FYROM

This publication - The Balkan Human Corridor - is a
collection of essays from scholars and opinion
makers in Southeast Europe. Contributing authors
explore some of the thorniest issues concerning national
capacity and security. Our publication is offered to
policy-makers in concerned countries, as well as
leaders in Northern and Western Europe who are
grappling with the national and collective response to
the crisis. The publication is part of a broader project
undertaken by the Program on Peace-building and
Rights at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study
of Human Rights. The ‚Southeast Europe Dialogue
Project‛ fosters contact, communication, and
cooperation between officials, politicians, journalists,
and civil society in Athens and Skopje. The Project
seeks to derive practical benefits for civil society. It also
tries to create an improved climate conducive to
resolution of bilateral issue.

The main objective of this thesis is to evaluate migration subject within the framework of the “Free Migration” which was occurred between Yugoslavia and Turkey in which the subject had been one of the most important issues of Turkish Foreign Policy and its agenda in 1950s. In this study, migration phenomenon and approaches of source and target states’ foreign policies have been correlated in terms of Turkish foreign policy and evaluated throughout free migrants from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to Turkey. The research has been conducted in the light of the Republic of Turkey state archive documents, the literature on migration studies and interviews done with the free migrants from different parts of Macedonia region of Yugoslavia living in İzmir. However, the cause and effects of migration to Turkey challenge during the migration, and dynamics of the national and international developments of the era has been examined as part of the relationship between migration and foreign policy. Special attention has particularly been paid to the quantities, demographic distributions, social coherence and challenges of free migrants.

This document, intended as a resource for researchers, is derived from the thesis "The Partisans’ Cemetery in Mostar, Bosnia & Herzegovina: Implications of the deterioration of a Monument and Site", defended at the Raymond Lemaire International Centre for Conservation, Faculty of Engineering Sciences, KU Leuven, Belgium, in September 2013.

It discusses the architectural works of Bogdan Bogdanović (1922-2010) throughout the Former Yugoslavia, and gives an introduction to his opus by giving a brief description of each monument; its key architectural and landscape elements, history, and reason for construction. Alongside these details, the names given to the monuments (many lack an official name), both in various literature and colloquially are stated, and a summary of the protection laws currently covering the monument is given. The condition of the monument, and activities currently carried out at the site (both of a commemorative nature and otherwise) are also detailed.

A copy of the full thesis can be obtained from the author upon request.

Η φήμη, η αξιοπιστία και η διεθνής εικόνα κάθε κράτους αποτελεί  παράγοντα ισχύος όσο και πηγή κινδύνου. Η οικονομική κρίση συντέλεσε στην κατάρρευση της διεθνούς εικόνας και της αυτό-εικόνας της Ελλάδας. Η έξοδος από την κρίση απαιτεί την αποτελεσματική διαχείριση της εικόνας της χώρας και προϋποθέτει τη συστηματική αναζήτηση των παραγωγικών αιτιών διαμόρφωσης αυτής της εικόνας. Η πολυδιάσπαση των θεωριών, των φορέων και των προσπαθειών που αφορούν στη διαχείριση της εικόνας των χωρών δημιουργούν την ανάγκη για γόνιμο διάλογο και προβληματισμό.

Το βιβλίο εστιάζει στη στρατηγική επικοινωνία, την ήπια ισχύ και τον ρόλο των διεθνών μέσων ενημέρωσης. Καλύπτει θεματικές όπως οι διεθνείς δημόσιες σχέσεις, η δημόσια διπλωματία, η πολιτιστική διπλωματία, το λόμπι, το nation branding, τη διπλωματία των πολιτών, τη λειτουργία του μηχανισμού παραγωγής των ειδήσεων, τον ρόλο των διεθνοπολιτικών αφηγήσεων και  υην επίδραση των γεγονότων,  των κομματικών στρατηγικών και της εσωτερικής πολιτικής σκηνής. Στόχος είναι να ανασυγκροτηθεί ένα κατακερματισμένος χώρος προβληματισμού και δράσης σε ενιαίο πεδίο προσφέροντας μία χρηστική εργαλειοθήκη εννοιών, αναλυτικών εργαλείων και τεχνικών. Παράλληλα γίνεται προσπάθεια  να χτιστούν επιστημονικές γέφυρες ανάμεσα στα επιμέρους πεδία της Επιστήμης της Επικοινωνίας και των Διεθνών Σχέσεων συνεισφέροντας με τον τρόπο αυτό στην συγκρότηση του πεδίου της Διεθνούς Πολιτικής Επικοινωνίας. Η σύνθεση περιεχομένων του βιβλίου αποτελεί την πρώτη φάση μίας συστηματικής προσπάθειας σύζευξης των πεδίων της Πολιτικής Επικοινωνίας, της Διεθνούς Επικοινωνίας και των επιμέρους υποπεδίων της Στρατηγικής Επικοινωνίας  με τις Διεθνείς Σχέσεις, με επίκεντρο την μελέτη της εικόνας των κρατών.

