INGO (international non-governemental organization)

Although social work took a dominant position playing in different settings and specialities including children protection and disabilities from the 21st century in the world, it has just been recognized as a profession in Vietnam since 2010. International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) have indelibly imprinted on the process of formation and development of this new practice. The children in special circumstances and persons with disabilities are the top groups with massive demands of holistic social work services. Through case studies and reviews of secondary research, the author sought how INGOs have been contributing in developing social work case management with difficult children and persons with disabilities in Vietnam. It reveals their role models in researching, advocating, capacity building of staff and key stakeholders, piloting the best practices, and enhancing the delivery system of services in a participatory approach from local to central levels.

This presentation makes a case for ROTA’s research-based, strategic focus on education provision (formal, non-formal and informal) for children and youth at the secondary-age-level, especially those located in Conflict Affected Fragile States (CAFS). It provides preliminary findings from an analysis of how ROTA’s work contributes to global, national and local efforts to provide access to quality education, especially in challenging development contexts. This analysis of primary and secondary data seeks to understand the efficacy of ROTA’s programmatic responses on the Asian continent and to also identify key contextual educational issues, particularly for children and youth. In other words, gaining intimate knowledge about issues such as:
• The educational implications of the increasing youth bulge within the Middle East, which comes with concerns about substantial youth unemployment and education financing challenges for even stable, wealthy economies.
• The many factors contributing to low quality education provision in the Asian and Middle Eastern contexts in which ROTA works.
• The character and needs of the numerous out-of-school children and youth, especially in CAFS, which comprise mostly of young women and girls, IDPs, refugees, rural populations, persons with disabilities, and other minority populations.
In doing so, ROTA intends to better determine its future entry points for research, programming, policy-making and advocacy on the above and other issues, while also recognizing and planning for insufficient research and development on education that liberates.

Le 20 décembre 2016, le Point de contact national (PCN) suisse de l'OCDE a déclaré recevable le recours - plus exactement la présentation de « circonstances spécifiques » (Specific instance) - de l'organisation non-gouvernementale (ONG) Survival International contre l'ONG World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF). Le PCN de la Confédération suisse a considéré que les Principes directeurs de l'OCDE (PDOCDE) à l'intention des entreprises multinationales étaient applicables à WWF en l'espèce (PCN suisse (Berne), 20 décembre 2016, Initial Assessment-Specific Instance regarding the World Wide Fund for Nature International (WWF) submitted by Survival International Charitable Trust, https://www.oecdwatch.org/cases/Case_457, §6 c)), qu'il était compétent pour apprécier la conformité du comportement de l'ONG à ces principes, et que la plainte déposée était suffisamment sérieuse prima facie pour mériter un examen approfondi sur le fond (Ibid., §6 in fine). Bien que peu médiatisée et encore peu remarquée des internationalistes, cette décision est une première.

Human rights-based approaches (HRBAs) promise greater alignment of development efforts with universal norms, as well as a focus on the root causes of poverty. While HRBAs have been widely adopted across the development sector, there is little systematic evidence about the actual impact of this strategic shift. Evaluating the effectiveness of HRBAs is challenging because various non-governmental and other organizations have developed very different understandings of how to apply a rights-based framework in the development context. This essay takes a step toward the rigorous evaluation of HRBAs by offering a comprehensive review of rights-based programming implemented by Plan International, a child-centered organization. It shows that Plan's adoption of HRBA-inspired strategies has transformed its interactions with local communities and added an explicit focus on the state as the primary duty bearer. There is evidence for a systematic increase in individual rights awareness, greater ownership exercised by community organizations, and the application of evidence-based advocacy aimed at scaling up proven program activities. But Plan's peculiar brand of HRBA neglects collaboration with domestic social movements and civil society, largely avoids a more confrontational approach towards the state, and has yet to produce evidence for regular successful rights claims by disadvantaged communities against governmental representatives at local, regional, or national levels. The study also reveals a limited ability of Plan to address disparities and discrimination within local communities, as well as a need to define clearly the organization's own accountability and duties deriving from its presence in local communities across more than fifty developing nations.

