Anarchism

Professeur d'Histoire contemporaine, Firenze, Università degli (Professeur d'Histoire contemporaine, Firenze, Università degli Studi), Studi), Miguel Chueca Miguel Chueca (Maître de conférences en langue et civilisation hispanique, (Maître de conférences en langue et civilisation hispanique,

The central challenge for theorists and practitioners of radical politics today is to develop the tools for collective action on a global scale, but also account for the specificity of diverse local struggles and promote the free transformation of individual and collective subjectivities through political action. This article examines the radical democratic theory of Chantal Mouffe, post-sovereignty cosmopolitanism of David Held and contemporary anarchist theory, in light of participant research in contemporary global resistance movements. As none of these concepts can meet the challenges facing global resistance movements today or the demands of liberty and equality, ‘democratic insurrection’ is intended as both an alternative theoretical category and a practical tool for radical politics. Defined by a forum–affinity–network system, democratic insurrection is based on voluntary associations and the production of the common. By expanding the democratic moments of deliberation, decision and action across time and space, democratic insurrection allows for democratic practice and acts of resistance on a range of scales and organisational forms. Radical politics today demands the theorisation and practice of democracy beyond the state and insurrection beyond armed revolt. Democratic insurrection demonstrates the possibility of such theory and practice, but must still overcome the persistence of dominant power relations that continue to plague global resistance movements from within.

Ochocientas casitas unifamiliares de planta baja en la orilla del río Besós, cada una de un color diferente, comprimidas entre una zona industrial semiabandonada y la nueva Barcelona del AVE y del Fòrum. En este lugar de márgen, desconocido y estigmatizado, grupos de migrantes y autóctonos lucharon juntos para crear un paisaje humano excepcionalmente denso y rebelde: un barrio anticlerical y anarcosindicalista, en el cual la resistencia duró ochenta años, donde buscaron amparo Buenaventura Durruti, Quico Sabater y un sinfin de excluidos e indeseados de todos los sitios y de todas las épocas.

Mientras las excavadoras del Ayuntamiento de Barcelona avanzan en el derribo de esta ciudad horizontal, un grupo de habitantes retoma la histórica tradición de lucha del barrio para oponerse al nuevo urbanismo de bloques de pisos, reivindicando la importancia de sus calles, de sus estilos de vida, y de la convivencialidad que permitía la forma urbana de qué se habían apropiado.

Este trabajo es el resultado de una implicación a la vez etnográfica, política y humana con el barrio de Bon Pastor durante los años del derribo (2002-2012), para desvelar la profundidad del trauma que representa la desaparición progresiva de un barrio, con sus memorias de autogestión y autonomía, con su vida cotidiana basada en la proximidad, con sus fiestas que servían para resolver conflictos, y de sus conflictos que creaban comunidad.

Die vielfältigen Formen von Protest und Widerstand gegen den G20-Gipfel in Hamburg liegen mittlerweile ein dreiviertel Jahr zurück. Sie haben ein sehr unterschiedliches mediales und politisches Echo hervorgerufen und der öffentliche Kampf um die Deutungshoheit über das Geschehen dauert weiter an. Aber auch innerhalb der linken Bewegung sind die Ereignisse umstritten und die diesbezüglichen Positionen sehr heterogen, insbesondere was die Bewertung der Vorgänge am Freitagabend, den riot, betrifft, um den es im vorliegenden Buch gehen wird. Innerhalb dieser Haltung reichen die Positionen von der euphorischen Feier des riots bis hin zur kritischen Sicht auf G20 als Niederlage. Einige Positionierungen haben wir versucht hier darzustellen. Dabei kann dem riot auf verschiedenen Ebenen begegnet werden. Bei der Auswahl der Beiträge war uns wichtig, sowohl eine möglichst große Bandbreite innerhalb der Diskussionen der radikalen Linken zu erfassen als auch keine Beiträge zu verwenden, die sich jenseits einer kritischen Bezugnahme einfach vom Geschehen distanzieren und damit staatliche Deutungsmuster reproduzieren, statt sich ihnen zu entziehen. Der Titel eines Beitrages von Karl-Heinz Dellwo drückt somit die dem Band zugrunde liegende Haltung aus: Nicht distanzieren.
Das Buch gliedert sich in mehrere Teile. Auf die als Einführung konzipierten Annäherungen, die einen ersten Überblick über das Thema beinhalten, folgt ein längerer, chronologisch aufgemachter Bericht, der die Ereignisse der Protestwoche in Hamburg ausführlich schildert und die dortige Atmosphäre lebendig werden lässt. Es folgen kürzere Beiträge, die sich, unmittelbar aus dem Eindruck des Geschehens heraus entstanden, mit dem riot beschäftigen, und weitere, die ihn aus unterschiedlichen Blickwinkeln thematisieren. Enthalten sind identitäts- bzw. ideologiekritische medientheoretische, diskursanalytische, politische, soziale, subjektive und philosophische Ansätze und Herangehensweisen. Anschließend folgen zwei längere Texte, die den riot im Kontext der politökonomischen Entwicklung analysieren, indem sie insbesondere auf seine Beziehung zu den Produktions- und Arbeitsverhältnissen in der kapitalistischen Ökonomie hinweisen und ihn auch sozialgeschichtlich verorten. Der Artikel von Joshua Clover wurde eigens für dieses Buch übersetzt und liegt damit erstmals in deutscher Sprache vor. Achim Szepanski folgt der Sichtweise Clovers und untersucht den riot als Teil der globalen Zirkulationskämpfe. Den letzten Teil des Buches nehmen Beiträge ein, die die andere Seite der Barrikade analysieren, das staatliche Vorgehen gegen den Protest. Abgeschlossen wird das Buch durch den Versuch, die staatliche Repression, welche wir in Hamburg deutlich beobachten konnten, als Teil einer umfassenden, aber weniger sichtbaren Tendenz zu begreifen, sie in in einen breiteren Kontext von technologischen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Prozessen einzuordnen sowie geeignete theoretische Begrifflichkeiten zu finden, welche die Vorgänge und Entwicklungen möglichst adäquat erfassen können.

