Indigenous education

http://www.springer.com/gp/book/9783662481585

This chapter looks into the interplay of indigenous education and global citizenship in the Philippines. The country is one of the first nations in Asia to have passed a law recognizing the specific needs of its indigenous people (IP). In 1997, the Indigenous People’s Rights Act was passed into law to ensure that IPs have
access to basic health and education. But much has remained wanting in its implementation even after two decades. This chapter spells out first the historical development and the emergent conceptualization of indigenous education insofar as
national policy is concerned. After which, local experiences of indigenous education are considered – particularly, the case of a local school in Bukidnon, the Apu Palamguwan Cultural Education Center; and an institutional program, the Philippine’s Response to Indigenous Peoples’ and Muslim Education. The chapter concludes by considering whether or not the concept of global citizenship is understood at the level of both policy and local experience.

Anthropocentrism, which includes assumptions like 'man has the right to dominion over the earth', 'humans are superior to animals', reality is divided into a de-spiriting animate/inanimate binary, etc., can clearly be attributed to the supremacist ontology of A.D. Worldview(s). As ) took care to note, power is not just exerted by what is said but by what is therefore not said, by what is necessarily rendered as untrue by a given regime of truth. What truth exists beyond the chains of Anthropocentrism?

This essay is written to address conversations about the best ways to engage in knowledge exchange on important sustainability issues between Indigenous knowledges and fields of climate, environmental and sustainability sciences. In terms of sustainability, a crucial facet of the self-determination of peoples such as Indigenous nations and communities is the responsibility and the right to make plans for the future using planning processes that are inclusive, well-informed, culturally-relevant, and respectful of human interdependence with nonhumans and the environment. Indigenous knowledges often play a crucial role in Indigenous planning processes. In my work, I have found that scientists often appreciate what I will call here the supplemental-value of Indigenous knowledges—the value of Indigenous knowledges as inputs for adding (i.e. supplementing) data that scientific methods do not normally track. In the domain of supplemental-value, Indigenous people’s planning processes will improve, in turn, by having access to the supplemented and hence improved science. But it is also the case that Indigenous knowledges have governance-value. That is, they serve as irreplaceable sources of guidance for Indigenous resurgence and nation-building. Scientists should appreciate governance-value because it suggests that for some Indigenous peoples in knowledge exchange situations, we need to be assured that the flourishing of our knowledges is respected and protected. I hope to make the case for why it is important for scientists who work with Indigenous peoples to understand governance value in the hopes that this understanding will improve their approaches to knowledge exchange with Indigenous peoples.

Modernity and a True Return to Nature 0. Point of Departure Question How are human-nature relations and the attainment of virtue through human-nature relations understood in the classical urban theory of Geddes and Mumford? How is technology and technological power seen as mediating the relationship between humans and nature?

Four stars in the night sky have been formally recognised by their Australian Aboriginal names. The names include three from the Wardaman people of the Northern Territory and one from the Boorong people of western Victoria. The Wardaman star names are Larawag, Wurren and Ginan in the Western constellations Scorpius, Phoenix and Crux (the Southern Cross). The Boorong star name is Unurgunite in Canis Majoris (the Great Dog). They are among 86 new star names drawn from Chinese, Coptic, Hindu, Mayan, Polynesian, South African, and Aboriginal Australian cultures.

Song and dance are a traditional means of strengthening culture and passing knowledge to successive generations in the Torres Strait of northeastern Australia. Dances incorporate a range of apparatuses to enhance the performance, such as dance machines (Zamiyakal) and headdresses (Dhari). The dances, songs, headdresses and dance machines work together to transfer important knowledge about subsistence survival, social structure, and cultural continuity. This paper explores how celestial phenomena inspire and inform music and dance.

Aboriginal Australians carefully observe the properties and positions of stars, including both overt and subtle changes in their brightness, for subsistence and social application. These observations are encoded in oral tradition. I examine two Aboriginal oral traditions from South Australia that describe the periodic changing brightness in three pulsating, red-giant variable stars: Betelgeuse (Alpha Orionis), Aldebaran (Alpha Tauri), and Antares (Alpha Scorpii). The Australian Aboriginal accounts stand as the only known descriptions of pulsating variable stars in any Indigenous oral tradition in the world. Researchers examining these oral traditions over the last century, including anthropologists and astronomers, missed the description of these stars as being variable in nature as the ethnographic record contained several misidentifications of stars and celestial objects. Arguably, ethnographers working on Indigenous Knowledge Systems should have academic training in both the natural and social sciences.

Moodie, N. (2018). Decolonizing race theory: place, survivance & sovereignty, In G. Vass, J. Maxwell, S. Rudolph and K.N. Gulson (Eds.), The Relationality of Race in Education Research. (pp. 33-46). London: Routledge.

This chapter builds on Brayboy's approach to Tribal Critical Theory, as a response to the emergent critique of Critical Race Theory from Indigenous perspectives. This chapter synthesises recent research to develop Decolonizing Race Theory in order to focus attention on possibilities of change and reinvention, thereby disrupting deficit discourses in Indigenous education.