Στο αρχείο παρατίθενται τα περιεχόμενα και το εισαγωγικά σημείωμα του βιβλίο καθώς και οι πρώτες σελίδες από το αρχικό κεφάλαιο

MEMOIRS OF THE HUNGARIAN DIPLOMAT SÁNDOR KISS-NEMESKÉRI OF BULGARIA AND THE BULGARIANS

P. Peykovska

(Summary)

The Hungarian diplomat S. Kiss-Nemeskéri is one the forgotten personalities of the interwar period who had left a significant mark although he had not been able to play a decisive role in the international politics. He had worked in Bulgária for more than 10 years: with a short interruption from 1912 when he was appointed an economy expert in Sofia, to 1929 when he had already the Statute of a Hungárián royal diplomatic agent. From that time on till 1937 he had been a diplomatic agent first in Stockholm, then in Helsinki being accredited at the same time to the three Baltic countries of Estonia, Lithuania and Lat Via. Being unusually colourful and all-round man, S. Kiss published at the end of the 1930-es and at the beginning of the 1940-es his memoirs of his diplomatic service in several volumes where his impressions of Bulgária occupied a considerable place. His book of memoirs titled “In a hurry. From the Memoirs of a Hungárian Diplomat” and published in Budapest in 1940, is the most interesting one from a historical point of view. A part of those memoirs is published here, although in a concise form, with a view to its importance for the Bulgárián history. The memoirs reveal the history of Austro-Hungarian-Bulgarian diplomatic relations as well as the Hungarian-Bulgarian ones of the pe¬riod from 1912 to 1929. They reflect his impressions of the meetings with Alexander Stamboliiski and King Boris, of the public life in Bulgária in the 1920-es and particularly of the Reparations’ committees, of the assault at the „Sveta Nedelya” Cathedral, of the presence of the Russian emigrants in Bulgária, of some episodes of the Macedonian movement. The  memoirs are being published in Bulgárián for the first time.

ВОСПОМИНАНИЯ ВЕНГЕРСКОГО ДИПЛОМАТА ШАНДОРА КИША-НЕМЕШКЕЙРИ О БОЛГАРИИ И О БОЛГАРАХ

П. Пейковска

(Резюме)

