History of Crime and Criminology

The birth of criminology as a science at the end of the XIXth century led to the development of many observations and experiments. The purpose of all these researches was to find, in a positivist point of view, some means to fight or to eliminate crime. As a consequence, jurists deeply renewed their approaches of penal law and the function of penalty. I’ll try here to understand how some new penal notions were developed after WW2, which led to a new intellectual frame when the abolitionist debate began its rise at the end of the 1950s.

"Az emberi élet elleni bűncselekmények közt kétségkívül a legvisszataszítóbb s legveszélyesebb a méregkeverés, mert véghezvitele rendszerint nagy rafinériát, körülményes, tervszerű előkészületet és alapos, minden eshetőségre és legkisebb részletekre is kiterjedő megfontolást igényel. A mérgezés mindig az elkövetőjének gyáva, aljas és konok lelkületére vall, mert orozva, alattomos ravaszsággal vitetik véghez, a-tettes nem száll személyesen szembe áldozata testi erejével, s mert alattomban történik a merénylet az áldozat részéről a védekezés lehetőségét kizárja, míg a tettes személye a biztonság homályában lappang. Ily körülmények közt könnyen megmagyarázhatóvá válik, hogy a gyilkosságnak legaljasabb módjához majdnem kivétel nélkül erejük fogytán lévő beteges aggok, degenerált idegzetűek és hisztérikus, abnormis természetű nők folyamodnak". 53 A jelen tanulmány egy több éve indult társadalomtörténeti alapkutatás eredményeire épül, amely Mátay Mónika vezetésével az ELTE-BTK gazdaság és társadalomtörténeti tanszékén zajlik szemináriumi keretek között, és a tiszazugi arzénes mérgezések társadalomtörténeti hátterét kívánja a maga sokrétűségében feltárni. A tárgyalt téma számos kérdést és értelmezési lehetőséget felvet, melyekre a mérgezések kapcsán fennmaradt peranyagok alapján e tanulmány is válaszokat kínál: Mennyire tekinthető kivételesnek a vizsgált esemény? Hogyan jellemezhetőek az érintett falvak társadalmai? Melyek a legerősebb történeti, szociológiai, pszichológiai, antropológiai magyarázó tényezők? Kik váltak áldozattá és gyilkossá? A tiszazugi arzénes gyilkosságokat óriási hazai és külföldi érdeklődés övezte, amit a gazdag sajtó anyag és a későbbi feldolgozások is mutatnak. 54 A közvéleményt megdöbbentette, hogy a XX. század derekán ilyen sötét titkokat őriz, a nemzeti diskurzusban bukolikus idillnek ábrázolt magyar vidék. A bűnpereket övező szenzáció, és sajtóvisszhang lehetővé tet-53

O que fez com que hoje nós não tenhamos a correta noção de como lidar com o fenômeno “crime”? O que faz com que tenhamos hoje um quadro gravíssimo de insegurança pública, mesmo tendo nossos governos investido tantos recursos nessa área nas últimas décadas? O que faz pensar que encarcerando uma parcela maior da sociedade estaremos combatendo eficazmente a criminalidade? O que ocasionou a nossa sociedade clamar por punições medievais e legitimá-las e as condições desumanas dos nossos cárceres, mesmo em pleno século 21? O que naturalizou e banalizou a violência cometida pelo Estado através de suas forças oficiais? Por que a Academia não consegue explicar e propor soluções viáveis a todo esse caos? E, ainda, quando são apresentadas tais soluções, por que não há utilização destas por parte dos agentes e agências (políticas) de poder? Onde foi que nós erramos?

Exposé zum Th emenheft Alltag Notationen Alltägliche Dinge Dorothee Kimmich Extremistische Ästhetik. Solidarität als Widerstandsform im total(itär)en Alltag bei Daniil Charms und bei Ray Bradbury Sandra Evans Miniaturreisen. Reisen durch die ferne Nähe des Alltags Bernd Stiegler Wenn Dämonen ins Essen kotzen. Alltag und Magie in Marokko Martin Zillinger Die Nüstern der Kühe, das Knistern der Nähe. David Foster Wallace' Reportagen aus dem Mittleren Westen Christoph Ribbat Banalisten, Realisten, Archivisten, Parodisten. Die junge polnische Literatur und Kunst Renata Makarska 5 9 13 23 43 63 89 119 137 Inhalt Häftlingstheater in sowjetischen Zwangsarbeitslagern der Stalinzeit. Ausbruch aus dem Alltag und Schaff ung einer neuen Alltäglichkeit Inna Klause Extremer Alltag. Russische Kriegstagebücher im 20. Jahrhundert (Gippius, Bunin, Ginzburg, Lichačev) Schamma Schahadat Alltag und Krankheit Th omas Reuster »Nothing about Us without Us«. Empowerment als soziale Bewegung zwischen globalen Wünschen und lokalen Wirklichkeiten Florian Kiuppis Käthe Hagedorn. Ein historischer Beitrag über das unsichtbare Phänomen der pädophil-begehrenden Frau Stefan Wünsch Vom Alltag der Matrix zum Feiertag der Arbeit. »Der Tod des Arbeiters« vs. »Freischwimmen« -Bilder der Arbeit in der westlichen und russischen Kultur von heute Igor' Čubarov Transpositionen Die Geschäftigkeit Jolanta Brach-Czaina Auktorial Auspizien Exposé zum Th ema des nächsten Heftes: Betäubung Mirjam Goller / Guido Heldt / Jörg Silbermann / Th omas Skowronek 153 181 213 225 241 273 301 323 331 241 Einleitung Herr Richter ich habe eine Vorstellung von allem nicht. Ich habe bei vielem selbst gedacht, daß es so sein müßte. Ich habe Blut gesehen und daraus habe ich geschlossen, daß etwas passiert sein müßte. 1 Dies sind die Äußerungen der neunzehnjährigen Käthe Hagedorn, die im Sommer 1926 in Duisburg einen neunjährigen Jungen und ein sechsjähriges Mädchen ermordet und an Letzterer ein Sittlichkeitsverbrechen begangen haben soll. Dieser Fall, der aufgrund der Verurteilung wegen unzüchtiger Handlungen an Minderjährigen ( § 176/3 RStGB) und anschließenden Totschlags ( § 212 RStGB) von einigen Kommentatoren als »weiblicher Lustmord« bezeichnet wurde 2 , erregte in der Weimarer Republik größeres Aufsehen. Dies geschah nicht zuletzt auch aufgrund der zeitlichen Nähe zu den spektakulären Kriminalfällen von Fritz Haarmann und Karl Denke. Anders jedoch als diese beiden Täter verschwand Käthe Hagedorn nahezu aus dem geschichtlichen Gedächtnis.

