Marcus Antonius

In the context of the propaganda war waged by the triumviri Octavian and Mark Antony to attract Roman public opinion to their cause, Octavian publicly read Mark Antony's will in the Senate and Assembly in Rome. Octavian's revelations about the last will and testament of his political enemy caused great indignation in Roman society and tipped the support of Rome and Italy towards Octavian's side in the impending conflict. In order to know whether the document was forged, we will examine the hypotheses of the different authors who have dealt with the subject, the characteristics of the late Republican Roman testamentum and the circumstances in which the recovery of the will of Mark Anthony by Octavian took place. In addition, we include an analysis of the main contents of the will on the basis of the data provided by the Greek-Latin sources, and we present our interpretation of the facts.

The inseparable relationship between the cult of Dionysus and politics in antiquity emerged as early as in archaic poleis and continued to evolve until late-antique times. Surprisingly enough, most monographs dealing with Greek and Roman political thought pay little, if any, attention to the essential role played by Dionysiac imagery. The only exception in which the name of Dionysus comes to the fore is the Bacchanalian affair, which has been widely discussed both in relation to Roman religion as well as in relation to Roman politics. Apart from that affair, however, Dionysus/Bacchus is seldom mentioned in mainstream research on Greek and Roman political practice.To date, no monograph systematically addressing the role of Dionysus in Greek and Roman political thought has seen the light of day. In existing studies, interesting and valuable as they are, the issue has been discussed only partially or in passing. The present volume fills this important gap by introducing the political importance of Dionysus into the academic mainstream. It brings together 11 contributions from an international team of scholars, starting with four top specialists in the field, Cornelia Isler-Kerényi, Jean-Marie Pailler, Richard Seaford and Richard Stoneman. The contributors develop an interdisciplinary approach to the subject by combining sub-disciplines and types of evidence: historiography, poetry, coins, epigraphy, art and philosophy, while the chapters also follow a chronological order. Thus, the reader can follow how the political ideas and motifs rooted in Greek classical thought were continued, adapted and developed in successive periods, from Hellenistic to Imperial to late-antique times. The book therefore casts a decisive light on a still underrated aspect of Greek and Roman theological refection on politics, and greatly helps to better understand the ancient thinking on the nature of ruling.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

Cleopatra. L'autorità e l'audacia della donna egiziana si trovano nell'ultima e più famosa delle eroiche regine d'Egitto. E più precisamente quello spirito di iniziativa e quella sfrontatezza che la donna egiziana aveva acquistato alla fine dell'era tolemaica. Cleopatra è diventata una principessa da leggenda, il mito che l'ha fatta nascere l'ha trasformata nella nostra immaginazione. È necessario un certo sforzo per ritrovare, sotto le migliaia di sontuosi e barbari ornamenti che nascondono la sua vera fisionomia, la giovane donna che fu. Sposata a diciott'anni per condividere la tiara dei Tolomei con il fratello che ne ha nove di meno, Cleopatra incomincia col guidare un'armata per distruggere la fazione che le disputa il potere. Cesare si presenta come mediatore autoritario. Ed ecco apparire subito la donna calcolatrice. Il suo modo di chiedere un appuntamento è perfettamente orientale. Parte sola e in segreto, con uno dei suoi uomini più fidati. Avvolta in una coperta, proprio come una principessa cinese, si fa gettare nella stanza in cui dorme il conquistatore. Questa diplomazia diretta le riesce. Inutile precisare che il giovane fratello, nonché marito, morì accidentalmente poco tempo dopo, durante una passeggiata in barca. A Cleopatra venne dato come marito il fratello minore, assai meno ingombrante visto che aveva solo sei anni. Così potè fare la regina a suo talento, portò a spasso per tutto l'Egitto Cesare e lo seguì persino a Roma, dove egli pretendeva di ottenere dal Senato l'autorizzazione a sposarla. Le idi di marzo misero fine a questo sogno. Cleopatra tornò ad essere una regina d'Oriente. Il suo primo atto di governo fu quello di far avvelenare il suo piccolo marito che, avendo raggiunto i quattordici anni d'età, stava trasformandosi in un personaggio. A questo punto compare Antonio. È giovane, è bello, è pazzo: figliol prodigo che non si rifiuta nulla, vero figlio di re che vive nella porpora, adorato dai suoi uomini per il suo coraggio. In suo onore Cleopatra fece il gran gioco: tutti gli splendori di Hollywood, galea dorata, nereidi nude fra le onde, feste meravigliose. Volle essere un idolo d'Oriente. Antonio scoprì quella California che la grande banca aveva fatto sorgere sulle rive