Венгерский дипломат Шандор Киш-Немешкейри является одной из забытых личностей межвоенного периода, которые хотя и не имевшие решающую роль в международной политике, оставили свой значительный след. Он работал в Болга¬рии более десятилетия: с 1912 г., когда был назначен экономическим экспертом в Софии, с небольшими перерывами до 1929 г., когда уже пользовался статутом вен¬герского королевского дипломатического агента. После этого, до 1937 г. работал дипломатическим агентом сначала в Стокгольме, потом в Хельзинки, где являлся одновременно аккредитованным при трех балтийских странах Естонин, Литвы и Латвии. Чрезвычайно колоритный и всесторонне развитый человек, в конце 30-х и начале 40-х годов века Шандор Киш издает в нескольких книгах свои мемуары о времени дипломатической работы, где значительное место находят его впечатле¬ния о Болгарии. С исторической точки зрения наибольший интерес представляет его мемуарная книга „Наспех. Из воспоминаний одного венгерского дипло-мата”, вышедшая в Будапеште в 1940 г.
В настоящей публикации предлагаем в сокращенном виде часть этих воспо¬минаний ввиду их исторической значимости дли болгарской истории. Они являются своеобразной историей австро-венгерско-болгарских и венгерско-болгарских диплома¬тических взаимоотношений за период 1912-1929 гг. В частности мемуары отражают впечатления Ш. Киша со встречи с Александром Стамболийским и царем Борисом, об общественной жизни у нас в 20-х годах века - комиссии по репарациям, поку¬шение в церкви Св. Недели, присутствие русских иммигрантов, моменты македон¬ского  движения. Мемуары выходят в свет впервые на болгарском языке.
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Punimi ka për qëllim studimin dhe analizimin e kulturës politike në vendet e Europës Lindore, konkretisht, në Shqipëri dhe Maqedoni, në periudhën paskomuniste. Gjithashtu synon të tregojë (mos)suksesin e përfaqësimit politik në këto dy vende, të eksplorojë arsyet që qëndrojnë pas kësaj dhe hapat që duhen ndjekur në lidhje me përmirësimin dhe reformimin e kulturës politike. Pyetja qëndrore që shtron studimi është: si ka evoluar kultura politike në Shqipëri dhe Maqedoni? Ndërsa pyetje dytësore te të cilat rreket të hedhë dritë janë inter alia kush ndikon në përfaqësimin politik? Sa e ka penguar trashëgimia komuniste nivelin e përfaqësimit në këto vende? Pse këto dy vende me karakteristika të ndryshme kanë ngjashmëri përsa i përket stadit të kulturës politike?
Argumenti bazë është që kultura politike në të dy vendet ka vuajtur si rezultat i faktorëve të ndryshëm, si tradita politike, trajektorja e ndryshme e tranzicionit dhe konteksti i ndryshëm socio-kulturor, por me rezultante të njëjtë. Me një fjalë dhe duke përdorur Metodën e Dakordësisë së Millit, këtu ndërmerren dy raste vendesh të ndryshëm por me një variabël të varur të përbashkët: mungesa e maturimit të kulturës politike në periudhën pas-komuniste.
Përsa i përket metodologjisë, së pari është identifikuar niveli i dobët i kulturës politike në Shqipëri dhe Maqedoni duke e shpjeguar me disa nga faktorët kryesorë që kanë ndikuar dhe e pengojnë një çështje të tillë të përmirësohet. Së dyti, metodologjia e përdorur është kryesisht induktive nga realiteti tek teoria duke e shpjeguar fenomenin nga realiteti tek teoria për të rishikuar në mënyrë kritike teoritë ekzistuese dhe studiuar shkaqet pse kemi devijime te rasti i Shqipërisë dhe Maqedonisë, përsa i përket nivelit të kulturës politike. Këtu kam përdorur vençarisht analizë ligjërimi dhe përmbajtje, si dhe nëpërmjet vëzhgimit dhe studimit të proceseve (process-tracing) në periudha të caktuara të shoh nivelin e përfaqësimit dhe perceptimit të kulturës politike në të dy vendet.

This chapter analyses the development of the position and approach of the Cyprus government to EU enlargement to the Western Balkans. It is argued that over the past decade and despite the specificities of its political situation, a certain level of Europeanisation of Cyprus foreign policy has taken place. This evolution has influenced the way the Republic of Cyprus relates to the Western Balkans, in particular to Kosovo and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (fYROM)  – both trigger points to its national issue. Furthermore, its own experience of EU ‘transformative power’ has translated into Cyprus backing the Union’s further widening rather than be affected by the ‘enlargement fatigue’ that characterises other EU member states. Yet, the weight of the Cyprus conundrum and to a much lesser degree its quest to be a good pupil at EU level, hinders the government’s ability to facilitate EU enlargement to the Western Balkans.

This first thematic study of the Peace and Security series focuses on European Union (EU) peacebuilding efforts in the Western Balkans. The series will make an annual evaluation of EU performance in the field of peace and security in a specific geographical region. Examining EU engagement in the Western Balkans, the study assesses the extent to which the Union has been able to transform and strengthen the region's governance, economy and resilience. The study is organised around three key inter-connected (and at times overlapping) phases in EU post-conflict peacebuilding − stabilisation, state-building and EU enlargement − to explain the strengths, weaknesses and limits of EU engagement. It ends with an assessment of the new EU strategy for the Western Balkans and analyses the potential to remedy past deficiencies and help move the region towards genuine, inclusive and sustainable peace. A parallel study, published separately, provides an overview of current EU action on peace and security and of the outlook for the future. The studies have been drafted with a view to their presentation at the Normandy World Peace Forum, in June 2018.