CARE Burundi and partners have been advocating to the Government of Burundi to amend the gender-based violence (GBV) law through CARE Netherlands Every Voice Counts programme. This learning document highlights how we have lobbied and advocated in Burundi to give a glimpse into interventions, both innovative and those that we know work, alongside our lessons learned and opportunities for advancement.

During the last few years, some donor countries (especially the US and the UK) have been increasingly outsourcing services in post-conflict operations to international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) and private military and security companies (PMSCs). These states have also adopted ‘integrated approaches’ to their policy interventions, contributing to the emergence of an ‘aid and security market’. The article uses ideas from both development and defence studies and re-problematises the contracting states’ relationship with PMSCs and INGOs. It argues that although INGOs and PMSCs are very different types of non-state actors, there are striking similarities in outsourcing practices. Moreover, it demonstrates that the leading contracting states have poorly managed their contracts with both INGOs and PMSCs, and have not seriously reflected on the unintended consequences of their contracting practices on the recovery of war-affected countries.

As I have an interest on private sector, I was forwarded to Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK) , a renowned NGO in Bangladesh. I started the internship there from June, 2019 under the faculty-supervision of Professor Dr. A. K. M. Moniruzzaman, Department of Management Studies, Jagannath University.
As per my Supervisor’s direction the topic of the report has been chosen as “Compensation and Benefit Systems of Dushtha Shasthya Kendra (DSK).”

I did my internship in Dushtha Shasthya Kendra, which work for increasing livelihood of low income community people. Though I am an employee of Dushtha Shasthya Kendra, but this internship gave me the opportunity to know the organization from different aspects. Currently I involved with “LIC Project under the framework of Saidabad Phase-III” which is funded by European Union, AFD and DWASA. Apart from regular activities I had some specific job duties and responsibilities due to my Internship. I performed those job duties and responsibilities perfectly and enrich my professional knowledge regarding compensation and benefit systems in NGOs.

The latest publication of Strategic Studies appears in the series Changing Perspectives on Human Rights. The volume Can human rights bring social justice focuses on conceptual and strategic differences and similarities between social justice and human rights. What do human rights have to offer to deprived groups and protest movements that mobilize to demand social justice?

The twelve essays discuss different views on questions such as: Can human rights bring social justice? Can the human rights system speak out on political and economic structures that are seen as causing inequality? Should human rights organizations engage with political resource decisions? Would they risk being viewed as partisan if they engage with issues of redistribution or does their impartiality betray the poor and marginalized if they remain silent on system failures?

The volume contains contributions from, among others, Sara Burke (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung), Samuel Moyn (Harvard), Aryeh Neier (formerly Human Rights Watch) and current and former Directors of Amnesty International such as Widney Brown and David Petrasek.

International system, where states interact with each other. Relations between states calling international relations. Today there are almost 200 independent states, and multiple international organizations that are covered by international Relations. Millions of people are living in different independent states. These states around world forms global system. What kind of Relation exists between states in this global system, what laws govern them; different scholars from time to time have tried to explain it through different theories and all most every one of them are applicable at various space and time. States and countries never existed once but human developed it some time in history so it is human created system. Every state is independent, so its mutual benefits that bring them together or mutual enmities. Survival is ultimate goal of all states. Hegemon constitutes knowledge, and these theories started from hegemon of time that is United States of America soon after International relations was acceptedas academic subject. Some scholars suggest that its power politics that every state tries to achieve in international relations to be on upper hand and achieve maximum goals and remains dominant, other suggests that its mutual cooperation between states for economical reason. The Classical Realism is one of classical theory of international relations that can be felt today as well. It moves around power politics and survival. International system is defined as anarchy which is almost true because there is no world power that is their to enforce law its will of sovereign states to follow norms rules and regulation or not. States must struggle to survive and world is most in conflict over interest the powerful states interests are served well on priority. Realism is more closely to human behavior and that is behavior of selfishness that always produces conflicts.