"This paper treats all available coins found in the ancient town of Kabyle in Thrace – dating from the Late Hellenistic period to the time of Trajan. They originated from the site itself – both as stray finds before the start of regular excavations in 1972 as well as afterwards from the controlled digs (altogether 35 coins). The second part of this study deals with the contemporary coins from the hinterland of Kabyle – Yambol and its district (66 coins in all), at present all kept in the Regional Historical Museum at Yambol.
Kabyle in south Thrace was a flourishing Thracian and early Hellenistic town (fig. 1, plan) as early as in the mid-4th century BC (Danoff 1967, col. 39; von Bredow 1999, col. 128; Archibald 2004, 893-894), re-founded as a Macedonian colony under Philip II. During the first half of the 3rd century it has been the seat of the local Thracian rulers Skostoces and Spartocos. During the same period the mint of Kabyle struck intensive series in bronze (Драганов, Попов 1983, 18-39; Draganov 1993) and rare silver tetradrachms of Alexander type (with the civic symbol ‘statue of Artemis Phosphoros’) and in the name of the Celtic chieftain Cavarus (Gerassimov 1958, 273-277; Draganov 1984, 94-109; Price 1991, nos. 882-889; Draganov 1993, 75-86).
What is known about the history of Kabyle before the Romans is very scarce and fragmentary. The town was not in good condition at the arrival of M. Terentius Varro Lucullus’ army in 72 BC (sources: Salust., Hist. frg. 3. 51 and 4. 18; Liv., Per. 97; Florus, 1. 39; App., Illyrica 5. 30;, Festus, Brev., 9. 2-4), Orosius, 6, 3. 4; and Jord., Rom. 221; comments in Жуглев 1966, 245; Велков 1993, 130). Sometime between AD 127 and 136 under Hadrian a military camp (castra) of cohors II Lucensium was established here, well attested in a series of Latin inscriptions (Velkov 1989, 247-250; Велков 1991, 3-17, nos. 4-5, 12-15, 18-19), but the adjacent settlement by the camp indeed had no civic status or territory (Velkov 1978, 433-439; Велков 1991, 17; Боянов 2008, 212–213).
Until now, no coins of the Late Hellenistic or early Principate period are published from Kabyle. The only exception is a single uncial as of Augustus, found along with other late Roman coins in basilica no. 1 (Димитров 1982, 160, no. 10). Nonetheless, the regular archaeological excavations at Kabyle produced a substantial coin assemblage which would greatly expand our knowledge when studied. After a detailed examination and review of the museum holdings in the Yambol museum, the following picture emerged.
A summary list of the Republican issues is given in table 1 (nos. 1-12). One could envisage the following observations: The site of Kabyle produced no less than 12 silver coins of this period: 8 denarii, 3 quinarii and 1 cistophoric tetradrachm (fig. 3, cat. no. 11). So far this is the largest extant numismatic assemblage from a Thracian site of the 2nd–1st century BC. The reasons for the presence of Republican quinarii from Kabyle are considered; and a plausible historical interpretation is offered.
Coins from the early Principate are listed in table 2 (nos. 13-35). Table 3 (nos. 13-17) and the next paragraphs discusses five aes coins (two halved) – asses of Augustus for Asia, struck at Ephesus in ca. 27-23 BC (type RPC I, 2235), all from regular excavations. A possibility that the Augustan coins may reveal a Roman military presence (before Hadrian) on site is considered.
Further, the review of all extant contemporary coins found in the region of Yambol follows – cat. nos. 36-101 (table 4). It includes 9 Republican issues, 1 ‘Dacian’ imitation of Republican denarius, and 52 early Principate issues. A matter of particular numismatic interest is a plated tetrobol of Massalia in Gaul from the period 121–82 BC (cat. no. 40 = Depeyrot 1999, type 47), sadly without known provenance. Stray coins are mapped (fig. 3) so they clearly indicate the settlement pattern along the Tundzha/Tonzos middle course in early Imperial era.
The extant coin evidence of Kabyle from the period under study features a regular and stable coin supply. In fact, it presents a strong proof that life and activities at the site of Kabyle were not interrupted (as some authors argued, contra Попов 2005, 611).""

Souvent qualifiée de « célèbre » ou de « fameuse », cette unité est sans doute la moins bien connue des légions césariennes.