Η παρούσα συνοπτική ερευνητική επισκόπηση, έχει διττό στόχο. Αφενός να εισαγάγει τον αναγνώστη στους εθνοτικούς και ιστορικούς συσχετισμούς μεταξύ της Σλαβομακεδονικής πλειονότητας και της Αλβανικής μειονότητας στην Πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας, και αφετέρου να παρουσιάσει με περιεκτικούς και σύντομους όρους τη σύγκρουση μεταξύ τους, όπως αυτή εκτυλίχθηκε το 2001. Εστίαση κρίνεται πως θα πρέπει να υπάρξει στο status ante, προκειμένου να διερευνηθούν τα αίτια και οι αφορμές της κρίσης, ως αναπόσπαστο τμήμα της μετα-Γιουγκοσλαβικής Βαλκανικής πραγματικότητας, ενώ μνεία γίνεται και στους Διεθνείς Οργανισμούς και το σημαντικό ή και εξέχοντα ρόλο που διαδραμάτισαν προς την κατεύθυνση επίλυσης της κρίσης.
Τέλος, απαριθμείται  η προκυπτέα συμφωνία ειρήνευσης και συμφιλίωσης μέσω της πρωτογενούς εξέτασής της, ενώ αποτιμούνται τα οφέλη και οι προοπτικές που αυτή εξασφάλισε, όχι μόνο για τους γηγενείς πληθυσμούς, και τα ενδιαφερόμενα σε τοπικό επίπεδο κράτη, αλλά και για το ευαίσθητο αυτό τμήμα της Ηπείρου, που την εποχή της κρίσης αποτέλεσε μείζον πεδίο επέκτασης της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.

Manastır şehri hem Türk tarihi hem de Balkan tarihi açısından oldukça önemli bir şehir olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Şehre XIV. yy’da hâkim olan Türkler şehrin sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomik gelişiminde etkin roller oynamışlardır. Bu çerçevede Manastır ve çevresinde birçok eserler bırakan Türkler, şehrin basın-yayın hayatında da etkili olmuşlardır. Manastır’da yayınlanan birçok gazete ve dergi arasında İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti’nin bir yayın organı olarak ön plana çıkan gazetelerden birisi olması sebebiyle, biz de bu araştırmamızda Neyyir-i Hakikat Gazetesini ele aldık. Yayınlanmış olduğu 1324, 1325 ve 1326 yıllarının önemli siyasi ve sosyal olaylarına tanıklık eden gazete, taşıdığı tarihsel materyal açısından oldukça zengindir. Müdir-i Mesul: Vatan, Sahib-i İmtiyaz: Evlad-ı Vatan başlıkları ile yayımlanan Neyyir-i Hakikat Gazetesi toplam 317 sayı yayımlanmıştır. Bayezid Kütüphanesi Hakkı Tarık Us koleksiyonu ve Ankara Milli Kütüphane koleksiyonlarında tespit ettiğimiz sayılar dairesinde; öncelikle gazetenin tanıtımı, yayın politikası, yazarları ve şahit olduğu önemli tarihi olaylar karşısındaki tutumunu yansıtmaya çalışacağız.
Bitola, located both in terms of Turkish History and the History of the Balcans is a very important city. The Ottoman Turks, who dominate the city in XIV. century till 1912, have played active roles in social, cultural and economic development of Bitola. İn this context, Turks, who left also many works around Bitola, influenced life of the citys’s press.
İn this study we have discussed Neyyir-i Hakikat because it is one of the prominent journal of Union and Progress among many newspapers and magazines published in Macedonia.
Neyyir-i Hakikat, which was published in 1908, 1909, 1910 and 1911 that witnessed the major political and social events, has rich historical material. The journal was published with the titles that “Responsible Manager: Homeland, Grantee: Son of Homeland. We do not know exactly how many numbers of the newspaper published so that within the framework of the number that we found in collections of Ankara National Library, firstly try to reflect history of journal, it’s presentation, publication policy, authors and attitude towards the witnessed important events

Kosovo* and FYROM constitute two extremely important cases for Greek Foreign Policy. The rejection of five EU members – states, including Greece, to recognize Kosovo* as a state and the long- standing dispute over the name of FYROM,  creates uncertainty on the EU accession process of the former and has stalled the accession process of the latter. Furthermore, both cases are cases that raise national sensitivity and therefore it’s unlikely that any dramatic change will occur soon.

