Jacques Ranciere

Is the primary function of an educator to elucidate and convey their own knowledge? French philosopher Jacques Rancière demonstrates that an incidental experiment by Joseph Jacotot presents an alternative paradigm: the ignorant schoolmaster. In his work The Ignorant Schoolmaster: Five Lessons in Intellectual Emancipation [Le maître ignorant: cinq leçons sur l'émancipation intellectuelle], Rancière posits that the ignorant schoolmaster is equally, if not more, capable of instructing students compared to the knowledgeable educator. Rancière examines two educational methodologies: the conventional approach of the knowledgeable educator who explicates and imparts knowledge, and the experimental approach of the ignorant schoolmaster who refrains from explanation and primarily focuses on verifying attentiveness. By providing a brief analysis of these two methodologies, this article aims to demonstrate how Rancière’s work can be utilized to construct a model for articulating the implicit theoretical principles in educational practices. This model is predicated on the following premise: by taking either a successful or a problematic educational practice as an example, one can articulate the theoretical principles inherent within it. The article hopes to facilitate a shift in focus from practices to principles, thereby offering a novel perspective on educational practices and enabling its theoretical explication.........

[In Dutch: Bestaat de kernactiviteit van de meester erin om zijn eigen kennis uit te leggen en over te dragen? De Franse filosoof Jacques Rancière laat zien dat een gelegenheidsexperiment van Joseph Jacotot ons een ander voorbeeld aanreikt: de onwetende meester. In zijn boek De onwetende meester: vijf lessen over intellectuele emancipatie (Le maître ignorant: Cinq leçons sur l'émancipation intellectuelle) stelt hij dat de onwetende meester evengoed of zelfs beter in staat is leerlingen iets te leren dan de wetende meester. Rancière neemt in feite twee onderwijspraktijken als voorbeeld: de traditionele praktijk van de wetende meester die uitleg geeft en kennis overdraagt en de experimentele praktijk van de onwetende meester die geen uitleg geeft maar vooral gericht is op de verificatie van aandacht. In dit artikel wil ik op basis van een korte analyse van deze twee praktijken laten zien hoe we uit Rancière’s boek een model kunnen afleiden voor het articuleren van de theoretische principes die impliciet in onderwijspraktijken werkzaam zijn. Dit model is gestoeld op het volgende uitgangspunt: door een succesvolle of juist problematische onderwijspraktijk als voorbeeld te nemen kunnen we de theoretische principes articuleren die erin werkzaam zijn. Dit schept de mogelijkheid om de focus van de van de praktijken naar de principes te verleggen. Hierdoor wordt de onderwijspraktijk op een nieuwe manier inzichtelijk en kunnen we haar theoretisch expliciteren.]

This article aims at contrasting salient ideas of Ludwig Wittgentstein’s Tractatus logico- philosophicus with some theoretical insights that are prevalent in the academic field of social sciences. Many of these have adopted the form of propositions about society, but do they say something? Or they would better have to keep silent vis-a-vis theoretical object that they often fail to define correctly?. Social sciences must ask itself about the limits of its own saying. Language has borders that put limits to what can be say and what can only be shown. To transgress it can eventually lead to empty statements. Taking as a model the anti-philosophical cure proposed by Wittgenstein, social disciplines would significantly improve itself. Large doses of anti-sociology may be the most appropriate prescription for them.

Hegel insists that the category 'nature', expressed in relation to the ideal of aesthetic beauty, is not nature as such but a supplementary deviation coloured by the subjective position from which this 'nature' is posited. We cannot distinguish nature 'in itself' from the ideological-artistic conditions of the distorted 'use' of nature. Nature exists to us only by reference to what is subjectively treated as non-natural. A similar relation is posited by Lacan in his famous assertion that 'there is no sexual relation'. For Freud and Lacan, the 'all too human' sexual drive derives from a deviated/distorted enjoyment of the initial failure to enjoy a purely natural sexual relation: an inevitably castrated enjoyment, where 'natural' sexuality is revealed as impossible. In other words, sexuality is for Lacan and Freud its own distortion of the category of 'natural'. Sexuality is a perpetually distorted and abnormal form of enjoyment, for which the alternative is not 'normal/natural enjoyment', but rather the negative state of a fundamental lack of any relation. Through Hegel and sexuality, this paper argues that the unavoidable misuse of nature is not caused by improper application/categorisation, but instead reflects an internal incompleteness or indeterminacy in nature as a category.

