by recent excavations of the public complex north of the sacred area and culminated in the monumentalization of the Northern Sanctuary at the end
of the 6th century BC. By this time the sanctuary was surrounded by a precinct wall and included Temple B and other infrastructures such as a row of twenty small rooms (so called
“edificio delle venti celle”) and an open-air cult area (Area C). This ambitious urbanistic project was promoted and publicized by the tyrant Thefarie Velianas by means of the extraordinary
inscriptions of the golden tablets, thus conveying the image of his power to the Mediterranean world and those who attended the harbour. South of the Monumental Sanctuary
there was a minor sacred area that differs in its urbanistic features but shares the same building phases. The two sanctuaries were divided by a river course collecting the water
from a plentiful spring and possibly endowed with a cultic meaning. The political interference of the metropolis in the sanctuary of Pyrgi is surely expressed by the intentional
choice of diversifying the two areas and their divinities. The latter sacred area features small buildings and altars but also consecrated spaces where cults were performed, including
bothroi and votive deposits. As the many dedications point out, the Etruscan goddess Cavatha together with her chthonic male mate Suri was worshipped here. Such a couple of local deities, which is attested by a great number of Etruscan inscriptions, does not conflict with the Greek features of the manifestations of the cult, for example the offering of huge Attic (“jumbo”) vases. Such manifestations testify the intended openness towards Greek worshippers who have also dedicated some votive gifts in their own language to goddesses such as Demeter and maybe Kore.

The Pyrgi Gold Tablets are one of the most popular Etruscan texts, principally because they include two tablets written in Etruscan and a third tablet written in Punic. Thus, the tablets are the only known Etruscan texts that offer an opportunity for a bi-lingual translation.  We know from the Punic translation that the document involves a dedication to Astarte/Ishtar, and thus we would expect a like dedication in the Etruscan texts.  The Etruscan texts offer more than a discussion on Astarte or her Etruscan equivalent, Uni.  The dedication refers to the month of May and the Heraean Games instituted in Olympia, Greece about the 6th century B.C.  Because the Pyrgi event and dedication of a "tower" was in May, there may be a connection to the feast of Bona Dea. The earliest feast (or May Day) was instituted by Rome in the Republican era.  This document may thus record the earliest occurrence of the feast of Bona Dea and Heraean Games outside of Olympia, both events being open to women only.

The Etruscan language is noteworthy, since it is a dead language (reflecting a period 1100- 200 B.C.) and thus frozen in time.  Since it relates to the Latin language and declines very close to Latin, it gives us a window into the development and spread of Indo-European languages.  If the Etruscans migrated from Lydia/Phrygia, according to Herodotus, as a result of a drought after the Trojan War (~1180 B.C.) the Pyrgi/Etruscan corpus becomes more even significant, linking an Italic language to Anatolia.  The Pyrgi texts are important to proving the corpus of Etruscan texts.

Reviews:
Journal of Roman Archaeology 24 (2011) 512–15 [D. Ridgway]; Scholia 20.4 (2011) [R. Roth]; American Journal of Archaeology [online] 114.3 (2010) [S. Stoddart]; Antiquity 84:324 (2010) 565–67 [T. Rasmussen]; Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 85 (2010) 212–13 [B. van der Meer]; Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2010.02.32 [C. Smith]; Classical Review 60.2 (2010) 572–74 [L. Pieraccini].


Table of Contents

1. Between Crustumerium and Eretum: Observations on the First Iron Age Phases and the Finds from the Archaic Period / Paolo Togninelli

2. Civitalba and Roman Programs of Commemoration and Unification / Peter J. Holliday

3. Etruscan Cults in Roman Times: The Strange Ruins of Chianciano Terme / David Soren and Erin Nell

4. The Gods in the Circus / Carin Green

5. Far from Etruria: Etruscan Fakes in Japan / Stephan Steingräber

6. "Etruscan" Gold from Cerverteri (and Elsewhere) in the University of Pennsylvania Museum / Jean MacIntosh Turfa

7. From Crustumerium: A Proposal against Looting. Loans in Exchange for Resources for Preservation / Francesco di Gennaro

8. How Did Painters Create Near-Exact Copies? Notes on Four Center Paintings from Pompeii / John R. Clarke

9. Is Linear Perspective Necessary? / Jocelyn Penny Small

10. Some Thoughts on the Baubo Gesture in Classical Art / Larissa Bonfante

11. One More Etruscan Couple at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston / Marjatta Nielsen

12. Dueling Warriors on Two Etruscan Bronze Mirrors from the Fifth Century B.C.E. / Alexandra A. Carpino

13. The Blood of Animals: Predation and Transformation in Etruscan Funerary Representation / P. Gregory Warden

14. The Deified Deceased in Etruscan Culture / Giovannangelo Camporeale

15. On the Origin of the Vanth: Death Harbingers and Banshees in the Etruscan and Celtic Worlds / Anthony Tuck

16. Guests, Hosts, and Politics at Herculaneum / Carol C. Mattusch

17. The Lost Iter Hetruscum of Athanasius Kircher (1665-78) / Ingrid Rowland

18. Ingrid Edlund-Berry, Larthi, Turms, and Vel: Real Etruscans in Modern Fiction"

Непосреден повод за настанокот на оваа статија се неколку археолошки наоди од територијата на Република Македонија кои потекнуваат од разни епохи. Во првиот случај станува збор за керамички сад од римскиот период, пронајден во Стоби и обликуван во вид на глава на маж (сл. 1, 2). Во вториот, се работи за пар златни обетки од хеленистичкиот период, откриени во Марвинци (Валандовско), во чии чашки се всадени машки глави изведени од природен кристал или стакло (сл. 15). Третиот и четвртиот пример се два неолитски предмети од керамика и тоа една култна статуета (сл. 18, 19) и нога од пехар (сл. 20) на кои е исто така прикажан човечки лик. За сиве наоди е зедничко тоа што претставените ликови имаат доминантен нос кој е потенциран со својата големина т.е. волумен или должина. Ова обележје беше повод, наведените предмети да се анализираат заедно, со цел да се пронајде смислата поради која на нив претставените ликови носат ваков необичен детаљ. Во текот на истражувањата, анализите ги проширивме и на некои традиции од македонскиот и пошироко -на балканскиот и источноевропски фолклор (преданија за тоа како Св. Трифун си го отсекол носот).

In the context of an overall study of the production of the bucchero in Veii, the still unpublished materials found in the
excavations of Enrico Stefani in the eastern sector of the sanctuary of Portonaccio bear witness of the level of the local
workshops and of the existence of productions specifically intended for the attendance of the sacred area. Among these,
a two-faced female protome applique with a polos decorated with a cervid, perhaps pertaining to the decoration of a
piece of furniture, may be interpreted as a precious image of Artemis, adding to other evidences of the devotion to the
goddess in the great suburban sanctuary of Veii.