For the last two decades, my sexual-emotional relationships have happened within what has come to be known as non-monogamy, a field in which I am an activist, theorist, consultant and who knows what else. And despite all that, and despite dedicating body, mind, emotional networks and a great deal of my energy to the matter, I still come up against repeated difficulties in trying to sustain relationships that are plural and healthy for everybody involved. And it’s not just me. The same thing happens to other people in the social circles I’m involved in: anguish, guilt, jealousy, lack of comprehension by those around us… all the psychological horrors get going.
It’s not me and it’s not us: it’s the system.

The Catholic Worker movement's fusion of anarchism and Catholicism is one of the most unusual hybrids in the history of the anarchist tradition and is sometimes dismissed as paradoxical or contradictory. In arguing that the pairing of these influences is not as counter-intuitive as it appears at first glance, this chapter seeks to explain the elective affinity of anarchism and Catholicism through the concept of exemplarity. The vision for the Catholic Worker devised by its founders Peter Maurin and Dorothy Day was, I argue, informed by interpretations of central Christian figures like Christ, the saints, and the " holy fool " that placed special emphasis on their exemplary qualities. Maurin and Day saw in the Catholic tradition of exemplarity a means of exercising leadership and authority through the power of examples and voluntary emulation rather than coercion, and within the context of the Catholic Worker movement the exemplary influence of Day in particular helped to reconcile the movement's need for coherence and direction with the autonomy and dignity of its members. In highlighting the Catholic Worker's " exemplary anarchism, " this chapter not only reveals one of the ways in which the Worker's Catholicism actually enhanced its anarchism, but also points to the broader relevance of the concept of exemplarity to anarchist theory.

Stephen E Hunt has produced the definitive account of Street Farm (Graham Caine, Peter Crump and
Bruce Haggart), a London-based collective of anarchist architects working in the early 1970s.
The three friends put together Street Farmer, an underground paper that, alongside mutating tower
blocks, cosmic tractors and sprouting one-way signs, propagated ideas for the radical transformation
of urban living which they called ‘revolutionary urbanism’.
Taking inspiration from Situationism and social ecology, Street Farm offered a powerful vision of
green cities in the control of ordinary people. As well as writing and drawing, the group took part in
street activism and squatting, were exponents of autonomous housing and radical technology and
became rock ’n’ roll architects, going on the road with multimedia slideshow presentations to a
recorded soundtrack of music by the likes of John Lennon and Jefferson Airplane.
In 1972 Caine built and designed ‘Street Farmhouse’ with Haggart and other friends. It hit national and
international headlines as the first structure intentionally constructed as an ecological house,
appearing on an early BBC documentary introduced by a youthful Melvin Bragg. While their fame was
brief, their ongoing influence on prominent green architects including Howard Liddell, Brenda Vale and Robert Vale and Paul Downton has been more enduring.

Historia de la Columna Tierra y Libertad de la CNT y de su sucesora la 153 Brigada Mixta durante la Guerra Civil española. Historia de los Comités de Defensa en la Catalunya central.