This article demonstrates historically and statistically that conversionary Protestants (CPs) heavily influenced the rise and spread of stable democracy around the world. It argues that CPs were a crucial catalyst initiating the development and spread of religious liberty, mass education, mass printing, newspapers, voluntary organizations, and colonial reforms, thereby creating the conditions that made stable democracy more likely. Statistically, the historic prevalence of Protestant missionaries explains about half the variation in democracy in Africa, Asia, Latin America and Oceania and removes the impact of most variables that dominate current statistical research about democracy. The association between Protestant missions and democracy is consistent in different continents and subsamples, and it is robust to more than 50 controls and to instrumental variable analyses.

Résumé
La fameuse note de Hans Corell sur l’exploitation des ressources naturelles du Sahara est devenue, en l’espace de quelques années, la doxa « juridique » pour un certain nombre d’acteurs internationaux (Etats, ONG, etc.). Mais ce qui étonne le plus, c’est qu’elle a été reprise à son compte par la Cour de Justice de l’Union Européenne au prix d’un excès de pouvoir manifeste.  Pourtant, c’est un texte qui manque de substance car fait de formules péremptoires qui ne laissent pas de place à l’analyse et à l’argumentation juridique. Plus grave, il tourne le dos aux principes et règles du Droit International, en particulier ceux relatifs à la fin du statut de territoire non autonome et à la consultation des populations dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre du droit à l’autodétermination. Il tourne également le dos à l’évolution de la position des Nations Unies dans le conflit  du Sahara, conflit dont il occulte des éléments fondamentaux que le passage du temps a complexifiés.
Bien qu’elle n’ait jamais été entérinée par le Président du Conseil de Sécurité qui l’avait demandée, la note de Corell est devenue une doxa juridique dans l’affaire du Sahara par le biais de réseaux sociaux, qui font l’opinion publique: think tanks, ONG, centres d’études, lobbyistes, et un matraquage médiatique intensif et répété. Ces réseaux mettent à profit « l’ère du vide » où la pertinence d’un écrit juridique dépend moins de sa valeur intrinsèque que de la dose de matraquage dont il fait l’objet auprès de l’opinion publique.

Kondisi geografis Indonesia yang merupakan negara kepulauan dan dikelilingi oleh laut membuat melimpahnya kekayaan sumber daya alam khususnya pada sektor kelautan dan perikanan. Dibalik keuntungan yang di dapatkan oleh Indonesia dari produksi ikan ternyata memunculkan ancaman kepunahaan terhadap jenis-jenis ikan tuna karena ditangkap secara berlebihan atau overfishing, jenis sirip kuning sudah mendapatkan peringatan lampu merah selain itu jenis sirip biru selatan, cakalang, dan mata besar juga sedang menghadapi ancaman. Permasalahan overfishing ini terjadi karena tindakan IUU Fishing yang masih terjadi di Indonesia. WWF-Indonesia sebagai international non-governmental organizations membuat program Seafood Savers yang bertujuan mewujudkan perikanan di Indonesia yang ramah lingkungan dan berkelanjutan.
Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka peran non-governmental organizations dalam menganalisis upaya WWF-Indonesia melalui Seafood Savers dalam mewujudkan perikanan yang ramah lingkungan dan berkelanjutan di Indonesia. Penulisan penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang berbasis dokumen dengan menggunakan studi pustaka untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian “Bagaimana upaya WWF-Indonesia dalam mengurangi permasalahan overfishing Tuna di Indonesia melalui skema Seafood Savers pada tahun 2015-2017?”. Penulis menemukan peran non-governmental organizations dalam kegiatan yang dilakukan WWF-Indonesia melalui Seafood Savers adalah berdasarkan lima tujuan dibentuknya program ini yaitu penghubung, asistensi, advokasi, edukasi, dan apresiasi dalam upayanya membangun perikanan Indonesia yang ramah lingkungan dan berkelanjutan.