Critical Race Theory (CRT) appears to offer a robust interpretation of the failure of liberalism to either achieve equality for Indigenous people or recognise the ongoing effects of dispossession. However, despite the opportunities created by CRT, there are features of race theorising which tend to overwrite the concerns of Indigenous peoples. To date, Brayboy's (2005) work has provided the most substantial interpretation of CRT and settler colonial education systems from an Indigenous perspective. In the decade since this work however, a substantial literature on Indigenous education, decolonization and settler futurity has emerged, which creates the opportunity to strengthen critical race theorising and more accurately reflect Indigenous people's activism and intellectual projects. This chapter therefore advances two core arguments: (1) that CRT is limited in its analysis of sovereignty and Indigenous futurity, and; (2) that an update of Brayboy's work, framed Decolonizing Race Theory, offers an integration of cognate approaches. This provides an opportunity to centre Indigenous rights to land, and acknowledges the right and reality of reinvention and change within the struggle against the logic of elimination.

Catterall's (2018) editorial note for issue 22.2 of CITY, like the final footnote in Barnesmoore's (2018a) editorial for the same issue, raises the question of 'what/whose order is to be asserted in the city'. This question leads us back to the age old question of authority in social, political, economic, religious, etc. systems—who or what has the authority to assert the order of things (in the city and beyond)? This question of authority, as noted by Springer (2014), is all too often understood in the banally hierarchical terms of the Artificial Worldview—which accepts the order of (human) nature as evil and views the production of social, political, economic, religious, etc. order as subsequently dependent upon hierarchical domination (Barnesmoore 2018b)—and the elite class, the state 1 , the legal system, the police, 'bigger scales' and other such edifices of the Artificial Worldview and its conception of order through hierarchical dominion are thus (oft unproblematically) accepted as the natural authority from which the order of things (in the city and beyond) is derived. I have been asked by a reviewer to " set up the critique of urban theory and develop it using examples " , and have done my best to fulfill this request, but, moving from Foucault's insightful and oft repeated observation that the power of what is said is often most clearly expressed in what is therefore not said, my critique of Urban and Geographical theory and the ontological-epistemological debates waged therein is rooted less in what has been said than in what has not been said. My critique is rooted in the lack of engagement with questions of worldview (of the nexus of cosmology and ontology) and the subsequent, unproblematic acceptance of the Colonial Modernist incarnation of the dominant, domineering Artificial Worldview (Four Arrows and Narvaez 2016; Barnesmoore 2018b) implied therein.

Early ethnographers and missionaries recorded Aboriginal languages and oral traditions across Australia. Their general lack of astronomical training resulted in misidentifications, transcription errors and omissions in these records. In western Victoria and southeast South Australia many astronomical traditions were recorded but, cur- iously, some of the brightest stars in the sky were omitted. Scholars claimed these stars did not feature in Aboriginal traditions. This continues to be repeated in the literature, but current research shows that these stars may in fact feature in Aboriginal traditions and could be seasonal calendar markers. This paper uses established techniques to identify seasonal stars in the traditions of the Kaurna Aboriginal people of the Adelaide Plains, South Australia.

The essay offers reflections on the purpose of Indigenous environmental education. Indigenous peoples engage in wide-ranging approaches to environmental education that are significant aspects of how they exercise self-determination. Yet often such educational practices are just seen as trying to genuinely teach certain historic traditions or scientific skill-sets. Through reviewing the author's experiences
and diverse scholarly and practitioner perspectives, the essay discusses how Indigenous environmental education is best when it aims at cultivating qualities of moral responsibilities including trust, consent and accountability within Indigenous communities. The concept of collective continuance is one way of thinking about how moral responsibilities play significant roles in contributing to social resilience. Understanding education in this way can be used to address some of the major issues affecting Indigenous peoples everywhere, including environmental justice, gender justice and the resurgence of traditions.

Like other communities, Indigenous peoples must adapt to climate-induced ecological variations like sea level rise, glacier retreat and shifts in the habitat ranges of different species. In ongoing conversations on climate change, some Indigenous women articulate how seriously they take the specific responsibilities they perceive themselves to have within the systems of responsibilities that matter to their communities. Such responsibilities can range from acting as custodians and teachers of local ecological knowledge to acting as conveners of political movements aiming at respectful co-existence with neighbors. For these Indigenous women, the responsibilities that they assume in their communities can expose them to harms stemming from climate change and other environmental changes. Yet at the same time, their commitment to these responsibilities motivates them to serve as enablers of adaptation and mitigation. efforts.
This paper offers a starting point for the following positions: Some Indigenous women have their own unique capacities for collective action that advance adaptation and mitigation. Non-Indigenous parties’ political responsibilities should involve deferring to Indigenous women’s own knowledges of and motivations for collective action. Deference can be expressed through political institutions that bolster the conditions needed to support Indigenous women’s collective actions. In many cases, deference  is incumbent on Indigenous national governments and political organizations. Further work beyond this paper should seek to further clarify the political reforms needed to support Indigenous women’s collective agencies for adapting to and mitigating climate change.