History of the anarchist column called Tierra y Libertad and the militarized unit it derived to during the Spanish Civil War. This is also a resum of the revolutionary activities of the Defence Committees in the central Catalonia areas during the spanish Second Republic.

According to the Bible, Eve was the first to heed Satan’s advice to eat of the forbidden fruit. The notion of woman as the Devil’s accomplice is prominent throughout the history of Christianity. During the nineteenth century, rebellious females performed counter-readings of this misogynist tradition. Hereby, Lucifer was reconceptualised as a feminist liberator of womankind, and Eve became a heroine. In these reimaginings, Satan is an ally in the struggle against a patriarchy supported by God the Father and his male priests.

This study delineates how such Satanic feminism is expressed in a number of nineteenth-century esoteric works, literary texts, autobiographies, pamphlets and journals, newspaper articles, paintings, sculptures and even artefacts of consumer culture such as jewellery.

In the material, four motifs in particular are prominent: 1) interpretations of Eve’s role in the fall of man as something positive, 2) the witch as a proto-feminist figure, 3) the demon lover as an emancipator, 4) a feminised Satan contrasted with an oppressive male God. A fifth and less central motif is conceptions of Lilith, according to Jewish lore the unruly first wife of Adam, as the first feminist.

The analysis focuses on interfaces between esotericism and the political realm, as well as the interdependence of literature and the occult. New light is thus shed on neglected aspects of the intellectual history of feminism, Satanism and revisionary mythmaking. The study is informed by theories concerning counter-readings, counter-discourses and counter-myths, and in particular highlights the complex interplay of such phenomena and the hegemonic discourses that demonised feminism. A key theme in this context is the limits and paradoxes of inversion as a subversive strategy.

http://www.molinsorgenfrei.se/

https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=884921544867963&id=294090267284430

This Ph.D. is an ethnographic-activist-based project. It first examines the genealogy of popular nationalist-statist and religious enforcements of postcolonial cisheteronormativity in Egypt through the examination of two case studies, the Cairo 52 case in 2001 and the transgendered case of Sally Abd Allah in 1982. It then presents my fieldwork, which documents my ethnographic narrators’ resistance to these narratives. Specifically, my fieldwork investigates the neocolonial/neoimperial conditions that inform the circulatory geopolitical relationship between Islam and queerness in non-Western societies such as franchise-colonial Egypt and settler-colonial U.S./Canada, in an age where sexual and gender diversity is a hallmark of neoliberal ‘secular’ modernity, whose advent historically exposed Arabs, North Africans, and Muslims, if not all non-Europeans, to a plethora of false competing dualisms, such as secular/religious and heterogeneity/homogeneity, as well as discourses such as homonationalism (al-qawmiyyat al-mīthlīyat) and pinkwashing (al-ghaseel al-banafsajiy). My fieldwork participants offer decolonial, gender-based, readings and formulations of queerness through their diverse and complex experiences, which evade the apparent tidiness of European feminist and narrow LGBTIQA categories that characterizes most Western/non-Western political queer scholarship. While the spiritual initiatives of diasporic queer Muslims clarifies the urgent need for a radical, decolonial, reinterpretation of Islam, the revolutionary participation of queer Egyptians in the so-called ‘Arab Spring/Islamist Winter’ offers crucial challenges to both discourses on gender/sexuality in the Middle East and academic and activist literatures on radical and revolutionary social action. In this dissertation, queer Egyptians, and queer Muslims in particular, appear as single theorists of radical political activity, not the co-opted and duped, colonized pawns of the ‘Gay Empire’. This exploration of queer interventions in revolutionary Egypt will force radical social theorists to consider postcolonial/decolonial queer politics as a primary basis for determining the shape and course of future revolutionary theory and praxis in this current xenophobic and Islamophobic geopolitical moment. Utilizing intersectional/assemblage based theories, I argue that strictly adopting sexual discourses, in the absence of accounting for colonialism/imperialism as well as engaging postcolonial, critical race and feminist discourses, is insufficient to narratively/analytically understand the dynamic nature of Arab and Muslim gender and sexualities in these Islamophobic conditions.

*The Ph.D. is a forthcoming book. Nonetheless, in an effort to provide an overview of this interdisciplinary and transnational project I’m offering the table of contents, this chapter, the Bibliography and Appendix till the impending release.