Birthmark and Pottage. The Murder of Elza the Magnate (1914) and the Problem of Identifying the Corpse

Just before the outbreak of World War I, the Budapest public was shocked by a mysterious murder-case. On the morning of January 10, 1914 two carriage drivers found a basket-trunk on the Buda embankment of the Danube with a female corpse in it. The sensational crime was picked up by the press, and the case remained a front-page story for the days coming, causing a real mass hysteria in the Hungarian capital. It was a couple of days until detectives could finally identify the dead woman. She turned out to be Elza Turcsányi, also known as "Elza the Magnate" by smart society. The paper examines the first few days of the investigation, when the police, the press and the public tried to determine the identity and social affiliation of the female corpse. Through this particular case, we can have a glimpse into the methods and techniques of identification used in 19th and early 20th century. The second part of the paper deals with the phenomenon of the public presentation of unidentified bodies in cities, and the historical context of this unique spectacle. Presenting unidentified human corpses to a wider audience was not only a morbid urban spectacle in modern cities, but since the end of 18th century, it also served as a common method to resolve their identity. The "tradition" of showing dead bodies publicly originates from the French capital. The first public mortuary, the Paris Morgue wal built in 1804 and became a model for many other morgues in European and American cities. While in Paris, at the beginning of 20th century the urban spectacle of publicly showing dead bodies in the Morgue ceased to exist, in Budapest this unusual method of identifying unknown bodies continued until 1945.

Report about the Maui-Molokai Adult Drug Court, which I created and which achieved over 12 years an 84% success rate for graduates, measured by whether a graduate committed another felony crime.  The program has  many innovative features, not utilized by other drug courts.  So far as I know, this is the only article that describes evolution of a drug court.

This paper focuses on the contents and implications of the principle of social defence elaborated by the adherents of the Italian positive school of criminal law and on its criticism by the advocates of a more classical approach. This school was the cornerstone of a new criminological theory radically different from penal classicism, and its corollaries of denial of free will, social dangerousness, preventive means of social defence, the individualization of punishment and the extension of judicial powers are analysed. The penal code project drafted by Enrico Ferri in 1921 and never enacted is examined as a model of positivist codification. Finally, the unresolved constitutional tensions raised by the principle of social defence are considered.

This paper starts by examining the claims that are currently being made for the ability of AI systems to discern the character, including criminal propensities, of individuals from their facial biometrics. Apart from the methodological and statistical deficiencies of some of these studies, the paper also points out the dangers of such digital physiognomy given the culturally loaded nature of facial features. It then proceeds to look at the history of the Western discourses over the last 250 years relating to one of the facial features which are seen as diagnostic in these digital studies-the human jaw.

jewish Studies | medieval history and literature | european history Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe is a topic laced by prejudice on one hand and apologetics on the other. Beginning in the Middle Ages, Jews were often portrayed as criminals driven by greed. While these accusations were, for the most part, unfounded, in other cases criminal accusations against Jews were not altogether baseless. Drawing on a variety of legal, liturgical, literary, and archival sources, Ephraim Shoham-Steiner examines the reasons for the involvement in crime, the social profile of Jews who performed crimes, and the ways and mechanisms employed by the legal and communal body to deal with Jewish criminals and with crimes committed by Jews. A society's attitude toward individuals identified as criminals-by others or themselves-can serve as a window into that society's mores and provide insight into how transgressors understood themselves and society's attitudes toward them. "In this meticulously argued book, Shoham-Steiner draws on a range of religious and legal sources to explore a fascinating and almost entirely neglected topic. In illuminating these darker corners of Jewish life, Jews and Crime in Medieval Europe restores medieval Jews to their full humanity, showing them to be subject to the same passions and drives as (and sometimes conspiring with) their Christian neighbors, even as they grappled with unique challenges and restrictions."-SARA LIPTON, professor of history, State University of New York at Stony Brook "This erudite study of criminal activity, undertaken within the broad context of history, culture, and mentalités, combines methodological sophistication, interdisciplinary scholarship, and highly accessible writing."