"The object of this study is to explore the image of Greece held
by the society of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, as
this has been created by two very important channels of
information: the media and the education system. The media
address the entire social body and have acquired increasing importance in the creation of social awareness; the education
system, is the traditional vehicle through which ideologies and the social consciousness of the new generation are shaped."

The present paper aims to present the status of the military cemeteries of the First World War in Macedonia region, in the Balkans, as a sample of common cultural heritage in this very area. In the introduction, there are certain points raised concerning mainly: the historical knowledge and report on the present condition of military cemeteries (as far as spatial organization, architecture and sculpture are concerned), the status of their contemporary function, as well as the relation between these monuments and both the local communities and the greater area. In addition, the framework of a corporate planning for the launching of the cemeteries in the countries of this area is also presented along with their incorporation in the contemporary urban environment, the promotion of scenarios and actions towards the cooperation of the two countries – where the monuments are traced– in order to facilitate and methodize the visitors' transportation there. Sommario

Cyprus' commitment to the European perspective of the Western Balkans is shaped by a range of factors. As well as balancing its national interests, it also aims to stand by a 'position of principles' on conflict issues. It equally seeks to be a reliable partner to the EU and move closer to its Western allies, while accommodating its Eastern ones. Nevertheless, over the last 10 years, Nicosia has Europeanised its policies and thinking. This has seen it reach out to Kosovo to try and build de facto relations. However, since the 'national problem' remains at the core of its foreign policy, relations with 'motherland' Greece are also key. This has in turn complicated dealings with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Overall, Cyprus remains more firmly focused on the Middle East, making it a rather peripheral actor in the Western Balkan countries' EU integration process.

Cyprus’ commitment to the European perspective of the Western Balkans is shaped by a range of factors. As well as balancing its national interests, it also aims to stand by a ‘position of principles’ on conflict issues. It equally seeks to be a reliable partner to the EU and move closer to its Western allies, while accommodating its Eastern ones. Nevertheless, over the last 10 years, Nicosia has Europeanised its policies and thinking. This has seen it reach out to Kosovo to try and build de facto relations. However, since the ‘national problem’ remains at the core of its foreign policy, relations with ‘motherland’ Greece are also key. This has in turn complicated dealings with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Overall, Cyprus remains more firmly focused on the Middle East, making it a rather peripheral actor in the Western Balkan countries’ EU integration process.

On 2/11/2023 ALL MY TWITTER ACOUNTS WERE SUSPENDED.
THIS CAME AFTER I STARTED PUBLICIZINFG INFO ON THE BIGGEST EVER RECRUITING/INTELLIGENCE CRIMINAL NETWORK IN GREEK ACADEMIA SET UP BY USEmbassy Athens and  f. U.S. Ambassador to Greece Geoffrey R. Pyatt! Following this I have been denied access to my LINKEDIN account, MY SOCIAL MEDIA & EMAIL ACCOUNTS WERE COMPROMISED!