"Movements for ecological awareness and protection, such as those against climate change, are making important contributions to social understanding regarding the effects of industrial production and consumption. However, many arguments and analyses against ecological destruction and for environmental protection are seemingly not based on a class analysis and not informed by the lives of working class people. Thus many of these analyses do not question the systems of domination that lie at the root of social inequality and ecological devastation: capitalism and the nation state.

What follows is an anarchist analysis of a way forward for linking environmental awareness and protection to working class and poor people’s issues (as do movements for environmental justice), as an attempt to make these relevant to the majority in our society. In doing so, I argue that ecological protection must be intrinsic to any fight for social, political and economic freedom, as ecological destruction impacts immediately on all our lives and especially those of the working poor. However, it is only a working class-led social revolution against social and economic domination that can ultimately guarantee a world that not only meets all our needs"

Des mouvements sociaux partout sur la planète se révoltent contre la démocratie libérale et le capitalisme tout en expérimentant des manières d'être, de penser et de faire basées sur l'autonomie, le respect de la diversité et l'aide mutuelle. Dans cet article, les pratiques politiques, culturelles et économiques du Centre social autogéré de Pointe-Saint-Charles déployées durant la lutte pour l'appropriation collective du Bâtiment 7 sont examinées à l'aune du concept d'autonomie collective. En rendant visible ces pratiques subversives, l'analyse permet de saisir la portée révolutionnaire de cette initiative libertaire située en marge de l'économie sociale au Québec.

Social movements throughout the world are rebelling against liberal democracy and capitalism, while at the same time experimenting ways of being, thinking and doing based on autonomy, respect of diversity and mutual aid. In this article, political, cultural and economic practices enacted by the Autonomous Social Center of Point St. Charles during the struggle to reclaim Building 7 are examined in light of the concept of collective autonomy. As these subversive practices are rendered visible, the revolutionary potential of this anti-authoritarian initiative situated on the margins of the social economy in Quebec emerges.

The commodification of art is just as in evidence in the ‘art’ of architecture. Architecture is perhaps the most obviously commodified and the most essential to western capitalism of all the arts. Is architecture an art? Can it ever be de-commodified? I will argue that mass housing is a key example of the commodification of culture in architecture, also however that the self-build form of housing is a potential example of architecture breaking away from this commodification. A return to what N. John Habraken called, in an echo of Read, the natural relationship. This form of architecture and the historic example of The Architects’ Revolutionary Council, as a rebellion from within the profession, will form the basis of my argument.
--
ANARCHIST STUDIES Volume 23 Number 2

Nueva edición del ENSAYO DE PEDAGOGÍA UTÓPICA, la 5ta en tres años. En ella hemos añadido el folleto de Carlos Díaz, también agotado hace tiempo, NO HAY ESCUELA NEUTRAL. Los dos forman una unidad, ya que platntean una crítica radical de toda pedagogía directiva, tecnocrática...y presentan las líneas y sugerencias de una pedagogía liberadora, reflejo de las nuevas formas de vida y de lucha en la sociedad actual.
Síntesis creado de una enseñanza siempre comprometida. Utopía, en fin, no como evasión del mundo real, sino como elemento profundo de transformación total de la persona y del mundo.
El prólogo a esta edición pone de relieve estos aspectos con la preocupación de la actual situación que vivimos en España y enmarca dos trabajos cuyas propuestas siguen siendo válidas hoy día.

Editorial ZERO, S.A. Madrid.
1979.

Amerického fi losofa s českými kořeny, který od osmdesátých let rozvíjí svou radikálně ekologickou teorii anarchoprimitivismu, jsme se ptali na jeho postoj k technologiím, dobrovolnictví a kultuře protestu. Mluvili jsme také o deziluzi současného levicového hnutí a o moci médií.

Benjamin Franks’ recent contribution to the field of anarchist political philosophy, what he calls ‘prefigurative or practical anarchism’, is introduced partly in response to the critique of ‘meta-narratives’ made by writers such as Todd May and Saul Newman. Meta-narratives, they argue, are both, in theory, epistemologically suspect and, in practice, repressive of alternative conceptions of the good. This is because meta-narratives assert the validity of one goal or end for human society and/or individuals and one morally justifiable mode of acting to achieve this, thus risking the exclusion of other goals and forms of moral agency. Framing social and political action within meta-narratives of human nature is regarded by May and Newman, the founders of ‘postanarchist’ theory, as an essential characteristic of the classical anarchisms of the nineteenth century. While Franks, along with many others, is critical of the postanarchist attack on classical anarchisms, he nonetheless shares their rejection of meta-narratives and teleology. The practical anarchism he proposes aims to be sympathetic to this concern and does so by adopting and modifying the social practice theory found in the work of Alasdair MacInture. This may come as a surprise given MacIntyre’s position as one of the strongest contemporary defenders of the notion of a telos of human life (i.e., that human life has a natural and right end), but it is this exact feature that Franks’ account of social practices eliminates. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to assess the consequences of the rejection of meta-narratives and telos for Franks’ practical anarchism. Ultimately, I will show that without a teleological approach, practical anarchism collapses into moral relativism and weakens the definition of ‘anarchism’ to such an extent that it becomes useless.