This essay, or rather collection of essays, draws together three distinct streams of thought, time and space into a single river of understanding concerning labor, leisure, human-nature relations, city and town planning and human evolution at both the individual and collective levels. From Daoist tales of effortless leisure under 'useless trees' to Pieper's eulogy of leisure in the Modernist world(view) of total work and onto the planning theory and practice of Sir. Patrick Geddes, this ambling and nomadic stream seeks to problematize hegemonic contemporary conceptions of evolution, order, labor, leisure, nature and human-nature relations and to plant the seeds of a new principle, a new mythos, to which human evolution and being can be oriented in ashes of the charred edifice of Modernity. Can we transcend the materially rationalist, labor centric conceptions of humanity that reign in contemporary hegemonic culture for a more holistic perspective in which the infinite and finite aspects of human being can co-exist without either one interfering with the other? Can human-nature relations, especially as cultivated through city and town planning, transcend the present order of hierarchical domination, objectification and callous consumption of nature for an order of relations in which nature acts upon us as a teacher and we consume nature in harmony with its own natural order rather than through creation of an artificial order?

Buen Vivir, a political paradigm at work in Bolivia and Ecuador that underpins the state and social regeneration after a prolonged and devastating period of neoliberalism, has become a hotly contested subject within academia and politics. Although it has been categorized as decolonial, post-neoliberal, and post-developmentalist, recent developments suggest that the Ecuadorian government is turning toward a highly extractivist and modernist model based on bureaucratic and technocratic logics. This article focuses on the debate spurred around Buen Vivir, arguing that it has been employed as a cultural representation by many academics, politicians, and social agents, thus foreclosing the possibility of engaging in more grounded and pragmatic discussions and hindering the articulation of alternative political configurations. Accordingly, it seeks to shift the debate from epistemological questions about the conditions of knowledge to thinking the nature of the world ontologically from the perspective of Buen Vivir

Exploring the consequences of white male control over the Kamehameha
Schools (KS), particularly from 1887 to 1900, I reveal that the leadership of the schools folded KS into a broader white supremacist project of subordinating and domesticating Kānaka within the new social and economic order they were building. Like earlier Protestant missionary projects, KS pedagogies worked to discipline Hawaiian sexuality and produce an industrial workforce according to gendered divisions of
labor. These explicit goals became coupled with the implicit aim of obscuring Hawaiian national identity and producing consent to a new political regime—the white oligarchy— backed by the US military. Cultural processes of domestication, of making “good and industrious men and women” at Kamehameha Schools, dovetailed with the political processes of establishing and maintaining US imperial control and military occupation.

The participation rate of Indigenous people in higher education is comparatively disparately low across all sectors. In this article the authors examine the pivotal role of the university sector in addressing this inequity and releasing the potential for increased Indigenous enrolment, participation and completion in higher education. Indigenous higher education, they argue, is core university business, not an equity issue, and a unique opportunity currently exists for achieving significant progress. Using examples of best practice they show how universities can take positive practical steps to overcome the commonly identified barriers to Indigenous higher education success. These examples include Indigenous centres and units to assist and support Indigenous students. The authors also propose four specific strategies for increasing Indigenous higher education success across all facets. These are: the recruitment of highly dedicated staff; to optimise the degree of comfort, cultural and academic, of beginning students; the role and centrality of Indigenous centres in Indigenous higher education needs to be recognised and strengthened; and to keep the institutions' Indigenous support mechanisms constantly under review. The authors extend their analysis to the low Indigenous representation among university staff, arguing that a greater presence and nurturing of Indigenous staff, academic and general is a vital facet of improving Indigenous higher education access and success. Finally, they argue that a longitudinal study of Indigenous higher education participation is needed to provide an evidence base to inform and increase the efficacy of policy in this area.

This paper was prepared as a discussion paper for the 'Thinking Outside The Tank' session 'Why Boarding?'

Despite the importance and currently topical nature of the delivery of education to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students through boarding schools, the research base and literature is relatively small. The Cooperative Research Centre for Remote Economic Participation’s (CRC-REP) Remote Education Systems (RES) project is seeking to address this lack of research attention, and this summary is a starting point for scoping a research program to investigate the costs, benefits and experience of remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and their communities in accessing education through boarding schools in Australia.
This summary reviews existing literature, with the goal of identifying driving forces and motivations of governments, education and scholarship providers and students and families for this education option. To do so, we draw on Canadian and US academic literature, as well as Australian literature. For this working paper, the review is not exhaustive and should not be seen as the summary of all literature on the topic. It is simply designed to provide some context for a broader understanding of the contemporary issues related to boarding for remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Australia. The scope of the literature excludes a specific focus on examples of contemporary boarding school practice.
We also look to public discourse, in particular reporting in the Australian media to examine this issue. To this end, this review provides an analysis of a small-scale survey of recent media reporting on the topic. The sample comprises 31 media reports from 5 sources: The Australian, Sydney Morning Herald, The Age and The Koori Mail newspapers, plus the ABC (radio and television as available on line). Most reports are from 2012-2014; the earliest is from 2004. The method used to access reports was by searching the media provider directly, via on-line searches. The sample is not exhaustive, but a number of key motivations emerge and, in part interlink with those in the academic literature.