Children who acquires almost half of the sky in Nepal still thousands of children are being abused, trafficked, neglected from policy to community level. This research based analytical report tries to figure it out in which areas the investment are planned by development agencies and which are the areas the investment is crucial and alarming.

The report was published for the Royal Norwegian Embassy of Nepal by Mr. Gauri Pradha, Ms. Indu Tuladhar and Mr. Sanjog Thakuri

This paper will consider recent attempts to introduce anti-conversion legislation within the context of reclaiming a particularistic relationship to spiritual cosmology and land, denied by colonialist regimes intent on Christianising the body politic. One aspect considered is the use of law as protection and remedy for "religious injury" in a country cosmologically harmed by colonial incursion into the Sri Lankan landscape. The complex issue of traditional notions of nation as a specific guardian of land, juxtaposed with Enlightenment concepts of the "secularism" and pluralistic religious freedom will be discussed including laws' own role in framing the parameters of legal debate and as an (imported) tool for resolving tensions around religious diversity and religious specificity.

This paper aims at evidencing how international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) are managing to be heard, recognized and trusted in order to insert the civil society into international fora of decision-making. As both the literature and the topic are vast, this paper focuses on contributing to the current state-of-the-art of international relations by introducing a conceptual discussion on the key elements present in INGOs which have authoritative legitimacy to influence global governance.

This paper has been prepared specially for Fagligt Fokus as an input for the learning process on how Danish CSOs and their partners can integrare Theory of Change in their programme planning.

This paper has been prepared for a TOCs Seminar organized by CISU, Copenhagen, January 16, 2014.

This study discusses the limits of Turkey's discourse and practice on humanitarian diplomacy with respect to its peacebuilding in Somalia. The Turkish model of humanitarian diplomacy attempts to find a balance between conscience and interest. It is multi-track in that it pursues diplomacy through official, civic and business channels. Although there is a humanitarian dimension to Turkey's policy in Somalia, there is also a dimension of interest and power, indicating a long-term projection of securing a role for itself in regional and international politics. As tools of humanitarian diplomacy, mediation and peacebuilding provide Turkey with regional and global prestige, status and leverage ensuring safe entry into volatile and dangerous post-conflict zones such as Somalia. Humanitarian diplomacy is an ideal that adds a human dimension to diplomacy. Its realization is limited by the realities on the ground, the interests of the intervening country, the public support for humanitarian diplomacy, the capacity of the intervening country as well as by the need for regional recognition and international support.

This is a working bibliography of recent writings on the non governmental sector (idea, space and practices) in Nepal. It contains  prominent news reports, op-eds, and other types (especially legal) analysis. This bibliography will be updated every few weeks. For items missing in this list, please send suggestions to avash1989@gmail.com

Rationalization, a core concept of Max Weber’s sociology, has so far largely been ignored in international relations theory discussions, although his ideas about rationalization open new pathways for theorizing authority and conflict in IR. We revisit Weber’s concepts of rationalization and domination to show the limits of two key bodies of related knowledge in IR: the scholarship on international organizations as bureaucracies and the claims about rationalization by the Stanford School. Re-reading Weber’s approach to rationalization provides a distinct ground for our understanding of the current internationalization of rule. By highlighting the extent to which aid donors must resort to domination to achieve their goals, we make visible the conflicts among the different “attempts to rationalize” endeavored by IOs, INGOs, and other organizations. We illustrate the contribution our approach to rationalization makes by looking at budget support to Sub-Saharan African states, and Mozambique in particular. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the implications that a critical re-reading of Max Weber has for international politics.