Teixint la història en roig i negre és un recorregut per la història rebel i revolucionària de les comarques de l'Alt Llobregat i el Cardener. L'obra se centra en els dos últims segles de lluites populars i moviments socials d'aquests territoris posant l'èmfasi en tot allò que ha esdevingut anarquismes, en plural. D'aquest estudi es dedueix la continuïtat històrica entre moviments, organitzacions i col·lectius que comparteixen un mateix imaginari. Vet aquí un llibre d'història social que recorre el moviment obrer, l'anarquisme, el lliurepensament, el sindicalisme i la contracultura des dels seus orígens fins a l'actualitat a les comarques del Bages i el Berguedà.

The video is available here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xU2uWCWNwsE&list=PL6pIaFRoXNGNEeVfSmknemamNlHzBAz2K

Abstract:
Degrowth is the literal translation of 'decroissance', a French word meaning reduction. Launched by activists in 2001 as a challenge to growth, it became a missile word that sparks a contentious debate on the diagnosis and prognosis of our society. 'Degrowth' became an interpretative frame for a new (and old) social movement where numerous streams of critical ideas and political actions converge. It is an attempt to re-politicise debates about desired socio-environmental futures and an example of an activist-led science now consolidating into a concept in academic literature. This article discusses the definition, origins, evolution, practices and construction of degrowth. The main objective is to explain degrowth's multiple sources and strategies in order to improve its basic definition and avoid reductionist criticisms and misconceptions. To this end, the article presents degrowth's main intellectual sources as well as its diverse strategies (oppositional activism, building of alternatives and political proposals) and actors (practitioners, activists and scientists). Finally, the article argues that the movement's diversity does not detract from the existence of a common path.

Speech mainly based upon our article:
Demaria, F., Schneider, F., Sekulova, F., Martinez-Alier, J. (2013). What is degrowth? From an activist slogan to a social movement. Environmental Values 22 (2): 191-215.

More info at: budapest.degrowth.org

A radikálisan decentralizált szerveződésű kriptovaluták sikerei a 2010-es években felkeltették a politikai szféra érdeklődését is. Jelen tanulmány keretei között azt tételezzük fel, hogy a kriptovaluta mint technológia egy eredendően politikai jellegű igényre való technopolitikai válaszkísérletként értelmezhető. A decentralizált, bármilyen központi monetáris hatóság je-lenlétét nélkülöző privatizált pénzrendszer igénye megjelenik a libertárius politikai filozófiá-ban évtizedekkel a kriptovaluták feltalálását megelőzően. Friedrich August Hayek a Denatio-nalisation of Money című 1976-os tanulmányában a központi bankok szerepét háttérbeszorító, magánkibocsátású pénzformák mellett érvel. Méltán nevezhetjük a korai huszonegyedik századi kriptovaluták egyik legkorábbi elméleti előzményeként. Az 1990-es évek információs forradalma új lendületet adott a libertárius és anarchista elgondolásoknak, ekkor jelentek meg a "kriptoanarchisták." Ezen irányzatok képviselői szerint a kibernetika, különösen robbanékony politikai lehetőséget kínál a radikális mozgalmak hívei számára. 2008-ban dolgozta ki egy Satoshi Nakamoto álnevű programozó a Bitcoin elméleti alapjait egy ta-nulmányban, majd ugyanebben az évben tette közzé a Bitcoin szoftver forráskódját. Ezt köve-tően robbanásszerű fejlődésnek indultak a kriptovaluták. Fontos elem a kriptovaluták esetében a titkosított jelleg, a harmadik felek és központi hatalmi szereplők lehetőség szerinti kizárása a rendszerből a közvetlen kereskedelem megvalósítása révén. "Kriptoutópikus"-nak is jellemez-hetjük a kibernetikai termelési módba mint emancipációs tényezőbe vetett anarchista ideoló-giai bizalmat, tanulmányunkban pedig igyekszünk felvázolni ezen szerteágazó irányzatnak egy lehetséges genealógiáját.