Recognizing that educational change in Nunavut has not been extensively documented, this article provides an entry point for considering how Nunavut can be better understood and situated with scholarship on Indigenous education in Canada. Comparing the history of education in Nunavut with key turning points in First Nations education, the article illustrates important distinctions in understanding the Arctic context. Examination of more current issues illustrates the distinctive perspective offered from Nunavut -Canada's only jurisdiction where the entire public education system is intended to be responsive to the Indigenous (Inuit) majority. Finally, four areas of common struggle are proposed for further consideration: walking in two worlds; human resource development; decolonization; and, radical implementation and radical pedagogy.

The small number of Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children at school—147,181—belies the complexity and magnitude of the failure of the national school system to ensure that they are educated. Only half the schools in the education system have Indigenous students—4,800 of the 9,202 schools in Australia. This ratio—one could argue—lessens the necessity of the education system to engage in capacity building to address what education needs might exist for Indigenous students.

In response to the contemporary context of reconciliation in Canada, colleges and universities have made efforts to "Indigenize" their campuses, extending earlier, Indigenous-led efforts to create more space for Indigenous peoples and knowledges. While many welcome these efforts, others express concern that they fail to go beyond conditional inclusion to fundamentally shift relationships between settlers and Indigenous peoples. In this paper, I examine these developments and suggest that most institutions and individuals have yet to face the full extent of their complicity in colonization. I argue that perhaps it is only by doing so, and thus, arriving at the impossibility of reconciliation, that a transformation of settler-Indigenous relationships might be possible.

As wondrous lands are represented as “wastelands” to make way for urban and industrial development in Hawaiʻi, kūpuna or elders and cultural practitioners are currently building a movement across the islands to mobilize moʻolelo (stories and histories) in huakaʻi aloha ʻāina, (physical and spiritual travels to view and remember celebrated and sacred places) in order to protect them.  On these huakaʻi, moʻolelo have critical decolonial effects as they articulate an ʻŌiwi moʻoʻāina economy of abundance that restores “wastelands” to ʻāina kamahaʻo (wondrous land) and ʻāina momona (abundant land).  In this essay, I focus on a 2010 community struggle to protect the birthplace of the kupua (supernatural hero) Māui in Lualualei valley from a developer’s proposal for a light industrial park. The Concerned Elders of Waiʻanae organized the Huakaʻi Kākoʻo no Waiʻanae environmental justice bus tours to share the Māui moʻolelo and build a broad base of support for their struggles, enabling wonder to grow into direct action.  I discuss the ways that Indigenous and critical settler cartographies map the wonder of the Māui moʻolelo on the ground, and I look to narrative conventions of moʻolelo that compare and connect distant places, helping to grow affinity activism.

Indigenous peoples often claim that colonial powers, such as settler states, violate Indigenous peoples' collective self-determination over their food systems, or food sovereignty. Violations of food sovereignty are often food injustices. Yet Indigenous peoples claim that one of the solutions to protecting food sovereignty involves the conservation of particular foods, from salmon to wild rice. This essay advances an argument that claims of this kind set forth particular theories of food sovereignty and food injustice that are not actually grounded in a static conception of Indigenous culture; instead, such claims offer important contributions to how settler colonial domination is understood as a form of injustice affecting key relationships that support Indigenous collective self-determination through food sovereignty. The essay describes some of the significant qualities of reciprocal relationships that support food sovereignty, referring widely to the work of Indigenous leaders and scholars and Tribal staff on salmon conservation in North America.

Whyte, K.P. 2018. Food Sovereignty, Justice and Indigenous Peoples: An Essay on Settler Colonialism and Collective Continuance. Oxford Handbook on Food Ethics. Edited by A. Barnhill, T. Doggett, and A. Egan, 345-366. Oxford University Press.

It has been said that, "no duty is more urgent than that of returning thanks." Our team recognizes that this report is a reflection of the hard work and dedication of many people who toil on a daily basis to make their schools a better place for their students. This project would not have been possible without the more than 400 individuals who participated in interviews and focus groups across our ten school communities. The field work was undertaken at particularly stressful times in the school year, still our team members were received with warmth and enthusiasm at each site. We extend our gratitude to the administrators, teachers and staff, who gave us their time, enthusiasm, knowledge, and experiences to build the foundations of our research. Equally important, were the contributions from students as well as community members -parents, elders, and concerned citizens. Because schools do not operate in a vacuum, the participation of those outside of the education system was critical to our understanding of how the schools are affecting the students as individuals in their communities.

This paper offers a brief analysis of aspects related to the signifi cance and the complexities of introducing “different” epistemologies in higher education teaching and learning. We start by introducing the metaphors of abyssal thinking, epistemic blindness and ecologies of knowledge in the work of Boaventura de Souza Santos. In the second part of the paper we use Santos’  metaphors to engage with the tensions of translating aboriginal epistemologies into non-aboriginal languages, categories and technologies. In the third part, we offer a situated illustration of an attempt to introduce epistemological pluralism in addressing central concepts in teaching in higher education. In our conclusion we emphasize that political, ontological and metaphysical questions need to be considered very carefully in the process of introducing different epistemologies into higher education.