(Çeviri)
İnsan Onuru Kavramı ve İnsan Haklarının Gerçekçi Ütopyası, 47-65
The Concept Of Human Dignity and the Realistic Utopia of Human Rights
http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/aretejournal.78123
Görkem Birinci

(Çeviri)
Direniş, 66-73
Resistance
http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/aretejournal.78378
Canan Yarar

(Çeviri)
Marksizm, 74-81
Marxism
http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/aretejournal.78393
Ahmet Önder

(Çeviri)
Jacques Rancière ile Röportaj, 82-99
Entretien avec Jacques Rancière
http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/aretejournal.78110
Şilan Kesler

(Yayın Değerlendirme)
Marx in the Anthropocene, 100-108
http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/aretejournal.77456
Kutlu Tuncel

(Değerlendirme Makalesi)
Achille Mbembe’nin Düşmanlık Politikaları ve Zenci Aklın Eleştirisi Eserleri Bağlamında Irkçılık Kavramının İrdelenmesi, 109-122
An Examination of the Concept of Racism in the Context of Achille Mbembe's Politics of Enmity and Critique of Black Reason
http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/aretejournal.78235
Bülent Oskay

Demokratie ist eine sich immer wieder neu und aus sich selbst heraus entwickelnde Praxis. Was aber könnte handlungsorientierendes Wissen für eine solche demokratische Praxis bieten? Christian Leonhardt gibt hierauf eine radikaldemokratische Antwort: Er schlägt vor, radikale Demokratie nicht liberal, sondern anarchistisch zu denken. Sein Buch entwickelt mithilfe aktivistischer Theorieproduktionen Ansätze einer lokal-situativen Theorie radikaldemokratischen Handelns, mit Exkursen von den römischen Plebejern bis hin zum Maler Zinnober. So entstehen Szenen des Politischen, die kritische Deutungen demokratischer Aushandlungen des Gemeinsamen ermöglichen und neue Horizonte einer Poetologie Politischer Theorie eröffnen.

Ποιείν
20 Νοεμβρίου 2024: Α΄ ΜΕΡΟΣ,: https://www.poiein.gr/2024/11/20/%CF%84%CE%BF-%CE%B5%CE%BD%CF%85%CF%80%CE%AC%CF%81%CF%87%CE%BF%CE%BD-%CF%80%CE%BF%CE%BB%CE%B9%CF%84%CE%B9%CE%BA%CF%8C-%CF%83%CF%84%CE%B7-%CE%BB%CE%BF%CE%B3%CE%BF%CF%84%CE%B5%CF%87%CE%BD%CE%B9/
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El presente trabajo propone generar una serie de reflexiones  sobre cómo
opera la autoridad en los aparatos del Estado, y cuáles son sus efectos en las prácticas, instituciones, discursos y disciplinas que se colocan como instrumentos del poder. Si autoridad es “la posibilidad que tiene un agente de actuar sobre los demás (o sobre otro), sin que estos otros reaccionen contra él pese a ser capaces de hacerlo ” (Kojève, 2020 [1942], p. 61), cabe preguntarse cuáles son los medios mediante los cuales se ejerce la autoridad y qué efectos tiene la misma. Para ello abordamos las relaciones de la Autoridad con la interpelación, la enunciación y la escritura

A ideia desse texto, é traçar as relações possíveis entre os livros A literatura nazista na América e La vida de los hombres infames, escritos respectivamente, por Roberto Bolaño e Michel Foucault. Nessas duas escrituras, os autores “brincam” com a ficção e a não-ficção, ao construírem uma espécie de dicionário de nazistas ou homem infames, como também “saltam” entre filosofia, literatura e política, na medida em que descrevem novos sujeitos do discurso, indivíduos que surgiram na modernidade, e que no século XX, formaram uma espécie de cânone de nazistas e infames. Nesse sentido, ao analisar comparativamente esses dois livros, se tem como propósito, nesse artigo, examinar esses novos sujeitos, entes que partilham de uma espécie de mal comum, certa experiência do século XX, o espaço entre fronteiras de pessoas e movimentos, entes que compactuam, até mesmo nas Américas, de movimentos tanto de direita quanto de esquerda.