llelrr'ffrr H abc r r r tLts snlt.tt cle l'evolr-rtion des Pratiqtres ir-rcliciaires. Le tr.lit le p)us frap-1-r.trrt rle ces clenriöres est l'otrsession cie la tr.ltrscriprtiolt, cle la fix.rtittn cie l'dcrit docutneutaireqr-ri prrentl le vis.rge, PL)tlr rePrellLlre les termes de Nlichel Foucault, tl'uue ( proc-lLlctiorr ir-rriclitlue cle la vöritö ,'. (Trnluc t ittrt : Nico/rt.s Lc Mtti,qtrc ) tl a-Die Verbrecherin im humanwissenschaftlichen Diskurs des 19. Iahrhunderts: Geschlecht. moralische Schuld und soziale Cefahr Knrstt'rr LIhl II: CLSCHICTITE DEIt KItIN'llNOL(lCtE inr 19. Jahrhttnclert rt'urr-lc itr jringstcr Zeit eingeher-rd unterstrcht. Lrbereinstimnrer-rd h.ilt die. Forschur-rg claber iest, class sich riie positivistische Krinrinologit. clr's s1-r1191r i9. jahrhtrnclcrts insofern tletrtlich vrtn cler ,,klassischen Schuk-" trnterschiecl, als sie derr'I'äter (Lrzn,. die Täterin) trrrcl nicht alleirr c.lie Tat in rltrr Nfittelpunkt ihres Interesses stelltr'1. N{it IvIichel Fotrcatrlt lässt srch c-liese Feststelltrng insofr'rn spr'ziiizir'rt:tr, als am Ende rles 19. Jal-rrhrrnclcrts nir.-ht r'tr,r'a das Auftar-rchen des Täters an sich nt-uartig gen,e-scn ist; allerclings [-eqann trttn c]ie Tat ilire Rolle als rechtlicl-r-moralisches Leitnrotiv inr nroderncr-t S),st"trr cler Sanktic'rnen zu verlieren, rr,ällrenc'l cler Täter in Forrn cles ,,gefiihrlicherr Inrlivicltrtrnrs" c-len ztrnehnrencl n,icl-rtigeren Cegensti'tnd cler lVissenschaft rrncl rler -sta.rtliclrerr Sanktiorrierun.q L.ilcJcte r. Der Allein zrrr Ceschichte tler deutschen Krinrinologie sind irr t'len Ietzten J;rhrt'rr nrelrrere Stuclien erschiene.n: Richard F. \\rprzet-1, ltti,t'rttirtg thc Critrrirttl..4 Flislenl oi GL'ntrnn C,iillri)i{r,gr Chapel Hill, Lr,ncfun (Univr'rsitv ttI North Cartrlina Press) 2000; Iretel Bt,cKt-t{, \/crtlttl,rtis turd Ertttrttur.,r'. Eirrc Ccsc/rir'/rtc tlt'r Kritrrttttt-1,r1'r1' ric-s 19. laltrlttrtt,lt'rls rrls Dlskrrrs ttttd Pr,ttis, Ciittirigen (\'anclenltoeck & Rtrpr€.c'h11 2(lll2; Silvi.rna C,rL-nssl, (r'irrrirroio,qit' irrr f)crilsc/rt'r knist'r.r-r'ic/r. Cr'sc/riclrlc clrrcr {t'l.rrrr'/r,',r,',r t;r'rii'i-s.st'ttsclrrr.f'tliclrturg, Strrttg.rrt (Steiner) 100-l; Clrristiarr NIüt t.nn, l i'rhrr't'/rr'nsht'küttrpfiur,q irr ,'1rt.slrl/fs.s tLttt. Psrlcltintric, Kritrrittoloqic ttrtd Stra.ftct-/ttsrt.fttrrtr 7ö',-7-19JJ, Giittineerr (\'andenlroeck & Rtrprecht)l[)(-)-1. Vgl. Nlichel Fttuc,.rL:t.t, Abotrt the Conceprt of thc',,D.rngerous Intlivitlr-r.rl" in l9th-Cerrtrrrl, Legal Psvchiatr\', ItrtL'utatiounl I()untel o.i LniL, tnld PsUL'ltrntrt/ 7 (ltl78), S. l-l8, hicr S. l7 