Ancestral knowledges are systems of knowledge based on the epistemologies (ways of knowing), and written, oral, and spiritual traditions of Indigenous peoples. Because of colonialism, slavery, genocide and other systems of oppression, Ancestral knowledge of some Indigenous peoples has been threatened and even erased. Ancestral knowledge has also been preserved and passed on. For example, as many Indigenous nations in the U.S. were forced into other areas of the U.S., and as Africans were enslaved in the U.S. and Latin America, they maintained varying levels of their Ancestral knowledge. Researchers suggest that it is crucial for these knowledges to be identified, maintained, and centered in schooling and other educational activities for Indigenous and Minoritized youth. Ancestral knowledges should not be viewed as a side, marginal, or elective class. Nor should they be viewed as static, finalized bodies of knowledge. Rather, they should be the centerpiece of a dynamic knowledge (and curriculum) for all students, including non-Indigenous students from dominant cultural groups. The purpose of this research brief is to highlight some of the research related to the importance of Ancestral knowledge in all schools, and particularly those that serve Indigenous and other Minoritized youth. We wish to highlight the importance of wholly accepting Indigenous youth as Ancestral (inheriting, adapting/adding to, and conveying knowledge) as well as intergenerational (gaining insight from elders, and thus assuming place in a line of knowledge transmission between generations).

The author suggests that educators’ responses to the Truth and
Reconciliation Commission of Canada cannot be reduced or reducible
to practice without also considering the theories that are
enfolded into reconciliatory initiatives and actions. She is guided
by the central questions: How do I understand prevailing constructions
of reconciliation in circulation? and How might I theorize a
philosophy of truth and reconciliation education that responds to
and upholds my de/colonizing commitments? The author develops
a de/colonizing theory that includes four interrelated components.
They include: (a) the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
of Canada’s notion of reconciliation and education for reconciliation,
(b) Indigenous land-based traditions for establishing and
maintaining respectful relationships, (c) the central role of
Indigenous counter-stories in truth and reconciliation education,
and (d) critiques of the construction and enactment of reconciliation.
Together, these components provide orientations, challenges,
and possibilities for consideration when engaging theory
building, community involvement, research design, policy development,
and practice for truth and reconciliation education.

En los orígenes de la nación chilena se ocultan una serie de elementos raciales que pueden remontarse a muchos años antes de su establecimiento formal como institución política. Las ideas de “raza” y “racismo” son el eje central sobre el cual el autor intenta analizar dichas retóricas de inferiorización, provenientes tanto de la ciencia, de la política, como de las prácticas culturales de los siglos XVII, XVIII y principalmente del XIX.

Se trata de un trabajo transdisciplinario, que se fundamenta en una revisión crítica de fuentes primarias de la época y de una extensa literatura secundaria proveniente de la historia de la cultura, de la ciencia, la antropología social y cultural, así como de la filosofía.

No se trata de una obra de historia, ni menos de antropología, solo es un intento por pensar o cartografiar nuestro pasado colonial (y poscolonial) como un ejercicio de conceptualización que nos permita cuestionar aquello que se denomina “identidad chilena”.






El contrato colonial de Chile
Ciencia, Racismo y Nación

Por

Patricio Lepe-Carrión





Tabla de contenidos

Tabla de contenidos 2
Tabla de ilustraciones 5
Siglas 6
Introducción 7


Primera Parte: Colonialidad del poder en el reino de Chile
1. Civilización y barbarie: la ‘diferencia colonial’ 13
1.1. Cartografía conceptual de la dicotomía 13
1.1.1. Genealogía de la ‘barbarie’, como ausencia de la razón deliberativa 13
1.1.2. Aristóteles: ‘deliberación’ y esclavitud natural 14
1.1.3. La barbarie, ‘diferencia’ y construcción del Otro 16
1.2. La Junta de Valladolid: la naturalización de las diferencias en el siglo XVI 19
1.2.1. La polémica de los naturales 19
1.2.2. La construcción de la ‘barbarie’ americana 20
1.2.3. Bartolomé de Las Casas y el encubrimiento de la ‘diferencia cultural’ 25
1.2.4. El re-descubrimiento del logos deliberativo: los nativos también pueden ser educados 28
2. La construcción del sujeto colonial en el Chile del siglo XVII 31
2.1. La sedimentación de la ‘diferencia colonial’ en la ‘guerra defensiva’ 32
2.2. Una frontera geográfica, subjetiva y epistémica: la ‘zona de contacto’ 35
2.3. Colonialidad: idea de totalidad, y miradas micropolíticas 40
2.4. La raza como eje articulador de la matriz colonial de poder 43
2.5. Los diagramas de soberanía y disciplina 44
2.6. Una frontera de seducción 47
2.7. El ‘Sermón en lengua de Chile’: orígenes del racismo epistémico 49
2.8. Pedagogía jesuita: individuación y emulación. Disciplina en la Ratio Studiorum 52