L’histoire des hérésies et de leur répression par l’Inquisition tient une place de premier plan dans l’œuvre de Jean-Louis Biget, non seulement parce qu’un tiers environ de ses publications y ont été consacrées, mais aussi et surtout parce que son apport a été décisif dans une révolution historiographique qui a bouleversé ce champ d’étude à partir des dernières années du XXe siècle. Deux périodes se distinguent dans un parcours de recherche qui a fait de son auteur l’une des principales autorités internationales en matière d’hérésie médiévale au cours du dernier demi-siècle et l’a imposé en particulier comme l’historien de référence pour un domaine emblématique, celui du Languedoc de la période 1140-1330. On commence ici par revenir sur les années 1971-1997, première époque de l’hérésiologie bigétienne.

Bu yazıda yabancılaşma ve “insanın üretimi” kavramlarını Marksist teorinin gündemine taşıyan düşünürlerden Henri Lefebvre’in Diyalektik Materyalizm (Le Matérialisme Dialectique) isimli kitabı incelenmiştir. Bununla birlikte, düşünürün teorik mirasının diyalektik sürecinde, söz konusu eserde ortaya konan tezlerin izleri sürülmüştür. Lefebvre’in, Hegel’in diyalektik ve yabancılaşma anlayışına yönelik eleştirilerinin yanı sıra, Marx’ın eserlerindeki tarihsel ve diyalektik materyalizm süreçlerinin ve yabancılaşma kavramının izini takip ederek geliştirdiği teorik katkısı tanıtılmıştır. Bu katkıyı, Marksist teoride tarihsel materyalizm, yabancılaşma ve praksisin etkilerinin azaltılmasına karşı duruşu ile kültür, sanat ve gündelik olana dair duyarlılığı üzerinden ortaya koymuştur. Bu çalışma, Marksist literatürde doğanın diyalektiğiyle toplumsal diyalektik ve bütünlüklü insanla çoğulculuk karşıtlıkları ekseninde süregelen tartışmalara Lefebvre’in bakışı üzerinden bir boyut kazandırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bununla birlikte yabancılaşma karşısında gündeliğin ve sanatın potansiyeline yer açma çabalarını gündeme getirmek de çalışmanın amaçları arasındadır.

Öz: Bu makalede Louis Althusser’in felsefesi bağlamında ideolojilerin kurucu kategorisi olan özne kategorisinden bahsedilmiştir. Althusser’e göre öznesiz bir ideolojiden bahsetmek söz konusu değildir. Bu sebepten Althusser’in ideolojisini anlamak için özne kategorisi açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda öznenin tanınma süreci, öznesiz bir süreç olarak tarih ve dolayısıyla hümanizm sorunundan bahsedilmeye çalışılmıştır. Marx’ın epistemolojik kopuşu gerçekleştirdiğine değinilerek ideoloji ve bilim arasındaki farklılık incelenmiştir. Epistemolojik kopuş, bilim ve ideoloji arasındaki ilişki için anahtar bir kavram olarak iş gördüğü gibi Feuerbach'ı hümanizm ve Kant-Fichte etkisindeki idealizm veya tarihselcilik gibi felsefi-ideolojik yönelimlerden kopuşu açıklamada katkı sağlayacaktır. Ayrıca Althusser’in hümanizm eleştirisi, öznesiz tarih anlayışıyla birlikte ele alınarak tartışılmıştır. Althusser’de Marksizm’in “anti-hümanist” niteliği onun gerçek kategorileri olan materyalizm ve diyalektik çerçevesinde ortaya konur. Tüm bunlar bağlamında Althusser’de ideoloji ve özne sorununun temelde Marksizm’i çeşitli türden hümanist yönelimlerden arındırma çabası olduğuna işaret edilmiştir. Bu bakımdan, Marksizm bir yandan politik bir doktrin, bir analiz ve eylem yöntemi öte yandan ise bilim olarak hem toplumlarla çeşitli insan bilimlerinin gelişimi hem de doğa bilimleri ve felsefe için gerekli temel bir araştırmanın teorik alanı olur.
Anahtar Kelimeler: İdeoloji, Özne, Tarih, Tanınma, Hümanizm.