f. Friihnerrzeithisttrrikerlnnen, n,ic. l\lart'r.r L()rL'n7trncl Cercl Schnerhoif, n'eisen ztrrecht tl.rr.lttf lrir.r, rlrss.rtrch inr 17. lahrhrrn--15 Karsfu'rr Lllii genealogische Prozess, a-ln clesscrr Errde das ,,gcfährlichc' lndi'u.idur-url" starrc-l, bcgarrrr fiir Foucault mit der Eirrfiihnlllg cler Psvchiatrie in clas Cebiet des l{echts im ersten Drittel cles 19. Jahrl-rurrclcrts :. Die l)sychiatrisiertrrrg cler DelinclLlellz sei .rrthancl von goricl-rtsmeclizir-rischen Fällen vorarrgetriebcn lvorclerr, clie .,'rlrt ntcutstriisen uncl ,ur-ur;rtr-irlicherr' Morclelr ohne erkenrrbares Motiv harrclelterr. Arr derr Täterlnner-r konnten keine Vor;rnzeichen eines lVahnsurnes festgenraclrt r,verc-lerr: Das Verbrechen sclbst lvar clas eirrzige Symptom clieser Nlorc1monor-nalrie a. Arr arrtlcrcr Stelle habe ich genirLler lrntersucht, inr.r'ier,vcit clie Debatten Lrnr Kirrdsrnord, Schlvarrgerschaftsgeltiste und Ilrarrc-lstiftlrng, c'lie Anfarrg cles 19. Jahrhturclerts in cler rleutscherr Cerichtsmerlizin ur-rd Strafrechtswisser-rschaft irr Breite gefr-ihrt ',vurclen, für clen Wanclel ir-n Strafclenken von Becleutung \varen 5. Dabei licli clert clie Person des Delinciuerrten Ltereits eine rvichtige Rolle s;rielte, vgl. N{.-rrcr.r Lttttt,uz, Krirnirtcllt'Krir.P1l'-Gcslijric Gt'rrtiitcr.l)ic Norrrricrutr,q t1t's ltttli-,,iLltttttrrs irr Gcrit'lttsrttt'dizin tntrl Psrlcltintrit' tlt'r Aulkltirutrg, Ilanrbr-rrg (H.rmburger Eclition) 1999; Gercl Sct-ttvttrttttFp, Krimirralitiitsgeschichte im deutscherr Spr.,rchr.rur-u. Zurn Proiil eines ,r'erspr.itetcrr' Forschr.rngszrveigus, irt: Lrttis., Anrlreas BL,quIttr (Hrsg.), Krintir:rtlititsce-sc/ricirlt'. Bt'i trritc ;rrr So:inluttd Kultrtrtesclttclrtc LIL'r \/Ltntt(tLlL'rrrt', Konst.,rnz (UVK) 2000, S.21-tr7, hier S. 33 i. Schw'erhofis Argunrent, ,,eirrhcimische Diebe uncl Il.ir-rber" hätterr auf cinc,,relative lvlilrle" hrriierr kiinrrer.r, !\'erlrl es il.rrrerr gr'l.rng, gerriigencl ,,soziales Kapitel" in Form von Firrsprrecl.rem zr-r mobilisiererr, rnacht .rber ztrgleich deutlich, class I-rier im Ceger.rsatz. zttr Er-rtn,icklurrg.rb cleni s;räten 18. Jahrhundert rroch keirre rr,eitgeherrcle phl'siologische uncl psvchologische Verrnessung des Irrclividr-rrrms stattf.intl. Diese neue Qualität lässt sich vielleicht .rn.r treffentlsten als ,,grundsätzliche Verlagertrng cles Diskurrses" bc-sclrreiLrerr, r,'gl. Ji-irgen M,rlitscttur,\T, /ns:crlr'rlcs Tiitol. Ei rrc Gc-sclllclrtc tlcr Tttdt'sstrtft i,tttrr 77. lris ztnrr 19. JnlrrlrtnrLli'rl, Kiilrr, lVeinriir, \\'ien (L3irhlau) 201)0, s. 71. Diskrrrs 1E()0-1915, Nlünstcr, H.rmbtrrg, Lorrclon (Ll-l'-Verlag) 2r)t)3. 3. -1. 5.