This article aims to explore the Non-Governmental Organizations’ (NGOs) interventions in education primarily through youth mobilization, identify the key issues associated with those interventions, and ways forward to make NGOs more effective. Through focus group discussion, interview, and observation methodology, I have tried generating the cases from the field. Theoretically, the findings are interpreted from globalization theory. This article presents the major findings on how NGO’s interventions through youth mobilization have been contributing in raising awareness in educational and social issues. Their role on capacity building of the school stakeholders and community people was found during the study. They seemed to reach to the marginalized people as their target group for project implementation. The NGOs interventions are found to be focused on software type of activities with minimal hardware support, continuously active in advocacy and campaigning on social and educational issues, and effective implementation of alternative approaches interventions. Presence and mobilization of youth in campaigning, advocacy was found to be higher during the study. Likewise, sustainability of the short-term project’s impact was also found during the study; however, low-cost and no-cost activities were owned by the school and community people. A gap between community and school in terms of their engagement and question on contextualization of the interventions was noticed; however, youth mobilization in the community level was found to be helpful to minimize this gap. Study came up with the implication that NGOs need to mobilize youths extensively, involve the community people, learn from them and then design education program. This approach can help the program to sustain, mainstream, and fill the gap.

"This publication is the first manual for the inter-religious dialogue in the youth work. In the youth-friendly way it presents the theoretical basis for this dialogue, good examples, sample scenarios, lists what's important to remember and what are the potential reasons of conflicts. What one shall consider while organizing such an event: from the gender sensitivity issues to the calendar or the dietary needs.
An important aspect of this book is also that it has been written (and the concept for this book has been founded) by the representatives of youth faith-based organizations which had worked in a close cooperation, so this book has been an inter-religious dialogue already in the process of writing.

Published in 2008 by the European Youth Forum in the framework of the 2008 - European Year for Inter-cultural Dialogue."

This paper highlights that the integration process developed in the European Union which was able to win over the other concurrent cooperation projects of the Continent over the years. On the contrary, in Caribbean and Latin America there is a plurality of re-gional (SELA, ALADI, UNASUR, CELAC, etc.) and sub-regional (OECS, AEC, CARICOM, SICA/SIECA, MERCOSUR, CAn, etc.) organizations which are in competition with each other. Moreover in Europe the integration process is based on a strong political will, which is real and not simply proclaimed. On the contrary in Caribbean and Latin America, beyond the rhetorical declarations and the legal model used, the integration processes don’t have a full and shared identity group.

The NGO sector has burgeoned in recent years, leading the global development initiative.  In the Palestinian context, NGOs play a central role in the social and economic life of the occupied territories; this implicates them, despite assertions of neutrality, in a fundamentally political project and as such demands their contextualization within the larger national resistance movement.  This dissertation seeks to understand the role NGOs have come to play in the occupied West Bank since the signing of the Oslo Accords and the creation of an embryonic state-building Palestinian Authority government by tracing the evolution of the NGO sector in the post-Oslo era in concert with the Palestinian national movement.

organisasi internasional dalam eksistensinya yang saat ini sangat beragam memiliki peran dan fungsi yang beragam. berangkat dari buku Clive Archer yang membahas mengenai peran dan fungsi organisasi internasional secara umum kemudian kami bandingan dengan ide dari Paul A, Tharp Jr. yang dituliskan dalam bukunya yang berjudul Regional International Organizations/Structure and Functions untuk mencari persamaan-persamaan dan perbedaan terkait peran dan fungsi organisasi internasional

Background: Local and international non-governmental organizations play a pivotal role in a relief operation. However, as the number of disasters and their complexity is increasing, the challenges these organizations face during a relief operation are also growing exponentially. It is crucial for relief organizations to not only understand but also to prioritize the factors, which can make their supply chain work better. Therefore, this research aims at understanding the relationship between the key success factors, which can dramatically enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the relief operation. Moreover, this study also highlights how LNGOs and INGOs differentiate between these KSFs and how they rank them.
Methods: To address the objective of this study, the Likert scale style questionnaire was developed and distributed online to all such NGOs (worldwide), which take part in the relief operation. The collected data was then tested for its empirical significance on SPSS using Spearman's Rho, Pearson Chi-square, to understand the relationship and importance of these factors. Whereas, the odds ratio was calculated to rank each KSF.
Results: The results of the study indicate that there exist strong correlation among all selected factors and all KSFs affect INGOs supply chain at least twice as much as they do of LNGOs.
Conclusion: According to our findings and in the light of literature discussed in this research, a successful relief supply chain depends not only on greater and stronger coordination & collaboration but also on sharing information and resources among LNGOs and INGOs.