Segunda Parte: Taxonomías proto-raciales de la Ilustración

3. Época clásica, y el ‘no lugar’ en la instrumentalización política de los saberes científicos 58
3.1. El Ego Conquiro condición del Ego Cogito 59
3.1.1. Del escepticismo sobre la existencia del bárbaro, al escepticismo metódico cartesiano 60
3.1.2. La objetivación del ‘cuerpo’ como ‘naturaleza’ 61
3.2. Episteme y gubernamentalidad 63
3.2.1. Las tres epistemes 63
3.2.2. La episteme clásica, y su discontinuidad con el Renacimiento 64
3.2.3. La episteme clásica y La Hybris del punto cero 65
3.2.4. La razón de Estado (ratio status) 68
3.3. Biopolítica borbónica: la aparición de la ‘razón de Estado’ en España y Chile durante el siglo XVIII 69
3.3.1. Gobierno de las poblaciones 69
3.3.2. El Censo como ciencia del Estado 72
3.3.3. De la razón al racismo de Estado 74
4. La ‘historia natural’ en el orden y casificación etnoracial de la humanidad 76
4.1. Dios creó, Linneo puso en orden (Deus creavit; Linnaeus disposuit) 78
4.1.1. La escritura universal 78
4.1.2. El género Homo, y la especie Homo Sapiens 80
4.1.3. Cuerpo bello, alma buena. Un primer acercamiento a la kalokagathía 82
4.2. El conde de Buffon, y el dinamismo en la Escala de los Seres 83
4.2.1. La cuestión de la especie: temporalización de la Gran Cadena del Ser 83
4.2.2. Los efectos del clima y el ambiente en la formación de las razas 87
4.3. América es un continente débil y degenerado 89
4.4. Juan Ignacio Molina: el científico que persuadió a Immanuel Kant 93
4.4.1. Molina, el primer científico chileno 93
4.4.2. La incomodidad del criollo, y su arremetida contra los ‘antiamericanistas’ 94
4.4.3. Boroa, un pueblo de chilenos europeizados 96
4.4.4. Chilenos de sangre pura, criollos, y los mestizos bastardos 99
5. Clasificación racial en la filosofía ilustrada. El caso de Immanuel Kant 103
5.1. Luces y sombras de la ‘ciudad criolla’ 103
5.2. Los intermediarios del universalismo 108
5.3. Del racismo al racialismo 110
5.4. El concepto de ‘raza’ en Kant 112
5.5. Mapa racial: el lugar de los ‘americanos’ 117
Excurso: Kant, colonialismo, y el nuevo encubrimiento 122

Tercera Parte: "Nobleza y plebe: residuos simbólicos durante la pos-colonia"

6. Biopolítica borbónica en chile: el discurso antropológico sobre la ociosidad, el vagabundaje, y su objetivación en el mestizaje 128
6.1. Representación moderna de la pobreza 128
6.2. Pública prosperidad, movilidad social y las incomodidades de la ‘nobleza’ 130
6.3. El mestizaje como fuente de vagabundaje 135
6.4. Higienismo y racismo de Estado 137
7. El color de las clases sociales chilenas 139
7.1. Otros contextos, otras categorías 139
7.2. La ‘raza’ en la formación de las clases sociales chilenas 140
7.3. Aristocracia chilena y selección racial 143
8. Imaginando la ‘nación’ 147
8.1. Lugares de enunciación y traducción 147
8.2. ‘El peso de la noche’; el lado oscuro de la Patria 149
8.2.1. El nativo de papel 150
8.2.2. Independencia/Civilización, o Modernidad/Colonialidad 152
8.3. Iustración y ‘libertad’. Legitimación de las diferencias innatas 156
8.4. La infancia de Chile, y el tutelaje de los ‘padres’ criollos 159
8.5. Los ‘negros’ desean la esclavitud, no la libertad 162
9. Dimensión simbólica de las clases sociales: ‘escenificación’ y ‘apariencia’ 166
9.1. La obsesión por el ‘origen’ 166
9.2. El simbolismo de la prosapia criolla 169
9.3. El delirio de ‘ser percibido’ como noble 172
Conclusión: El contrato colonial de Chile 175
Bibliografía 177

While invaluable information and strategies may arise from the multi-donor supported government lead Comprehensive Education Sector Review and Census of 2014, and great optimism is reflected in the  population after recent peace accords and national elections, sector-wide challenges remain. Among these, data harmonization and collection remains a key bottleneck, as does capacity to support the multi-layered reforms needed to bring curricula, teacher certifications, assessments, decentralization, non-formal opportunities, and the system as a whole into the current century. Various donors are attempting to establish data collection and tracking systems Ð these will themselves become redundant if left unaligned. There are multiple tensions faced by both student demographics and donors within the country,  between globalization and maintaining of local identity, between rural and urban needs for individual and family employment, between learning of mother tongue language and Myanmar. Existing educational policy around language and cultural rights has not produced equitable curricula or programming in the classroom. Donors have driving philosophies that differ on how to resolve issues of equity, access and poverty. If one of the goals of Myanmar as a member of ASEAN is to reach a level of policy harmonization across multiple sectors, relationships between education and non-education focused policies will need to be investigated further and understood better, as programs are developed and implemented. Understanding the relationships between language, capacity building, decentralization, peace building policies and education may play a key role in the success of government and partnership projects. Peace building itself may need to include engagement in policy dialogue among different stakeholders around educational content and delivery. Absence of mother-tongue language materials, bilingual programming (or invalidation of decentralized curricula) has been shown to affect dropout rates for ethnic minority students, an effect  potentially compounded by presence of conflict and poverty incidence. If only one of these is addressed in any given region, results of silo-ed policies may not manifest in expected ways if the original logic model does not account for intersecting underlying conditions.