The Limits of Criminological Positivism: The Movement for Criminal Law Reform in the West, 1870-1940 presents the first major study of the limits of criminological positivism in the West and establishes the subject as a field of interest.

The volume will explore those limits and bring to life the resulting doctrinal, procedural, and institutional compromises of the early twentieth century that might be said to have defined modern criminal justice administration. The book examines the topic not only in North America and western Europe, with essays on Italy, Germany, France, Spain, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and Finland but also the reception and implementation of positivist ideas in Brazil. In doing so, it explores three comparative elements: (1) the differing national experiences within the civil law world; (2) differences and similarities between civil law and common law regimes; and (3) some differences between the two leading common-law countries. It interrogates many key aspects of current penal systems, such as the impact of extra-legal scientific knowledge on criminal law, preventive detention, the ‘dual-track’ system with both traditional punishment and novel measures of security, the assessment of offenders’ dangerousness, juvenile justice, and the indeterminate sentence. As a result, this study contributes to a critical understanding of some inherent contradictions characterizing criminal justice in contemporary western societies.

Written in a straight-forward and direct manner, this volume will be of great interest to academics and students researching historical criminology, philosophy, political science, and legal history.

Il titolo dell'incontro trae spunto da un passo dello scritto Governare la penalità che Massimo Pavarini pubblicò sette anni fa (nella rivista IUS17@unibo.it, 2013). Nella parte introduttiva di quel corposo contributo l'Autore constatava il passaggio dalle «prassi del welfare a quelle crudelmente ma realisticamente definite del prison-fare» (p. 9) e subito sotto rilevava il «declino miserevole dell'ideologia rieducativa» e il contestuale emergere di politiche di controllo sociale fondate su prassi di neutralizzazione selettiva. Oggi, il carcere obbedisce a logiche di incapacitazione, lontane dal modello rieducativo fondato essenzialmente sull'etica del lavoro. Una visione disincantata segna l'abbandono di quelle dottrine "progressiste" che-alcuni decenni orsono-si erano illuse di riconoscere e valorizzare il potenziale di integrazione sociale di un'esperienza carceraria da orientare in senso solidaristico. Si era partiti da una critica del carcere come istituzione modellata sui valori e sui principi disciplinari della borghesia dominante: da un lato, sinallagma fra entità del reato e tempo di privazione della libertà; dall'altro, esecuzione della pena come occasione per addomesticare le anime e renderle omogenee al "progetto giuridico" del ceto dominante. La critica poggiava su intuizioni e riflessioni di autori quali E. Pasukanis (La teoria generale del diritto e il marxismo, 1924); G. Rusche-O. Kirchheimer (Punishment and social Structure, 1939); Th. W. Adorno-M. Horkheimer (Dialektik der Aufklärung, 1947); E. Goffman, (Asylums,1961); F. Basaglia, L'istituzione negata, 1968; P. Costa, (Il progetto giuridico, 1974); M. Foucault, (Sourveiller et punir, 1975). Sembrava destinata a sfociare in una messa al bando delle istituzioni totali e, in particolare, dell'istituzione carceraria nel clima di accesa contestazione dei valori "borghesi" caratteristico degli anni '70 del secolo scorso. Così non fu, in realtà. Facendo leva sull'art. 27 comma 3, la cultura progressista si sforzò di innervare nell'istituzione carceraria l'idea di risocializzazione, valorizzando proprio il lavoro come occasione di riscatto individuale. "Carcere senza fabbrica"? quindi? E se così è, quale giustificazione può trovare oggi la pena detentiva al di fuori dell'accennata neutralizzazione selettiva? È auspicabile e realistico l'abbandono dell'idea carcerocentrica che tuttora caratterizza il nostro sistema di giustizia penale? Sta nella giustizia riparativa o in altri più soavi

This article focuses on the individualization of punishment and the indeterminate sentence between the 19th and 20th century and their impact on the principle of legality in Europe and the United States. The preventive and rehabilitative purposes of the criminological science were shared on both side of the Atlantic, but were interpreted and applied in different manners, depending on the different legal order shaped by the American rule of law and the European Rechtsstaat. While the U.S. system accepted the indeterminate punishment introducing a clear-cut distinction between the verdict and the sentence, as a compromise not to nullify the nullum crimen principle by individualizing the treatment of the guilty offender, the European penal codes based on a strict legality introduced the dual-track system as a way to reconcile repres-326

This book, often cited in the literature on the subject, has for the first time analyzed the work of Lombroso in the history of science. He probed the origins of the idea of ​​atavism. He then identified criminogenesis as the backbone of internal evolution to criminal anthropology.

Imprisonment is a widespread punishment all over the world, but prison is for most of us an unknown experience and anything we know is mostly through media and cinema representations. Therefore, it is very likely these representations play an important role in formation of our social representation for this matter. Additionally, the audience captivated for issues which are unknown and unreachable and that relate to the criminal behavior and action of institutions of social control of crime, but also to life in prison. In this article we will refer, first to the way of representation of prison in fictional films and television series, secondly the research which have been developed about the relationship between the fictional representation of the prison and the audience’s reception and finally we see what impact have all these to criminal justice community, since research saw that “skilled public” in criminological knowledge share the same perceptions for prison with others.
Key words: prison, fictional representations, reception of audience, social construction, criminological knowledge

In an important 1984 paper, “The Moral Education Theory of Punishment,” Jean Hampton justifies the practice of inflicting painful criminal punishments if and only if punishment is morally educative. Hampton’s suggestion forms the point of departure for this paper on Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment. Below, I show that Dostoevsky agrees with Hampton that punishment should aim at moral reform; however, Dostoevsky presents no evidence that self-punishment or legal punishment reliably cultivates respect for law, legal authority, oneself, or for others as moral agents. Instead, Dostoevsky’s post-Siberian writings are highly critical of Russian criminal justice, and emphasize that moral education comes through dialogue, reflection, and criticism. This highly individualized treatment may be experienced as painful, but it does not have to result from, and it may even be impeded by, legal “hard treatment.”
Keywords: moral education; punishment; Dostoevsky; rehabilitation; crime

The United States is at a pivotal moment in terms of rethinking class and racial inequality within the criminal justice system. However, there is a lack of shared conceptual tools to frame this debate. First, there is no clear or comprehensive theoretical tool to describe, categorize, or analyze class and racial inequality throughout the criminal justice process. Current tools focus, separately, on the enactment of laws, on the performance of police officers, on the actions of judges, juries, and prosecutors, or on the administration of punishment. Second, scholars use different language to describe how inequality operates in each of the mentioned stages within the criminal justice process. Third, there is a lack of conceptual precision about the mechanisms through which inequality operates. These three problematic aspects of the conceptual framing result in ambiguity at the moment of discussing consistent crime policy. This study helps overcome this gap and offer conceptual tools that can serve as analytical categories to precisely describe and analyze inequality within the criminal justice system. This article also puts the suggested categories in practice to analyze the functioning of the criminal justice system in the United States since the 1970s. Overall, this article proposes that only a comprehensive, interdisciplinary and inter-sectorial approach to define and analyze crime control will help overcome the current situation of conceptual ambiguity, opening the path for thorough and lasting crime policies.