2024 MEMO on Academic Freedom
Criminal Networks of Impunity in Greek Academia
PART I
In 2019 the University of Macedonia (Thessaloniki, Greece) Rector ordered an investigation after I publicly denounced a number of issues regarding transparency and criminal academic networks in academic affairs as well as massive cheating during final exams.
All these years the university authorities and at a later stage the Council of the institution did nothing to publicize the findings of the investigation despite my continuous requests. This very fact sets issues of rule of law and academic order.
In the meantime, I have been consistently targeted in many ways, while my car has been vandalized several times inside the university parking lot. I asked the then Dean (and former Rector) I. Kouskouvelis to take measures and condemn these acts, yet, his response was that this was Not falling within his administrative duties. I guess it was not within his moral, academic obligation to support a fellow academic under attack, either. This is indicative only of the level of democracy I have been cherished for years in University of Macedonia.
In an academic environment where students’ youth organization affiliated to Nea Dimokratia and PM K. Mitsotakis enjoy TOTAL IMMUNITY and IMPUNITY in massive cheating cases publicly acknowledged by students themselves in social media.
Eventually, it was the very same criminal milieu (DAP-UoM) that pulled the strings to change the Department of International and European Studies course load and turned every single obligatory course in 2nd, 3rd, and 4th years to ELECTIVE. Practically there is no obligatory course in the aforementioned years of study.
The initial proposal for this radical change was made by the then Dean I. Kouskouvelis honoured by today’s university authorities despite the fact that he is an INSTIGATOR TO A CRIME committed by a student upon his request. The student started collecting signatures in Google demanding my removal from the department a very aim set by DAP-UoM for years now. Eventually he was forced to confess in Court that its was I. Kouskouvelis who asked him to do so!
The aforementioned Dean, f. Rector and f. Head of the Department was a member of the local criminal network of Tectonic Hall of Thessaloniki, Greece. It is worth mentioning that he was acquitted in almost a dozen high profile legal cases (setting NGOs).
DAP-UoM (the New Democracy ruling party youth organization in tertiary education) had been enjoying full protection in all kinds of illegal behaviour. Hundreds (at least) have cheated during final exams, yet NO INVESTIGATION took place whatsoever! For years they allowed students to open books and simply copy info and answers during the exams (!) without a single student being punished!
Instead of an investigation the Rector of University of Macedonia Katranidis ordered an investigation against me for publicizing these acts. A punishment, an intimidation act for doing my duty as a Head of the Department.
Unlawfulness does Pay (indicative incidents-everything is documented)
1. A student carrying notes in the final exam room refused to handle his exam paper after he was caught cheating. Instead, he pushed back the exams supervisor, run to the exit and disappeared. NO student dared testify as they were intimidated. Students told me they knew who this person was, yet, they were afraid to speak up.
2. During class evaluation the forms were collected by an unknown student who had never been in class. The student picked up the forms and disappeared. I asked the Department Secretariat to inform me on his identity, yet, they refused to assist me on the grounds of this was personal data” not to be disclosed!
3. On another occasion a student filling in the evaluation form for that year’s classes was forced (upon my insistence) to reveal that he was NOT A STUDENT of the department. Eventually he admitted being a student of another university (Aristorle). The aim of this scam was evident. To under-evaluate me and “prove” that I was not good at my academic work. This is how the corruption system operated and the way they target those who refuse to be their tools. Had I let him participate in the evaluation process he would have made derogatory comments to justify insufficiency in teaching. This is a common practice for those outside the criminal network. In one case a high-profile university official told me that he had been using this scum to harm and dishonor those who just refused to operate as his puppets.

An Academic Institutional Crisis

Some critical issues arise from this clientelistic environment

Some critical questions that need answers
1. Is impunity a “local” (institutional failure), national issue or is it the outcome of blatant interference of power networks operating in universities? The answer is a common secret and I would not try to answer it because of a major and revealing lawsuit to come.
2. What was the meaning and purpose of an INGOGNITO visit to the Department of International and European Studies and the University of Macedonia of the then US Ambassador to Greece G. Pyatt? This is a multi-million-dollar question that NO-ONE dares to bring forward. Is it customary for an ambassador to SECRETLY visit a university department without academics knowing about this “odd” visit? The question becomes a real puzzle taking into consideration the ANONYMOUS Greece revelation that a network of counter-information with the aim to supposedly deal with Russian influence in the city was built on the pillars of University of Macedonia, ELIAMEP and a number of journalists. They denied everything, yet, some facts cannot be explained. Nor can there be an explanation as to why the university authorities did not support my demand to provide an answer to why my university office was bugged. Why was I forced to deliver the monitoring device to the police? Why didn’t the only witness to the incident didn’t testify?  The answers to these questions may be found in the operating of USA Embassy in Athens and the way to “deal with” those who refuse to be recruited.
3. One more important issue. On speaking out about corruption and clientelist, un-meritocratic networks in the university a DEFAMATORY campaign against me started with individuals at the institutions spreading rumours of me being mentally sick! This is classic intelligence practice applied by secret services particularly by the US. Is this related to the incognito visit of f. US Athens ambassador to the UoM? It appears that he had a “preference” to the institution. In the process I had to file a lawsuit against a colleague at the department (Bitzenis) as he was involved in communications mails with defamatory content (he suggested that I was mentally sick and should seek help). To this day justice has NOT BEEN DONE and my lawsuit is STILL PENDING. I dispose of sms corroborating this standard intelligence practice of character assassination.
4. What is the relation between f. Rector I. Kouskouvelis and USEmbassy Athens? How did the f. Rector I. Kouskouvelis use his structural power as a freemason member of the local Tectonic Hall (a criminal network) to persecute all those who stood up for meritocracy, equal treatment, transparency and those exposing clientelist networks? His cooperation with DAP (New Democracy Youth Organization) is well-known as well as the huge clientelist network they built. In a sms sent to me by a New Democracy party official he underpins that “he is capable of everything” meaning he is extremely dangerous for anyone who stands in his way