ʻAuwai are the irrigation ditches Kānaka Maoli developed to allow for sustainable, prolific wetland taro cultivation. This article traces the decline of ‘auwai and lo‘i kalo alongside the loss of Kanaka Maoli control of our national school system, both driven by a shift in the dominant economic system and sealed by the shock of US occupation. Drawing on oral history interviews with teachers and drawing on Corntassel’s notion of ‘sustainable self-determination’ (2008), I tell the story of current efforts of to rebuild ʻauwai and loʻi through a partnership between a Hawaiian culture-based public charter school and the nearby state university. This work provides a metaphor for educators’ efforts to restore pathways of cultural knowledge transmission against continued imperialism. I argue for simultaneous, overlapping efforts to reform education and to rehabilitate the economic and ecological systems that will again allow us to feed ourselves and our ʻāina. Indigenous education must engage in transformation of the larger political economic structures that organise our relations with the natural resources.

Descriptions of natural events, such as fireballs, and meteorite impacts, are found within Indigenous Australian oral traditions. Studies of oral traditions demonstrate that they extend beyond the realm of myth and legend; they contain structured knowledge about the natural world (science) as well as historic accounts of natural events and geo-hazards. These traditions could lead to the discovery of meteorites and impact sites previously unknown to Western science. In addition to benefiting the scientific study of meteoritics, this study can help social scientists better understand the nature and longevity of oral traditions and further support the growing body of evidence that oral traditions contain historical accounts of natural events. In a previous study led by the author in 2009, no meteorite-related oral traditions were identified that led to the discovery of meteorites and/or impact craters. This article challenges those initial findings.

Academic Reference:

Zuckermann, Ghil'ad & Monaghan, Paul (2012). "Revival linguistics and the new media: Talknology in the service of the Barngarla language reclamation", pp. 119-126 of Foundation for Endangered Languages XVI Conference: Language Endangerment in the 21st Century:Globalisation, Technology & New Media. Auckland, New Zealand.

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Revival Linguistics and the New Media:
Talknology in the service of the Barngarla Language Reclamation


Ghil‘ad Zuckermann

Chair of Linguistics and Endangered Languages
School of Humanities, University of Adelaide, SA Adelaide 5005, Australia
[ghilad.zuckermann@adelaide.edu.au]


Paul Monaghan

Mobile Language Team
School of Humanities, University of Adelaide, SA Adelaide 5005, Australia
[paul.monaghan@adelaide.edu.au]


Abstract

Revival Linguistics is a new branch of linguistics, currently being established at Adelaide. It analyses comparatively and systematically the universal constraints and global mechanisms on the one hand (see Zuckermann 2009), and local peculiarities on the other hand, apparent in revival attempts across various sociological backgrounds, all over the world (see Zuckermann & Walsh 2011). A branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it combines scientific studies of native language acquisition and foreign language learning (language reclamation is the most extreme case of Second Language Learning).

The study: The Barngarla language (spelled Parnkalla by Schürmann 1844) is a no-longer spoken Thura-Yura Pama-Nyungan Aboriginal language of the Lakes Cultural Region of South Australia. Most recently Zuckermann, Monaghan and the Barngarla community have launched a reclamation of this sleeping beauty in three major rural/urban centres on the Eyre Peninsula, namely Port Lincoln, Whyalla, and Port Augusta. The presence of three Barngarla populations several hours drive apart presents the revival linguist with a need for a sophisticated reclamation involving ‘talknological’ innovations, such as online chatting, newsgroups, photo and resource sharing through a Barngarla wiki. This paper also examines the tensions accompanying the creation of a Barngarla ‘community of practice’ (cf. Wenger 1998) in a post-traditional Aboriginal context. In important ways, the new talknology poses a direct challenge to existing authority structures relating to the everyday management of knowledge, collaboration and participation. We predict that how the broader Barngarla community negotiates these issues will have an important bearing on the ultimate results of the reclamation project.




Revival Linguistics

Revival Linguistics is a new branch of linguistics, currently being established at Adelaide. It analyses comparatively and systematically the universal constraints and global mechanisms on the one hand (see Zuckermann 2009), and local peculiarities and idiosyncrasies on the other hand, apparent in revival attempts across various sociological backgrounds, all over the world (Zuckermann & Walsh 2011). A branch of both linguistics and applied linguistics, it combines scientific studies of native language acquisition and foreign language learning (language reclamation is the most extreme case of Second Language Learning).

Revival Linguistics complements the established field of documentary linguistics, which records endangered languages before they fall asleep. Revival Linguistics ought to revise the fields of grammaticography (writing grammars) and lexicography (writing dictionaries): Grammars and dictionaries ought to be written for language reclamation, i.e. in a user-friendly way, for communities, not only for linguists. For example, juxtapose Lutheran missionary Clamor Wilhelm Schürmann’s 1844 spelling of the Barngarla word nunyara ‘recovery’, which ignores the English environment, thus resulting in the pronunciation nanYAra rather than NOONyara.