The Problem Of Ideology And The Subject In Louis Althusser
Abstract: In this article, the category of subject, which is the founding category of ideologies, is mentioned in the context of Louis Althusser's philosophy. According to Althusser, it is not possible to talk about an ideology without a subject. For this reason, the subject category has been tried to be explained in order to understand Althusser's ideology. In this context, it has been tried to talk about the process of recognition of the subject, history as a process without a subject, and therefore the problem of humanism. Mentioning that Marx made the epistemological break, the difference between ideology and science was examined. Epistemological break serves as a key concept for the relationship between science and ideology, and will contribute to explaining the break from philosophical-ideological orientations such as Feuerbach's humanism and idealism or historicism under the influence of Kant-Fichte. In addition, Althusser's criticism of humanism was discussed together with his understanding of subjectless history. In Althusser, the "anti-humanist" character of Marxism is revealed within the framework of its real categories: materialism and dialectics. In the context of all this, it has been pointed out that the problem of ideology and subject in Althusser is basically an effort to purify Marxism from various kinds of humanist tendencies. In this respect, Marxism, on the one hand, is a political doctrine, a method of analysis and action, and on the other hand, as a science, it becomes a theoretical field of fundamental research necessary for both the development of societies and various human sciences, as well as for natural sciences and philosophy.
Keywords: Ideology, Subject, History, Recognition, Humanism.

The purpose of this work is to reflect on the effects that the dynamics of capital present to forms of social relationship, such as love. It is argued that, through the market and the consumption of goods and services, processes of socialization and subjectivity are deployed, which affect the constitution of the subjects and inhibit the natural movement – to attract or to invite – that presents love as a social phenomenon and emotional bond between men. This, at the support of the political-institutional, which States and their governments make to the market economy, and in particular, to the connection between spaces, subjectivities, and goods. A question that ends up fostering isolated and fearful individualities, within a set of power relations, production, and social structure, which are developed by capitalism itself as a form of politicaleconomic rationality.

A popular view of contemporary New Zealand politics is that it is devoid of ‘religious’ dynamics, but the government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic showed that religious ideals, cosmological paradigms, doctrinal discourses, and ritual practices continue to shape political processes. This article analyses themes of transcendence and the sacred in the government’s handling of the Covid pandemic, themes that became fundamental to the daily management of the pandemic and its various effects. Drawing on scholarship on political theology, this article explores ideas of solidarity, sacrifice, sovereignty, and the iconic to facilitate a better understanding of the contestations over governance during a time of crisis.

A pdf of the paper is available in open access on the Counterfutures journal website: https://counterfutures.nz/14/Fountain.pdf

Cette contribution vise à jeter la lumière sur l'«affaire Gilles Mersault». Ce dernier était un propagandiste hussite originaire de Tournai qui fut arrêté dans cette ville à la mi-mars 1423 après y avoir disséminé un tract hussite. Par la suite, il fut libéré de la prison épiscopale par un coup de main, mais presqu’aussitôt emprisonné à nouveau et, suite à un procès pour hérésie, condamné à être brûlé. – Une copie de l'article pourra être fournie sur requête.

Şilan Kesler , (Türkçe Çeviri / Turkish Translation), Christophe BOUTON Çeviren: Şilan Kesler 
Récit, événement, sujet: La théorie de l’histoire de Jacques Rancière, pp.7-28
Doi :http://dx.doi.org/10.47614/arete.pfd.101

Elif Özmen Kaya , (Kitap Değerlendirmesi / Book Review) 
An Analysis of Schmitt in his Historical Context: The Debate of Democracy and Dictatorship in Carl Schmitt's Legal Thought, pp.29-36
Doi :http://dx.doi.org/10.47614/arete.pfd.102

Ruveyda Şendoğan , (Kitap Değerlendirmesi / Book Review) 
The Politics of “Gangs” The Practice of the Ruling Classes, pp.37-46
Doi :http://dx.doi.org/10.47614/arete.pfd.103