ABSTRACT

This study will focus on the preventive deployment in Macedonia with special emphasis on the theory of preventive diplomacy. Nicolaidis’s prevention action model is used as an analytical framework. In the model, the concept of coercive diplomacy is helpful to explain the preventive deployment in Macedonia. The United Nation Preventive Deployment Force (UNPREDEP) in Macedonia is the first United Nations peacekeeping operations with a mandate on preventive deployment. The study aims to contribute the improvement of preventive diplomacy to become a tool for the conflict prevention of inter- and intra-state conflicts. It also offers suggestions and lessons for the future preventive deployment activities. 
Keywords: United Nations Preventive Deployment Forces (UNPREDEP), Macedonia, preventive diplomacy, conflict prevention.

Önleyici Diplomasi Pratiği Ve Teorisi: Makedonya’ya Önleyici Bariş Gücü Yerleştirilmesi Olgusu

ÖZET

Bu çalışma önleyici diplomasi teorisine özel olarak vurgu yaparak Makedonya’da yapılmış olan önleyici barış gücü yerleştirme olgusuna odaklanmaktadır. Nicolaidis’in ortaya attiğı önleyici aksiyon modeli analitik araç olarak kullanılmıştır. Bu modelde önleyici diplomasi kavramı Makedonya’ya önleyici barış gücü yerleştirilmesinin açıklanmasına yardımcı olmaktadır. Makedonya’daki Birleşmiş Milletler Önleyici Barış Gücü Kuvvetleri (BMÖBGK) Birleşmiş Milletler’in tarihinde bir ilk olarak önleyici barış gücü olarak görevlendirilmiştir. Bu çalışma devletler içi ve arası çatışmalarda bir çözüm aracı olarak önleyici diplomasinin geliştirilmesine katkıda bulunmayı amaç edinmiştir. Ayrıca gelecekteki önleyici barış gücü yerleştirmelerinde kullanılabilecek öneriler ve çıkarılacak dersleri de sunmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Birleşmiş Milletler Önleyici Barış Gücü, Makedonya, önleyici diplomasi, koruyucu aksiyon, çatışma önlenmesi.