Closely related to contact linguistics, Revival Linguistics changes the field of historical linguistics, e.g. by weakening the Family Tree model, which implies that a language ought to have only one parent. Assisting Aboriginal communities in a realistic, non-purisitic way, without selling them myths, Revival Linguistics promotes efficiency and efficacy in language reclamation.

Certainly Australia has been made the ‘Unlucky Country’ through the historical processes of linguicide (language killing) and glottophagy (language eating). These twin forces were in operation from the early colonial period. In her detailed study of the role missionary language practices in the early years of the South Australian colony, Scrimgeour quotes the following colonial language ideology: ‘Mr Forster afterwards adverted to the present mode of teaching the children in their own language. He, with all respect to the Missionaries, would say, on several grounds, that this was wrong. The natives would be sooner civilized if their language was extinct. The children taught would afterwards mix only with whites, where their own language would be of no use – the use of their language would preserve their prejudices and debasement, and their language was not sufficient to express the ideas of civilized life.  He gave the Missionaries full credit for their talents and zeal, but he thought it would be better to teach the children in English’ (from Report on a public meeting of the South Australian Missionary Society in aid of the German Mission to the Aborigines, Southern Australian, 8 September 1843; Scrimgeour, 2007: 116, italics added).

In the case of glottophagy, Governor George Grey noted: ‘The merchant in London who lays on a vessel for a certain port, regards the affair as a mere mercantile speculation, but could he trace out the results he effects in their remotest ramifications, he would stand astonished at the changes he produces.  With the wizard wand of commerce, he touches a lone and trackless forest, and at his bidding, cities arise, and the hum and dust of trade collect – away are swept ancient races; antique laws and customs moulder into oblivion.  The strong-holds of murder and superstition are cleansed, and the Gospel is preached amongst ignorant and savage men. The ruder languages disappear successively, and the tongue of England alone is heard around’ (Grey 1841: 200-201, italics added). Grey was a strong supporter of Aboriginal languages, encouraging Schürmann’s work documenting the Adelaide language (Kaurna) and Barngarla at Port Lincoln (see below).

With globalization, homogenization and Coca-colonization there will be more and more groups all over the world added to the forlorn club of the lost-heritage peoples. Language reclamation will become increasingly relevant as people seek to recover their cultural autonomy, empower their spiritual and intellectual sovereignty, and improve their wellbeing. There are various ethical, aesthetic and utilitarian benefits of language revival: for example, social justice, diversity and employability, respectively.

Zuckermann (2012) has enthusiastically called for Native Tongue Title and linguistic human rights, suggesting that the Australian government ought to compensate Indigenous people not only for the loss of land but equally importantly for the loss of language. Zuckermann has suggested to the Australian government to define Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander vernaculars as official languages.

Furthermore, it is predicted that in the future the very insights offered by Revival Linguistics will themselves become part of Indigenous Intellectual Property, when Slovenes and Estonians come to Australia and New Zealand to ask Aboriginal Australians and Maori to assist them in their own European language resurrection.

There is an urgent need to produce perspicacious LINGUISTIC and socio-linguistic insights relevant to language reclamation. Otherwise, linguists or language workers would not be able to offer, if asked by Indigenous people, efficient and efficacious advice. There are linguistic constraints applicable to all revival attempts. Mastering them would help revivalists and First Nations leaders to work more efficiently; for example, to focus more on basic vocabulary and verbal conjugations than on sounds and word order – see Zuckermann (2009: http://www.zuckermann.org/pdf/Hybridity_versus_Revivability.pdf.

Revival linguistics would assist revivalists to be more realistic and to abandon discouraging slogans such as "Give us authenticity or give us death!" The following are among the basic principles that the revival linguist encourages in Aboriginal communities:

i. If your language falls asleep: stop, revive, survive!
ii. If you revive a language, embrace the hybridity of the emerging tongue; and
iii. If your language is healthy, assist others in linguistic need.

One day we may invent devices to “inject” a language into our brains. But until then, any attempt to reclaim a hibernating language will result in a hybrid that combines components from the revivalists' and documenters' mother tongues and, of course, the target language. In the immortal words of Jerry Seinfeld: "Not that there's anything wrong with that!"

The Study


Figure 1: Map of Traditional Aboriginal Country after Norman Tindale (adapted from Hercus 1999)

The Barngarla language reclamation project has arisen through partnerships between the University of Adelaide (Linguistics and the Mobile Language Team) and the Barngarla people. Although still in its infancy, consultations began in September 2011, a number of very significant steps have been made towards reclaiming this ‘sleeping beauty’. Without doubt, the key challenge has been to develop a strategy for the reclamation of the language simultaneously and without favour in three major regional centres. In ways that will be elaborated below, this multi-sited, regional or peripheral reclamation makes demands that are very different to those often found in metropolitan reclamation contexts (e.g. Kaurna, cf. Amery...