La teoría de la hegemonía y la concepción discursiva de la política permiten romper con la forma esencialista de entender el concepto de homogeneidad. Así, es posible concebirlo como un mito político sostenido sobre una construcción conceptual en la que la heterogeneidad no sería su opuesto, sino su reverso. Indagar en la estructura de esa construcción es útil para el estudio de una cuestión que atraviesa muchos conflictos sobre nacionalismo: la gestión de la tensión entre la necesidad de homogeneidad que requiere la decisión soberana y la pretensión de legitimar la comunidad a través de la reivindicación de heterogeneidad. Las Federaciones, entendidas a través de Carl Schmitt, constituyen un interesante intento de ello. También lo son los conceptos de nación de naciones desarrollados en España por el republicanismo federal en el siglo XIX y durante la Transición en el siglo siguiente. Tras analizarlos, concluimos que ambos ofrecen fórmulas problemáticas.

Publicado en el dossier temático “Literatura, migración y transnacionalismo en América Latina (siglo XXI)”, coordinado por Tatiana Calderón Le Joliff y Carlos Yushimito del Valle para la revista Pléyade.
https://www.revistapleyade.cl/index.php/OJS/issue/view/33
Resumen: El artículo se interesa en el tratamiento del personaje migrante en dos contextos referenciales distintos, el tránsito por México en la ruta hacia los Estados Unidos y el cruce del mediterráneo para alcanzar Europa, a partir de un estudio comparativo de las novelas La fila india (2013), del escritor mexicano Antonio Ortuño, y Eldorado (2006), del escritor francés Laurent Gaudé. La primera parte del artículo reflexiona sobre la visión del Estado que se ofrece en ambas novelas y su forma de gestionar el fenómeno migratorio, lo que implica la exclusión del migrante y la limitación del acceso a sus derechos. La segunda parte, estudia la mirada que tiene la sociedad sobre el migrante y se interesa en particular por la presencia del personaje femenino, cuyo papel como actor en busca de una forma de justicia permite invertir la posición de inferioridad del migrante y oponer a la autoridad una forma de resistencia.

Bu yazıda "Tarihî Materyalizmin İzinde" yola devam eden Perry Anderson düşüncesi analiz edilmiştir. Anderson'ın temel görüşlerini simgelediği düşünülen başlıca yapıtlar üstünde durularak, onun geniş entelektüel dünyasına ulaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda Anderson'ın Mutlakıyetçi Devlet çözümlemesinin ve tarihî materyalizme yaklaşımının ve yer aldığı yapıtları temel başvuru kaynağı olarak seçilmiş ve incelenmiştir. Bu incelemelerin ortak amacı, hem çağımızın önemli entelektüellerinden biri olan Perry Anderson'ı tanımak ve tanıtmak, hem de günümüz postuygarlığındaki Marksizmin, klasik duruşuna işaret etmektir.

Heft 30 der Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft ist ein Glossar, ein unvollständiges und undiszi- pliniertes Wörterbuch, das auf Erweiterbarkeit angelegt ist. Unter 52 Lemmata versammelt es in alphabetischer Reihenfolge kurze Beiträge von Autor*innen aus der Medienwissenschaft und ver- wandten Disziplinen, die wir anlässlich des Heft- jubiläums eingeladen haben, darüber nachzuden- ken, was uns ausgeht. Der Titel ist ein Bekenntnis zur (Dis-)Kontinuität.

Çeviri çalışmalarım sırasında bilgeliğiyle yolu aydınlatan, en zorlandığım anlarda önerileriyle katkıda bulunan Google Translate babaya teşekkürü borç bilirim. Onun dahi, "valla bi'şey anlamadım" dediği bir veya iki (uzun) cümle dışında bu metin, sayelerinde mümkün olmuş, olabilmiş, oluşabilmiştir. Hataların, kasıtlı veya değil yanlışlıkların ve eksikliklerin sorumluluğu, şüphesiz adını vermek istemeyen yetkisize aittir. Söylediğine göre başlangıçtaki niyeti metni okumaktan ötesi değil imiş. Burada yazılı olanların, bir okuma girişimi olarak görülmesi icap eder imiş. Kendini öngörmediği bir şey yaparken bulmak, diyebilirmişiz bu ortaya çıkan şeyin mazeretine.