This paper discussed two important points concerning American IPR members' cooperation with the U.S. government. First, American intellectuals involved in the IPR diligently cooperated with the U.S. government, despite the IPR's well-known principle of being "non-governmental" and Edward C. Carter was quite politically active long before the start of the Second World War, even though he was unconsciously a state-oriented nationalist rather than a communist sympathizer. Second, Carter's suggestion that the entire Japanese government (including the army) highly regarded American opinions and possible actions far greater than those of the League of Nations was the key to deterring Japanese aggression.

This paper explores the relationship between complexity thinking, group process facilitation, and the use of Theory of Change (ToC) from an action-learning perspective. For the purpose of this paper, Theory of Change is understood as a transformative action-thinking non-linear approach applied to complex social change processes. It relates key concepts of complexity theory with group process facilitation, analyses the relationship between change and conflict transformation, proposes innovative ways of learning embedded in multi-stakeholder contexts, looks at how we understand and relate to the future, and then suggests certain premises and metaskills we should always consider when facilitating theory of change and complex group processes.

Karthik Navayan In India there is no escape from the Brahmanical caste structure, it is a story that needs no retelling. It has been the case since ages, and, quite distressingly, it will be so for at least few generations to come. My 18-month tenure in ActionAid Hyderabad Regional Office and my subsequent year-long fight with ActionAid India and ActionAid International not only affirmed my conviction, but it enlightened me about another phenomena, too; that an international aid agency's "International Office", which committed themselves to the poor and unprivileged, can also become as casteist and discriminatory as Indian casteists. To put it more bluntly, individuals from India's dominant castes and the ones who believe in Brahmanical ideology rule those agencies. Please read my earlier article, for more background: Caste Discrimination in Modern Workspaces:

Global forces are penetrating the economic life, political order and postmodern culture of our world so pervasively that it makes the turn of the century look like the beginning of a new global era. This article discusses one particular aspect of this change, the new patterns and principles of global governance. The focus is on how the power relations of national, international and multinational actors in political life shape the world order and influence regional economies, nation states and localities.

The role of international organizations, such as the IMF and the World Bank, will remain important in the near future. More integrated forms of political and economic cooperation are likely to emerge as well. On the other hand, a role of the nation state seems to be diminishing, even though they will maintain their position as the key players in the global scene. Along with this the roles of regional and local governments are becoming more important in dealing with competitiveness, development and welfare policy issues.

One characteristic feature of the new world order is the increased power of the multinationals. It has even been claimed that global corporations have more power than states. Thus, the power of territorial governments is shifting not only to international organizations, but also to MNCs and networks of instrumental exchanges.

Civil society constitutes a counterforce to both government and business sectors. There is, indeed, some evidence of the formation of a sort of global civil society which challenges the premises of both corporate agenda and pervasive state intervention. Yet its role in the emerging pattern of governance is still unclear.

One of the key questions of global governance is to what extent the emerging post-Cold War order will be created through cooperation within democratic institutions. The need for a new cosmopolitan democracy is apparent. What are required are explicit governance arrangements based on principles of democracy, pluralism, social equality, and sustainability. This is among the most critical governance issues in the first decades of the 21st century.

The rapid expansion of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) numbers in the last half-century is usually explained to be a result of decolonization, globalization, and/or increase in the number of global issues. One additional hypothesis, which has not been discussed in the political science literature, is suggested by the demographic-structural theory. According to this hypothesis, the acceleration in INGO numbers was caused by the post-war baby boom and a crisis in the credential system. This study finds that cyclical increases in INGO numbers were preceded by expansions in the 30–39 cohort. Interestingly, the mean age of leaders across 12 international governmental institutions also oscillated, but with a lag (thus correlated with expansions of the 55– 64 cohort). Thus evidence supports the idea that demographic-structural mechanisms contributed to the surge in INGO numbers during the last 50 years as a by-product of intraelite competition.