Introduzione: ogni sera, una pillola contro la paura Cosa fare se da un giorno all'altro ti rinchiudono in casa e ti chiudono biblioteche, librerie e sale di lettura? Si può rimediare con la tecnologia, certo, ma non tutti i libri si trovano negli archivi online o sotto forma di e-book, e un libro digitale non dà lo stesso gusto di una lettura serale cartacea, specialmente se hai già passato tutta la giornata su uno schermo per fare quello che chiamano smart working. Qual è stata dunque l'idea di Gianandrea, libraio militante, autore tra le altre cose di pionieristici cataloghi tematici sull'Anarchismo, sul Sindacalismo Rivoluzionario, sul Sessantotto, sui Mazziniani, sul Movimento Federalista Europeo, sul Liberalsocialismo? Usare la tecnologia per socializzare i contenuti dei libri che per lavoro e passione aveva sottomano. Perché bisogna ricordare che questo lavoro non nasce solo in un contesto librario, ma anche in un contesto libertario. Le prime di queste "pillole" vengono inviate nel gruppo Signal dell' Area Libertaria Reggiana: ogni sera una citazione da un classico dell'anarchismo accompagnata da un breve profilo dell'autrice o dell'autore. Ben presto l'iniziativa si allarga, raggiungendo tutti quei compagni e compagne, soprattutto giovani, che avevano l'abitudine di vedersi tutti i giorni al Circolo "Berneri" di via Don Minzoni. Se ci pensiamo questa è stata la prima volta che la nostra generazione si è confrontata con il divieto formale di riunione e di manifestazione, e con degli arresti domiciliari di fatto, che per chi studia la storia dell'anarchismo e dei movimenti sociali richiama alla mente le limitazioni alla libertà sofferte sotto i regimi totalitari. Anche se per ragioni (e con modalità) molto diverse, abbiamo assaggiato un po' delle biografie da quelle nostre compagne e compagni che tra il diciannovesimo e il ventesimo secolo hanno vissuto il carcere, l'esilio, il confino, la lotta clandestina nella resistenza antifascista. Ma rispetto a loro, nel 2020 abbiamo un'arma in più: la tecnologia. Da Signal, il gruppo passa a Whatsapp e si è propagato in maniera virale (è il caso di dirlo) a più gruppi e liste, tanto che non si riesce più a sapere quanta gente direttamente o indirettamente ha ricevuto queste pillole. Chiusi in casa durante il lockdown, in momenti in cui il morale effettivamente si abbassava molto, ogni sera arrivava un messaggio con questi stralci anarchici di vita e di pensiero. Ed eravamo tutte e tutti un po' meno sole e soli.

Análisis de la historiografía anarquista desde la perpectiva de construcción del discurso historiográfico. Ello implica la distinción entre la historiografía del anarquismo y la historiografía anarquista, así como la de los historiadores anarquistas militantes.

German language manuscript (for citation, consult the published book).
A short lexicon article on Kropotkin's life and thought.
Peter Seyferth: "Kropotkin, Pjotr Aleksejewitsch Fürst", in Rüdiger Voigt/Ulrich Weiß (Hrsg.): Handbuch Staatsdenker. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2010. S. 217–219.

The totalitarianism inherent in corporate structures is defined and preserved by the hierarchy, and these structures stretch far beyond for-profit, private enterprises. In an attempt to justify arbitrary positions of power, organizations often portray them as "leadership" positions, deploying corporate doublespeak like "team leaders" or "officers" in their hierarchical arrangement. The problem with this is that leadership, in any true sense, is an absolute contradiction from power; and especially from arbitrary power. The acquisition of money and idleness that becomes synonymous with climbing the ladder makes leadership roles impossible for those who fill these positions to obtain.

Simon Springer (Department of Geography, University of Victoria, Canada) contributes this short essay about his visit to Moscow and Domitrov. He organized a session titled “For Kropotkin” with Anthony Ince for the IGU Moscow Regional Conference and made a trip to the Kropotkin museum in Dmitrov.

The fact is that ideas about 'management' and ideas about 'anarchism' emerged at the same time, in the context of the rise of industrial capitalism. So perhaps we need to understand the two as somehow related. This chapter will suggest that we can write a different history of management, one in which choices about who controls and benefts from industrial production are actively discussed.

Loadenthal, Michael. “Cells, Communiqués and Monikers: The Insurrectionary Networks of Anti-State Attack.” In Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, edited by Uri Gordon and Ruth Kinna, 326–40. New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.