Jacques Rancière, filósofo francês, é reconhecido como uma figura influente na filosofia contemporânea. Sua obra central, "A partilha do sensível" (2000/2009), aborda a interseção entre política e estética, introduzindo o conceito de formas a priori que determinam o que é sentido. Rancière também examina a revolução da arte moderna e sua relação com a política estética, enfatizando a importância de entender as intervenções políticas dos artistas no contexto da comunidade.

Jacques Rancière, a French philosopher, is recognized as an influential figure in contemporary philosophy. His central work, "The Distribution of the Sensible" (2000/2009), explores the intersection of politics and aesthetics, introducing the concept of a priori forms that determine what is experienced. Rancière also examines the revolution of modern art and its relationship with aesthetic politics, emphasizing the importance of understanding artists' political interventions in the context of the community.

The question of aesthetics in film-theoretical discourse today is split between, on the one hand, a film-phenomenological or “filmosophical” approach that values the putatively immanent relation between film and the mind and, on the other, the naturalizing epistemology of post-theory, which reduces the question of film aesthetics to one of poetics. What unites these otherwise disparate projects is the consideration of aesthetics divorced from the question of politics; in both cases, the social or political significance of the film–spectator relationship has been summarily purged. In this article, I will offer an alternative account of film aesthetics that draws on Jacques Rancière’s theory concerning the mutually determining relationship between aesthetics and politics. In particular, I will consider the relevance of Rancière’s thesis concerning what he calls the distribution of sensible to current accounts, as well as taking up his novel consideration of aesthetic distance and the “emancipated” spectator. With respect to film phenomenology, I will examine how its film-theoretical program rests on the flawed concept of a de-politicized spectator enchained by the film image. With respect to post-theory, I will examine how its appropriation from cognitive science of the rational agent model of meaning making inappropriately limits the political potential of film aesthetics.

Este ensaio argumenta que a imaginação histórica do romance Foe (1987), de J. M. Coetzee, extrapola a noção de metaficção histórica. Mostra que o entrelaçamento entre o literário e o histórico reside na ficção de um futuro do passado, anterior à publicação das obras de Daniel Defoe, Robinson Crusoé (1719) e Roxana: The Fortunate Mistress (1724). É a ficção de um futuro do passado aberto, ainda indeterminado, que possibilita ao romance contrapor-se às narrativas fixadas posteriormente por Defoe. A partir de reflexões sobre a teoria da história, sugere-se que a disputa em torno da autoria e da narrativa romanesca pressupõe a diferença entre experiência histórica e representação literária. Além de evocar e contestar modelos e códigos da comunicação literária setecentista, Foe reflete sobre os limites da representação e a incomensurabilidade da história.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a perspectiva dos direitos a partir do dissenso de Jacques Rancière. Apesar de seu potencial de resistência, os direitos humanos têm sido instrumentalizados como formas de classificação e hierarquização dos sujeitos. Neste contexto, Rancière propõe uma mudança em como se visualizam os direitos, enfatizando a emergência na cena pública daqueles que não eram visíveis e não tinham voz nela. Esta
perspectiva permitiria que uma compreensão dos direitos a partir da inclusão dos sem parte – dos próprios sujeitos em luta – contribuindo para uma repolitização dos direitos. A partir  de uma reconstrução hermenêutica do argumento de Rancière, analisamos os potenciais e  as críticas desta visão para os direitos. Destacamos três críticas principais: a existência de
pessoas que não conseguem lutar, a atomização dos direitos pelas lutas individuais e, por  fim, a apropriação dos espaços democráticos de dissenso para a restrição de direitos de  grupos minoritários. Nossa análise aponta que, a despeito destas fragilidades, que impelem  a uma revisão do enquadramento para os direitos, as potencialidades do argumento do autor
são significativas, tais como o foco na agência e no sujeito, a contextualização dos direitos  e a demanda radical por igualdade.