Özet: Bu çalışma, önleyici diplomasi teorisine özel olarak vurgu yaparak Makedonya’da uygulanmış olan önleyici konuşlandırmayı (preventive deployment) ele almaktadır. Analiz çerçevesi olarak, Nicolaidis’in ortaya koyduğu önleyici aksiyon modeli kullanılmıştır. Bu modele göre, zorlayıcı diploması kavramı Makedonya’da uygulanan önleyici konuşlandırmanın açıklanması için kullanışlıdır. Makedonya’daki Birleşmiş Milletler Önleyici Baris Gücü Kuvvetleri (UNPREDEP), önleyici konuşlandırma yetkisine sahip olan ilk Birleşmiş Milletler barışı koruma operasyonudur. Bu çalışmada, BM misyonunun ortaya çıkış nedenleri ve Makedonya örnek olayı çerçevesinde bir analiz yapılarak devletler içi ve arası çatişmalarda bir çözüm aracı olarak önleyici diplomasinin rolü incelenmiştir. Sonuç bölümünde, gelecekteki önleyici konuşlandırma uygulamalarında göz önünde bulundurulabilecek öneriler ve çıkarılacak dersler de sunularak önleyici konuşlandırmaların geliştirilmesine katkıda bulunmak amaçlanmıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Önleyici Konuşlandırma, Çatışma Önleme, Makedonya Cumhuriyeti, Birleşmiş Milletler Barış Gücü, Önleyici Diplomasi, UNPREDEP
THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF CONFLICT PREVENTION: THE CASE STUDY OF MACEDONIA AND UNITED NATIONS PEACE FORCE (UNPREDEP)
Abstract: This study will focus on the preventive deployment in Macedonia with special emphasis on the theory of preventive diplomacy. Nicolaidis’s prevention action model is used as an analytical framework. In the model, the concept of coercive diplomacy is helpful to explain the preventive deployment in Macedonia. The United Nation Preventive Deployment Force (UNPREDEP) in Macedonia is the first United Nations peacekeeping operations with a mandate on preventive deployment. The study aims to contribute the improvement of preventive diplomacy to become a tool for the conflict prevention of inter- and intra-state conflicts. It also offers suggestions and lessons for the future preventive deployment activities. 
Key Words: Preventive Deployment, Conflict Prevention, The Republic of Macedonia, United National Peace Force, Preventive Diplomacy, UNPREDEP

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the Balkan countries among tourists. These trends owe their popularity to, among others, favorable climatic conditions, interesting tourist attraction and folklore. One of the countries that attracts a large number of tourists is North Macedonia. The local population is increasingly taking actions to attract the attention of foreigners, also by means of promoting national cuisine. Macedonian dishes perfectly reflect the spirit of the Balkans and fresh fruit and vegetables testify to the high quality of food products. Data pertaining to the popularity of Macedonian cuisine among tourists and locals were collected using a survey. The group of respondents includes 130 visitors and 31 residents of North Macedonia. The results of the study showed that the local dishes are still identified with the entire Balkan area and their origin is often confused. Traditional Macedonian dishes, however, thanks to good promotion and advertising hav...

This chapter analyses the development of the position and approach of the Cyprus government to EU enlargement to the Western Balkans. It is argued that over the past decade and despite the specificities of its political situation, a certain level of Europeanisation of Cyprus foreign policy has taken place. This evolution has influenced the way the Republic of Cyprus relates to the Western Balkans, in particular to Kosovo and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (fYROM) – both trigger points to its national issue. Furthermore, its own experience of EU ‘transformative power’ has translated into Cyprus backing the Union’s further widening rather than be affected by the ‘enlargement fatigue’ that characterises other EU member states. Yet, the weight of the Cyprus conundrum and to a much lesser degree its quest to be a good pupil at EU level, hinders the government’s ability to facilitate EU enlargement to the Western Balkans.

This thesis aims to show how the European Union (EU) learns from its experience in supporting post-conflict police reform, concentrating on the learning from ‘European police-building’ in Macedonia. Despite the abundant literature on ‘lessons learned’ from international police missions, the ability of international donors to learn from experience can be questioned. The thesis examines international efforts in post-conflict police reform and establishes that a mechanistic template deriving from the ‘liberal peace model’ is applied in post-conflict societies regardless of their specific context. The European Union follows a similar pattern in ‘European police-building’, whereby normatively it claims to contribute to the establishment of ‘good governance’ in conflict-ridden states, while in practice it tries to accommodate its own security interests and implants a complex civilising agenda. The template prescribed by liberal peace inhibits the EU from constructing a unified vision on ‘European police-building’, which challenges the EU operationally when implementing police reform. The thesis demonstrates empirically the constraints to learning in ‘European police-building’ in Macedonia. The case study points to the challenges in EU intra-pillar and cross-pillar cooperation, international coordination and to the limited scope of EU activities. The thesis illustrates that learning in ‘European police-building’ in Macedonia focuses on tackling ad hoc operational deficiencies, which do not contest the normative agenda of donors, framed within the liberal peace. This thesis is an original contribution to understanding the resistance to change in the European Union when learning from experience for support to post-conflict police reform.