To cite this work/Para citar este trabajo: Vegh Weis, Valeria “Criminal Selectivity in the United States. A History Plagued by Class & Race Bias.” De Paul Journal of Social Justice, vol. 10, no. 2, 2017, pp. 1-31.

I diritti dei nemici TOMO II © Dott. A. Giuffrè Editore -Milano PAOLO MARCHETTI LE 'SENTINELLE DEL MALE'. L'INVENZIONE OTTOCENTESCA DEL CRIMINALE NEMICO DELLA SOCIETA v TRA NATURALISMO GIURIDICO E NORMATIVISMO PSICHIATRICO 1. Il criminale nemico della società. -2. Il criminale nemico: un'invenzione ottocentesca? -3. Criminalità e criminali recidivi in antico regime. -4. Alle origini del problema: il contratto sociale ed i suoi nemici. -5. La criminalità come fenomeno 'naturale'. -6. L'individuo pericoloso ed il governo della criminalità. -7. Biopotere e 'razza' criminale. -8. La recidiva tra scelte legislative e dibattito dottrinale: verso una nuova identità giuridica e sociale del criminale. -9. L'emersione del criminale nemico della società tra delitto e follia. -10. La perizia psichiatrica e l'osmosi medico-legale. -11. Natura criminale e confini dell'essere umano. -12. Cesare Lombroso e la costruzione della figura del criminale nemico della società. -13. La trasformazione del nemico politico in delinquente comune. -14. Criminali e razze criminali. -15.1. Un nemico sempre in agguato: sonni ipnotici ed eclissi della volontà. -15.2. Un nemico sempre in agguato: le folle criminali e la labile signoria del volere. -16. Identità, identificazione, eliminazione. -17. L'eliminazione del criminale nemico: la deportazione dei recidivi in Francia e in Italia.

Joseph Pierce writes "Jorge Salessi’s 1995 book 'Medicos maleantes y maricas' is a pioneering work [...], showing how Foucaldian historicism could be applied to a Latin American context. Using a heterogeneous archive including police records, hygienic essays, legal documents and autobiographical writing, he demonstrates how the modern Argentine nation was constituted through the disciplinary effects of legal and medical discourses that determined who was considered normal, healthy and desirable, on the one hand, and who was degenerate, pathological, and therefore undesirable, on the other. In short, his work shows how the normative criollo model of sexuality and gender performance was defined in contrast with the taxonomy of deviants at the turn of the century: invertidos, homosexuales, maricones, uranistas, among others [Jewish and Italian immigrants, labor leaders etc.], who for their aberrant sexualities [politics or ideologies] were seen as harmful to the future of the modern Argentine nation.

Gabriela Nouzeilles explica que "En Médicos maleantes y maricas, Jorge Salessi defiende la hipótesis de que, en el caso argentino, la práctica y el discurso médicos fueron los promotores fundamentales de la construccion de la nación moderna y de sus tradiciones hegemonicas de identidad. Desde la perspectiva médica, la igualdad de los miembros ideales de la comunidad nacional constituia el objetivo central de un trabajo de regulación disciplinarian de la población, fijado en la aplicacion institucionalizada de políticas específicas del cuerpo y la interiorización de tecnologías del Yo y su sexualidad […] A traves de un conjunto variado de materiales primarios (reglamentos sanitarios, informes policiales, casos y ensayos médicos, cartas, diarios, fotografías, relatos literarios), Salessi propone al lector modos estrategicos de contar y leer la historia difusa del discurso medicalizado de la nacionalidad argentina desde 1871 a 1914 […] Puesto que la práctica médica trascendía el ámbito de la producción textual, las formas de institucionalización de la observación y vigilancia médicas (escuelas de medicina, cuarentenas, centros de observación penitenciarios, morgues, etc.), y los principios de legitimación de la autoridad profesional son tambien facetas importantes del análisis".

a pioneer psychiatrist and criminologist, established the first child guidance clinic in the United States in 1909. and was an early advocate of both the "team approach" and the "child's own story" in treatment and research. One of the founders and the first president of the American Orthopsychiatric Association. Healy helped introduce Freudian thought into the United States. Among his contributions to the field of criminology are his book The Individual Delinquent (1915) and his "multifactor theory" of delinquency, which broadened the field and moved it away from European criminology's stress on genetic factors. Healy developed an elaborate methodology for the complete study of the offender by a variety of specialists. He was also a reformer in the field of corrections, based on his investigations of several institutions for delinquents.

This Article examines the gulf between sentencing knowledge and practice, and makes recommendations regarding measures that could be taken to bridge that gap, so that lawmakers bring sentencing practice into line with current knowledge in this area and make it fairer and more efficient. This is a greatly under-researched area of law and policy. If proposals were adopted, incarceration rates would be substantially reduced, far less taxpayer dollars would be spent on prisons, and the community would likely be safer. The authors argue a key reason for the United States’ mass incarceration crisis and, ultimately, the separation between sentencing knowledge and practice, is an historical preference for retributive justice. While criminologists have attributed this emphasis to the so-called “tough on crime” rhetoric and policies that dominated criminal justice policy in the 1960s, “tough on crime” policies are deeply rooted in political, social, and economic traditions that were entrenched in American society well before the 1960s and, in some cases, even the 1860s. The diverse sources of these attitudes are explored in detail. The Article demonstrates that such punitive attitudes have been generated and fuelled by racism, the national crime wave c. 1960 to 1980, economic instability over the past three decades, and the privatisation of aspects of criminal justice policy and practice. The authors maintain that, despite this longstanding attraction to retributive justice and criminals’ lack of political capital, attitudes can change and it is possible for sentencing practice to be reformed in response to expert knowledge