Este trabalho busca mostrar, a partir de vários exemplos selecionados, como a obra em prosa do escritor chileno Roberto Bolaño, especialmente o romance 2666, ecoa linhas de pensamento desenvolvidas em ensaios do filósofo alemão Walter Benjamin, seja tratando de literatura, como é o caso de "O narrador", seja de história, como em "Sobre o conceito de história". Ambos os autores se preocupavam com a melancolia de esquerda que derivava da reflexão dos pontos de contato entre cultura e barbárie, ética e estética, violência e literatura. Além disso, parece haver uma confluência entre a visão de história proposta por Benjamin e a exposta pelo personagem Benno von Archimboldi em 2666.

são acusados, por parte da crítica, de escreverem mal. Ambos exerciam a função de colunistas de jornal como meio de amparar a família. Esta dupla jornada, a dedicação às artes e, ao mesmo tempo, à sobrevivência, suscita a discussão sobre a relação entre o 'ordinário' do trabalho e a 'excepcionalidade' artística. Procuramos elaborar uma discussão que aborda o mal escrever como um importante modo de questionamento da instituição literária e do mito de autor.

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Criticar os dispositivos biopolíticos convocadores das sociedades de controle não significa cair num determinismo apocalíptico. A partir de Didi-Huberman e Rancière, pensaremos, na trilha benjaminiana, o conceito de imagem dialética, a fim de evitar o caminho da denúncia da imagem como idolatria ou do espectador como passivo. Trata-se de pensar uma política crítica da imagem. imagem dialética, dispositivo mediático, regimes de visibilidade, política da imagem To criticize biopolitical devices that convoke control societies does not mean to fall into apocalyptic determinism. From Didi-Huberman and Rancière, on the Benjamin's trail, this paper will analyze the concept of the dialectical image, in order to avoid the denunciation of image as idolatry or to avoid the frame that considers the viewer as a passive person. This is a critical political thinking of the image. dialectical image, media device, visibility regimes, image policy

Desde hace mas de medio siglo en las teorias de la politica y al interior del gran campo de la ciencia politica, el termino democracia esta disponible para hablar de la construccion y tramitacion de los asuntos comunes. Sin embargo, pareciera que la democracia ya no conserva la efectividad teorica y politica del pasado reciente cuando con su mencion podiamos ubicarnos en un espacio en el que se senalaba el «resurgimiento global de la democracia » con posterioridad a las diferentes formas opresivas del ejercicio del poder politico. En este texto se revisan un conjunto de criticas actuales, para nada homogeneas, que se dirigen al corazon de la tradicion democratica asociada con la liberal desde mediados del Siglo XX. Y cuyos cuestionamientos a la democracia van mas alla del argumento sobre la crisis de representacion o la mutacion del lazo representativo entre gobernantes y gobernados. Estos se preguntan como recobrar la singularidad de una democracia que se resiste a disolverse al in...

Desde hace mas de medio siglo en las teorias de la politica y al interior del gran campo de la ciencia politica, el termino democracia esta disponible para hablar de la construccion y tramitacion de los asuntos comunes. Sin embargo, pareciera que la democracia ya no conserva la efectividad teorica y politica del pasado reciente cuando con su mencion podiamos ubicarnos en un espacio en el que se senalaba el «resurgimiento global de la democracia » con posterioridad a las diferentes formas opresivas del ejercicio del poder politico. En este texto se revisan un conjunto de criticas actuales, para nada homogeneas, que se dirigen al corazon de la tradicion democratica asociada con la liberal desde mediados del Siglo XX. Y cuyos cuestionamientos a la democracia van mas alla del argumento sobre la crisis de representacion o la mutacion del lazo representativo entre gobernantes y gobernados. Estos se preguntan como recobrar la singularidad de una democracia que se resiste a disolverse al in...

Firstly, I would like to thank Associate Professor Charles Green, who facilitated my entry into the PhD program at Melbourne University and directed my anxious research toward this rigorous structure. I am particularly grateful for his support in being awarded an Australian Postgraduate Award. Secondly, I would like to thank Dr. Barbara Bolt for her patience, enthusiasm and guidance through the intricacies of the research process, without which the challenge of this thesis would have proved impossible. I am especially grateful for her insights into the work of Martin Heidegger, which have proved pivotal in this thesis. Most importantly, I am deeply grateful for the financial support of the Australian PostGraduate Award, without which this thesis would not have been possible. I am also very appreciative of the early encouragement and support of Professor Angela O'Brien, which affirmed my commitment to this challenge. There are many friends and colleagues whose love, patience, loyalty, encouragement and support have proved invaluable. This list includes, my parents,