Abstract:
Spanning over a century, the insurrectionary spirit of anarchism has been on the forefront
of direct, unmediated attacks on the state and capital. Insurrectionary praxis is based on an ethic of informality, clandestinity and temporality, and as a result, its cells exist in secret only as long as deemed necessary for a particular action. Unlike social movement organisations and above-ground campaigns, the cells that populate the insurrectionary milieu are not something to ‘belong to’ but something to ‘act through’; a momentary assemblage of likeminded individuals united for a particular attack by voluntary association and through shared affinity.

While the modern cell networks gained visibly in Europe around the millennium,
their rapid replication has led to similarly styled formations in dozens of countries from the Americas to Asia. This franchised replication is aided by the use of adoptable monikers – static labels used to associate an attack with others, and to ideologically tag them as insurrectionary. Oftentimes, these are acronyms whose names communicate the politics of the attackers, such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), International Revolutionary Front (IRF) as well as older, not explicitly insurrectionary monikers such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). The use of moniker-linked attacks, which form into a campaign of sorts, is a distinctive feature of the insurrectionary cells. For example, in June 2013, a Greek of the FAI cell bombed a vehicle belonging to a prison director overseeing the incarceration of comrades. This attack marked ‘act one’ of the Phoenix Project, and would be followed by thirteen additional attacks, spanning eight countries out over a twelve-month period. The Phoenix Project highlights the strength of the adoptable moniker, as through its usage, an arson targeting an Indonesian hotel and the sabotage of Italian fuel pumps can be united into a shared, global effort, and not understood as disparate acts of lone wolves. This chapter will explore how the insurrectionary anarchist networks utilise the cell model, the communiqué and the adoptable moniker to allow for the creation of a globally dispersed, decentralised, open involvement movement united in its rejection of capitalism, the state and those who would seek to control it.

This article was published in 2009 as the result of my student activities and research. It focuses on the Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin´s participation at the Slavic assembly in Prague in 1848. Bakunin influenced its developement and results. Similarly, his stay in Prague brought him a lot of experience, which influenced the future development of his intelectual thought. Bakunin participated on the assembly as delegate of polish-ruthenian department. He mainly commented on formal questions, but also concetrated on background activities and tried to turn other delegates (e.g. Ľudovít Štúr) for his revolutionary thoughts. He, however, failed. He tried to disprove the illusions about russian tzar Mikuláš I. and was in fierce oppostion to austroslavism. He came out with the idea of democratic slavic federation, but he failed again in enforcing this. After the assembly, he participated in unsuccessful June uprising and had to flee to Dresden. He then tried to organize uprising in Prague from Dresden, but was exposed, arrested and in 1851 extradited to russian authorities.

En este capítulo de libro, los autores exponen a partir de 4 casos de estudio y trabajo de campo la forma en que se han configurado los centros sociales dentro de la Ciudad de México. Cuáles han sido los fundamentos ideológicos y los objetivos detrás de su creación y la integración, incluso su anulación, dentro del espacio urbano de una de las ciudades más importantes de Latinoamérica.

Kuşkusuz, işçi devletinin yaşadığı zorluklarda sorunu öncelikle nesnel koşullarda aramak gerekir (ve bu koşullar aşağıda daha ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınacaktır). Fakat öznel etken de yabana atılmayacak derecede sorunlu olduğunu göstermiştir. Partinin ileri doğru gittiği (“saldırdığı”) her durumda Bolşevik örgütlenme modelinin kazandırdığı kaynaşmış ve ideolojik açıdan ortaklaşmış nitelik yeterince güçlü olduğunu göstermiş ve zaten tam da bu nedenle Lenin’in partisi bir devrime önderlik edebilmişti. Fakat saldırı ânında, suların yükseldiği dönemde görülmeyen ya da etkisizleştirilebilen eksiklikler, suların geri çekildiği koşullarda kendisini çok çarpıcı bir şekilde göstermiştir. Lenin bir partinin esas gücünün tıpkı bir orduda olduğu gibi geri çekilirken görülebileceğini ve saldırırken gösterilen azim, kararlılık ve birlikteliğin ricat halindeyken de gösterilmesi gerektiğini söyler.
Bu açıdan bakıldığında, partinin bazı sınavları alnının akıyla geçtiğini, bazılarındaysa aynı başarıyı gösteremediğini söylemek gerekir. Parti içindeki tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan yanlış görüşler, partinin yönetici kademesindeki insanların (Buharin, Şlyapnikov, Kollontay, Stalin) devrimin üzerinden birkaç yıl geçtikten sonra en temel konularda büyük ilkesel yanlışlara düşüyor olmaları, tüm bunları toparlayan isim sıfatıyla Lenin’in ölümünden sonra partinin içinde yaşanacakların, yani bir nesnellikten beslenen bürokratik karşıdevrime partinin içindeki ileri gelenlerin önderlik etmesinin habercisi olarak alınmalıdır.