English title and abstract: Races and Degeneration. The Emergence of the Knowledge on the Abnormal Man.
This Ph-D thesis develops the twofold history of the notions of “race” and “degeneration” between the XVIIth and the XIXth century. This history is studied from two points of view: historical epistemology that is “how race and degeneration became the concepts of various knowledges (natural history, anthropology, psychiatry)”; and history of government practices, that is “how race and degeneration became problems of government”. Focusing on the historical link between these notions gives us the possibility to analyze the emergence, in the XIXth century, of a field of knowledge that dealt with what we call the “abnormal man”, that is this very specific entity which agglomerates madness, criminality and “inferior” races as deviations of human normality, in an ambiguous space between the normal and the pathological. Our thesis describes the various categories that organise this field of knowledge.  More deeply, we want to argue that the notions of race and degeneration, far from being external to humanism and universalism, far from being systematically correlated to practices of exclusion, are intimately connected to a practical and theoretical humanism and to practices of inclusion, that deal with race, madness and crime as alterations of a norm one has to regenerate, correct and improve through specific apparatus of power. Through this historical lens, we want to study all the ambiguities and aporias that lurk in the very heart of this will of inclusion and this analysis of heterogeneous realities as alterations of a norm. We show in particular how we can establish a very strong link between the insertion of the concept of “race” into natural history and monogenism; and, on the other side, how it is important to study the insertion of “race” into the political field and, more broadly, the emergence of the knowledge of the abnormal, to take into consideration its logical links with political liberalism in the beginning of XIXth century.

Seven articles published in professional  criminology journals originally chapters in the author's Ph.D. Dissertation, "The American Criminological Tradition: Portraits of the Men and Ideology in a Discipline," University of Pennsylvania, 1972 (which is also uploaded to this website.

The articles are  biographical sketches and critical analyses of the life and work of American criminologists: William Healy, Edwin H. Sutherland and Clifford R. Shaw."

On December 22, 1926, an opening ceremony of the so-called Gypsy school was held in Uzhhorod, the capital of the Czechoslovak administration in Carpathian Ruthenia. Czech officials who gave talks pointed out pedagogical significance of the established institution which they described as unique and exceptional “experiment”. The creation of a special school for children of those inhabitants who were labelled as “Gypsies” on the territory which was annexed by Czechoslovakia only later after the First World War and which in the contemporary imagination represented specific, “backward” region of the newly established state, served to consolidate the legitimacy of the First Republic as a democratic, progressive, modern, liberal state which belonged to the developed and civilized West. More than a half year later, on July 14, 1927, representatives in the Czechoslovak Parliament in Prague passed the Act No. 117/1927 on Wandering Gypsies. The development of this law was related to an immense interest of the contemporary media in “Gypsies” which was encouraged by the arrest of approximately twenty “Gypsies” from a village located in East Slovakia. They were charged of numerous robberies and murders. In contrast to the situation shortly after the First World War when the central Czechoslovak authorities didn´t accommodated various demands of the local authorities to “solve” the alleged “Gypsy question” and also in contrast to the situation in majority of European states, the Czechoslovak centre and right-wing government readied a special bill with the aim to bring “Gypsies” under intensified and permanent police surveillance and control. Subject of this thesis constitutes discussions on the “Gypsy question”, the creation and implementation of anti-Gypsy measures and also practices which meant to serve assimilation of the “Gypsies” into the Czechoslovak or Czech society during the First and Second Republic and the early phase of the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia. The goal is to reconstruct the ways in which individual state authorities – on the central as well as on the local level – used not only the law from 1927 but the whole complex of measures which worked against “Gypsies”. The attention is paid to the role which in the process of labelling certain inhabitants as “Gypsies” or “Wandering Gypsies” played the category of race and the symbolic geographies of the West and the East within the interwar Czechoslovakia. In addition to that I also trace key categories and discourses which played an important role in the implementation of anti-Gypsy measures as well as in the assimilation practices towards “Gypsies”, such as criminality, bodily differences, youth care etc. The analysis of manifold sources transcends the traditional milestones of political history. It deals with changes in the criminalization of “Gypsies”, and their assimilation, in long-term time span and asks broader questions about historical continuities and discontinuities or about the nature of different political regimes.

SOMMARIO: 1. Beccaria criminologo? – 2. La legalità processuale e i poteri ‘restituiti’ al giudice. – 3. Il ruolo del giudice nel processo penale criminologico. – 4. Penologia e contraddizioni con lo stato di diritto: dalla legalità alla giurisdizionalità della pena.

El último forajido del salvaje Oeste murió en un barrio residencial de Asunción en agosto de 1947. A Roberto Steward no lo traicionó algún miembro de su banda, tampoco hubo tiroteos con la policía.
El reporte de muerte del consulado de EE.UU. en Paraguay puso un manto de duda sobre la verdadera identidad de Steward. No faltó quien dijera que se trataba de Robert LeRoy Parker, (a) Butch Cassidy.
La historia del Gringo Abigeo transcurre entre forajidos y Rangers, entre el desierto de Arizona y el Gran Chaco. Este libro más que analizar la vida del protagonista reflexiona sobre su muerte.