Many workplaces in Vietnam, such as international non-government organisations (INGOs), where Vietnamese staff collaborate with people from different cultures, have become increasingly culturally diverse and interdisciplinary. This paper is based on the findings of broader qualitative research conducted between December 2010 and November 2012 that explored young Vietnamese graduates’ experiences of working at the intersection of different cultural worlds in the context of development projects at INGOs in Vietnam. Interviewees were nineteen young Vietnamese graduates and six international directors or deputy directors. This paper discusses their experiences of working for INGOs. Young graduates developed intercultural communication skills, became empathetic with others, and reconciled disparate cultural practices. While helping local communities adapt to development projects, graduates harmoniously combined the cultural values and customs of both sides. They disseminated information, promoted mutual understanding, formed culturally relativistic attitudes, promoted cross-cultural empathy, spread international goodwill and reconciled disparate cultural practices, facilitated communication, and interacted with persons or groups of different cultures.

Sosyal politikanın önemli aktörlerinden biri olan sivil toplum kuruluşları tarihin her döneminde çeşitli şekillerde var olmuştur. Ancak, sanayi devrimi sonrasında ve özellikle de küreselleşme sürecinde nicelik ve nitelik açısından önemli değişimler yaşamıştır. Ülkelerin gelişmişlik düzeylerine ve sahip olduğu sosyo-kültürel özelliklere bağlı olarak farklı sivil toplum modelleri ortaya çıkmıştır. Japonya da yaşadığı hızlı kalkınma süreci ve kendine has kültürel özellikleri nedeniyle sivil toplum kuruluşlarının farklılık gösterdiği ülkeler arasında yer almaktadır. Sivil toplum rejimleri arasında yer aldığı devletçi model, Japonya’da sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ne tür özellikler gösterdiğini incelemeyi gerekli kılmaktadır. Bu çalışma da, Japonya’da sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ne anlama geldiğini, kurumsal yapılanmanın tarihsel gelişimini ve günümüzde STK’ların mevcut durumunu sosyal politika çerçevesinde incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır.

This project consists in studying the relations between International Non-Governmental Organizations [INGO] and Free/Libre & Open Source Software [FLOSS]. By relations, we mean the matches that exist between INGOs and FLOSS, the impacts that adoption of FLOSS by INGOs can have on each other and the way such adoption is being decided.

The benefits of promoting FLOSS in the NGO sector can be many. Just to mention some: avoid vendor lock-in, be open to innovation, be more cost effective, allow to leave the technology behind to local partners, etc. It is important however to specify that this study does not pretend a priori that FLOSS are better alternatives than proprietary software as it is well understood that such affirmation can only be valid for specific cases.

Considering the wide spectrum of this subject, this specific paper is focusing on the following main objectives: to identify the reasons that will influence such organizations in using (or not) FLOSS and to link those reasons with the management structure of the INGOs (in particular the three levels of decisions: strategic, tactic and operational) and with the INGOs' profile.

The hypothesis is that the use FLOSS has implications that exceed the technical and financial aspects considered by the ICT and operational teams (operational and tactic decision levels) and that concern also the strategy of the organizations in terms of values and internal culture (strategic level).

The finality of this study is to contribute to better consider the potential benefits FLOSS can bring to INGOs and reciprocally.

The source of information for this project was twofold. The primary, through personal interviews, and the secondary, through publicly available documents related to this subject. For one part, interviews were conducted with some INGO and ICT specialists who had some kind of experience with FLOSS in order to feed the reflection and better understand the possible impacts in using free software. On the other part, a desk review of the information available on Internet related to FLOSS, INGO and organization/information management was conducted. Some specific books or articles complete this bibliography.