En dygdetisk undersökning av två ideologier och deras kristna tolkningar Självständigt arbete i Tros-och livsåskådning 15 hp Anton Jonsson Examinator: Mikael Hallenius Handledare: Roland Spjuth Examinationsdatum: 2014-05-27 Förord Det finns några personer jag skulle vilja tacka i inledningen av uppsatsen. Min handledare Roland Spjuth för att ha uppmuntrat och gett motstånd. Hanna Eriksson, Tomas Lundström och Veronica Kerr för att de läst och gett respons. Och Simon Axelsson som gjort figurerna och inte utlämnade mig åt mina egna kunskaper på området. Gal 5:22-23 1 Abstract

Paweł Malendowicz, Anarchistyczna krytyka Unii Europejskiej jako absolutna negacja idei jednoczenia państw kontynentu a kwestia modyfikacji jakości integracji, [w:] J. Knopek, W. Popioł (red.), Wkład Polaków w proces integracji europejskiej, Wydawnictwo Uczelniane Politechniki Koszalińskiej, Koszalin 2011, s. 89-108. Wśród ruchów politycznych w dobie integracji europejskiej początku XXI wieku funkcjonowały takie, które odrzucały ideę zjednoczenia państw kontynentu. Jednym z tych ruchów był ruch anarchistyczny. Jego argumentacja, odrzucająca integrację państw Europy, dotyczyła zarówno sfery politycznej, militarnej, jak i społeczno-ekonomicznej. Ruch anarchistyczny proponował diametralnie różną alternatywę dla przyszłości Europy, a nawet reszty świata. Jego program bazował na maksymalistycznie interpretowanej idei wolności, która jest wyznacznikiem krytyki samych państw, w tym związków państw. Polski ruch anarchistyczny był jednym z elementów sprzeciwu anarchistów na kontynencie wobec Unii Europejskiej, był też związany ideowo i organizacyjnie z grupami z innych regionów Europy. Celem opublikowanych poniżej wyników badań jest określenie, na jakie argumenty przeciwko integracji europejskiej wskazywał polski ruch anarchistyczny przed 2004 rokiem 1 , jaki był przedmiot krytyki Unii poczynionej przez wybrane grupy anarchistyczne z innych regionów Europy, jak anarchiści krytykowali Unię w latach 2004-2010 oraz jakie były relacje pomiędzy żądaniami anarchistów ujmowanymi maksymalistycznie (rewolucyjnie) a minimalistycznie (reformatorsko)? Materiałem badawczym były przede wszystkim dokumenty i publikacje ruchu anarchistycznego z Polski i innych krajów kontynentu, a także wypowiedzi z wywiadów, które autor przeprowadził z przedstawicielami grup anarchistycznych z państw europejskich. W myśli anarchistycznej istniały elementy, zgodnie z którymi Unia, jako związek państw, została absolutnie odrzucona, ale istniały również elementy myśli anarchistycznej, które wskazywały na pośrednie i niemaksymalistyczne odrzucenie integracji w formie, jaka była realizowana. Z bezwzględnej krytyki Unii wywiedzione zostały postulaty minimalistyczne, które są jednym z elementów myśli politycznej jako całości, które mogą się przyczyniać do modyfikacji jakości integracji europejskiej. Określenie tychże elementów jest problemem badawczym, na który wskazuje różnorodność nurtów w anarchizmie oraz przemiany w myśli politycznej. Nie jest jednak możliwe wskazanie, na ile maksymalistyczna 1 Zob. też: P. Malendowicz, Polski ruch anarchistyczny wobec współczesnych wyzwań politycznych, Piła 2007, s. 151-160; Tenże, Polscy anarchiści wobec idei integracji europejskiej i procesów globalizacyjnych współczesnego świata, "Gdańskie Studia Międzynarodowe" 2003, nr 2, s. 153-167.

Cтатья посвящена историко-философскому анализу образа М.А. Бакунина в сочинениях философов русского зарубежья. В работе рассматривается генезис и причины формирования этого образа. Доказывается, что мистический анархизм и литературоведческие дискуссии вокруг творчества Ф.М. Достоевского в начале XX столетия послужили началом философской мистификации образа М.А. Бакунина.



Герасимов Н.И. М.А.Бакунин и философия русского зарубежья // Философские науки, №7, 2014, С.103-112