This paper addresses the history of social scientific work on crime after World War II. We argue that the mid-1960s marked a turning point that profoundly transformed the way in which the public discourse, policy programs, and social scientific work addressed crime. Up to the mid-1960s, crime was not a central concern for the average American and the Federal government had a very limited role in fighting it. Within social science, sociological studies dominated the analysis of crime. The mainstream of research mixed the influence of Robert Merton’s theory of anomie with the Chicago-school ecological approach, relegating biological and psychological explanations to a backstage status. It located the origins of delinquent behavior in relative deprivation and dysfunctional neighborhoods. This broad outlook framed the way in which various social scientific notions infused the study of crime and eventually made their way to Washington, making the idea of relative deprivation central to Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty.
From then on, crime fell under the prerogatives of the Federal government and gradually gained prominence. At the same time, the social turmoil of the 1960s challenged the consensus about the so-called “rootcauses” of crime and their treatment though welfare programs and community empowerment. By the end of the decade, crime rates had skyrocketed and riots erupted throughout the country. The fear of crime nurtured the rise of a conservative view that emphasized the significance of law enforcement and punishment. The figure of the criminal as a responsible decision-maker became increasingly popular. Social scientists involved in the public attack on crime also shared increasing doubts about social-deprivation explanations. Even though they did not go as far as James Q. Wilson in urging criminologists to become “policy analysts” and relinquish the socioeconomic rootcauses of crime, the social scientific study of crime increasingly emphasized a “control” approach to crime. That approach brought together insights from economics, operations research, political science, sociology and psychology so as to address cost-effective law enforcement and deterrence. In effect, criminology became increasingly dependent on policy concerns. Public support from urban development or health agencies was progressively replaced by funds from criminal justice and law enforcement agencies, further illustrating the changing orientation in public policy. Within a number of universities, the creation of criminal justice departments also provided a new institutional setting to further this multi-disciplinary outlook and respond to the ever-increasing public demands for professional training in crime combat.
By the end of the 1970s, control theories of crime represented a sizable chunk of the literature, though they were not influential enough to define a new consensus. On top of the unresolved debates on how policy-oriented research should handle crime, a number of social scientists rejected criminology’s dependence on the State and the development of policy analysis. Emerging from the counterculture of the 1960s, another approach brought together radical economists, historians, sociologists and psychologists, in analyzing lawmaking and the criminal justice system as tools used by those in power to enforce their own interests. Instead of taking the legal definition of crime for granted, they urged social scientists to analyze crime with their own tools. These were not the only theories to push for a thorough redefinition of crime in disciplinary terms. Neoliberal economic analysis of law, championed by Richard Posner and Gary Becker, also offered to redefine crime as “market bypassing” in order to promote wealth maximization. Very influential in the expansion of the boundaries of economics into the law, the movement did not stand in stark opposition to control theory if only because it also focused on deterrence.
As a result of the important transformations of American society, politics and social sciences during the 1960s, knowledge about crime became specialized and increasingly discipline-oriented, even under the broad umbrellas of control theories and critical criminology. In the process, the boundaries between the social sciences shifted. The socioeconomic causes of crime used in sociology to understand individual trajectories toward criminal behavior gave increasingly way to a broader focus on crime and law enforcement, grounded on rational choice and cost benefit analysis.

Il saggio si propone di illustrare le posizioni favorevoli al mantenimento della pena di morte da parte di alcuni esponenti della Scuola positiva (Lombroso, Garofalo, Ferri). A tali posizioni fanno coppia quelle che vedono nel "disadattato", che si segnala per una forte propensione al crimine, un pericolo per la società. Pur irrilevanti nel dibattito sulla pena di morte, gli orientamenti della Scuola positiva ebbero modo di essere indirettamente recepite nella legge sulla PS del 1889 e poi nel codice pena del 1930 attraverso l'introduzione delle cd. "misure di sicurezza", tra le quali anche i ricoveri in manicomi giudiziari.

El presente estudio fue realizado en el marco de la maestría 2 en Investigación del Instituto de
Altos Estudios de América Latina, Universidad París 3 Sorbonne Nouvelle en 2008-2009. Este estudio
lo integran tres partes que desarrollaron una genealogía del retrato humano en la formación de las
antiguas ciencias naturales, hasta la consolidación de la antropología y las ciencias criminológicas de
fin del siglo XIX en Europa; y revisa su repercusión en América Latina, particularmente en México. La
primera parte del estudio; “descifrar el cuerpo a través de la mirada” explica el uso de la fisiognomía
como antiguo saber, donde el retrato es el vehículo por el que transitan los dispositivos y las técnicas
modernas de observación del cuerpo. La segunda parte “El dispositivo fisiognómico en la observación
legal” integra los antiguos paradigmas de la observación del hombre con los modelos de la ciencia
ilustrada que utilizaron herramientas y tecnologías aplicadas a la observación etnográfica y
antropológica. Finalmente, en la tercera parte, “La universalización del dispositivo fisiognómico a
través de la fotografía” se presentan los elementos transferenciales entre Francia y México,
mostrando el papel de la fotografía como auxiliar de los dispositivos de observación y clasificación
antropológicas a través de la antropometría.