The document consists into three main chapters: The first one describes the main characteristics of the INGOs relevant for this study. The second explains the main principles of FLOSS, both taking into account its ethical component (respect of the freedoms of the users) and methodological (the collaborative approach or the Open Source Way). The third chapter explores the decision-making process and link it with the INGOs particularities: the impact that the adoption of FLOSS may have on the INGOs and the link between those potential impacts and INGO’s decision-making structures, as well as the INGO's profile.

Out of specific experiences by some INGOs with FLOSS, but also by various public administrations, especially in Europe, it appears that the involvement of the top bodies in the decision-making is a key factor to ensure a consistent strategy in regards to FLOSS. It then appears that when this level of decision is reached, FLOSS can potentially bring valuable benefits, not only in terms of features and costs, but mostly in terms of ownership on its Information & Communication Technologies [ICT], with better control on it and more potential for innovation. This goes along a cultural change from passive consumption of ICT products to a committed attitude towards community products on which the organization takes ownership. In the case of the INGOs, adoption of FLOSS would also align the ICT management of the organization with its core values, and in particular, contribute to a society where the collaborative approach are promoted, the users' rights are better respected, including for the benefiting countries.

In conclusion, the choice between FLOSS and proprietary software not only depends on the technical and financial criteria, but also on more intangible impacts that must be assessed at a strategic level by the executive direction or even the board.

The next question, that goes beyond the scope of this study, would be then to measure the use of FLOSS among INGO, the understanding their managers have about FLOSS and if their decision processes consider those strategic implications or not.

In the 1890s Australian and New Zealand women became the first in the world to win the vote. Buoyed by their victories, they promised to lead a global struggle for the expansion of women's electoral rights. Charting the common trajectory of the colonial suffrage campaigns, Distant Sisters uncovers the personal and material networks that transformed feminist organising. Considering intimate and institutional connections, well-connected elites and ordinary women, this book argues developments in Auckland, Sydney, and Adelaide-long considered the peripheries of the feminist world-cannot be separated from its glamourous metropoles. Focusing on Antipodean women, simultaneously insiders and outsiders in the emerging international women's movement, and documenting the failures of their expansive vision alongside its successes, this book reveals a more contingent history of international organising and challenges celebratory accounts of fin-de-siècle global connection.

Why and under what conditions do humanitarian international non governmental organizations (INGOs) change their on-the-ground response and the humanitarian mandate? This article explores variation in pathways to adaptation by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), a humanitarian actor that arguably leads the field of humanitarian INGOs in mandate expansion. By comparing three instances of humanitarian response, it shows that radical innovation occurred in response to HIV/AIDS needs in the late 1990s; incremental adaptation facilitated response to the Ebola outbreak in West Africa in 2014; and obstructed innovation characterizes responses to today’s displacement crisis in the Middle East. Humanitarian INGOs can be deliberately accommodating of change, which facilitates incremental adaptation, when there is: uncertainty about the appropriateness of humanitarian action; an internal organization that distributes authority to facilitate field-based, bottom-up political entrepreneurship; and humanitarian space for novel solutions. Notably, when actors are designing responses to new needs and begin to question their mandate, we may see either radical innovation that creates new space for response by redefining the boundaries of humanitarianism or innovation obstructed by an unwillingness to confront the humanitarian-development divide.

During the Cold War, international associations of resistance veterans were important transnational actors. Split along the political fault lines, an 'antifascist' stance was crucial to them, both in their memories of resistance against Nazi Germany and in their involvement in the propaganda campaigns of the Cold War. Due to its manifold activities, the pro-communist Fédération Internationale des Résistants (fir) was the most important of these international associations. Liberal and anti-communist organizations, like the Fédération Internationale Libre des Déportés et Internés de la Résistance (fildir), formed the counterpart to the fir. These organizations will serve as a point of comparison. This study transcends the prevailing national perspective, instead investigating the transnational memory of the survivors. It goes on to examine the consequences of the political changes in the ussr after Stalin's death in March 1953, and Khrushchev's 'secret speech' as well as the Hungarian Uprising and its suppression in 1956.