Au détour d'une phrase de sa biographie de César, Suétone nous apprend qu'il a formé à ses frais une légion appelée Alauda (Alouette). Ses soldats étaient des pérégrins issus de Transalpine, qui n’ont reçu la citoyenneté romaine que bien après leur enrôlement. Comme aucune autre source  n’en parle jamais, à commencer par César lui-même, cette légion atypique a fait l’objet de nombreuses  hypothèses. En s’appuyant sur des sources épigraphiques d’époque impériale, on a ainsi supposé qu’elle devait correspondre à la Legio V mobilisée par César dans sa campagne africaine.

Un réexamen des sources permet toutefois de remettre en cause la pertinence de cette identification. Tandis qu’aucun élément ne permet d’affirmer qu’il a existé une Legio V Alaudae du vivant de César, un faisceau d’indices fait clairement pencher la balance en faveur d'une origine hispanique de la Legio V du Bellum Africum. Il y a en réalité de fortes chances pour que la « légion » gauloise évoquée par Suétone n'ait jamais été considérée comme une légion régulière de l'armée romaine.

La deuxième partie de ce travail de recherche s’efforce de comprendre qui étaient les soldats d’Antoine désignés par le terme « Alaudae » dans plusieurs textes de Cicéron. La façon dont cet auteur s’y prend pour critiquer leur accession à la troisième décurie judiciaire, sous l’impulsion d’Antoine, permet de déduire qu’il s’agissait sans doute de soldats d’origine italienne et non de Transalpins fraîchement promus citoyens. La  Legio V Alaudae pourrait avoir été créée par le triumvir, mais après les événements de 44 et 43 av. J.-C.

La troisième partie de cette étude se penche sur l’épineuse question des Legiones Quintae qui ont existé dans la période charnière entre République et Empire. Les données épigraphiques nous permettent de savoir qu’elles ont été associées à différents surnoms : Alaudae, Gallica, Macedonica et Urbana. Cette ultime partie s’intéresse ensuite plus particulièrement à la Ve légion impériale qui fut stationnée en Hispanie puis en Germanie, dont les sources semblent indiquer qu’elle n’a véritablement porté le nom de Legio V Alaudae qu’à partir du règne de Claude.

Bu bitirme tezinde Roma Cumhuriyeti’nin son yarım asırlık dönemine damga vuran olan devlet adamı Marcus Antonius’un hayatı anlatıldı. Cumhuriyetten imparatorluğa geçiş sürecinde oldukça önemli bir konumda bulunan Marcus Antonius, İ.Ö. 44 yılından İ.Ö. 31 yılına kadar tarihte önemli bir rol üstlendi. Askeri yaşama adım attığı tarihten itibaren, özellikle Iulius Caesar’ın ölümünden sonra, ön plana çıktı. Gaius Octavianus ile büyük imparatorluğun iki varisinden birisi konumuna geldi. İlk başta düşmanı olduğu Octavianus’la Roma tarihinin ikinci triumvirliğine imza attı, ardından imparatorluğun yarısına, doğu topraklarına sahip oldu. Fakat bir süre sonra herkesin de bildiği üzere hayatına ünlü Mısır kraliçesi VII. Kleopatra’nın girmesiyle hayatının seyri değişti. Kendisine ait olan coğrafya üzerinde tam olarak hakimiyet sağlayamaması ve Kleopatra’nın kendisi üzerindeki etkin konumu onu hazin sona doğru sürükledi. Augustus’la yaptığı Actium Savaşı’nı kaybetmesinin ardından İ.Ö. 31 yılında hayatına son verdi.

Six figures in Plutarch’s Lives strayed from the customs of their native lands: Alcibiades, Alexander, Antony, Coriolanus, Sertorius and Themistocles. What do these six Lives reveal about Greek attitudes toward assimilation and ethnicity?

The first chapter sets out interpretive strategies for reading Plutarch, addressing why questions of assimilation and ethnicity are important for understanding the Lives. The author surveys the phenomenon of assimilation in Plutarch’s day and earlier. He then discusses issues of nationalism and comparison, arguing that the Lives redefine Greek identity in a new Roman context. Because of Plutarch’s fidelity to his sources, his text reflects their concerns as well as his and can profitably be read as the product of a tradition of manufacturing Greek pride in their heritage.

This paper traces the appearance, distribution and circulation of the silver ‘cistophori’ in Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Thrace. Altogether it was possible to assemble evidence of only 9 stray coins after meticulous research in the Bulgaria’ museums and collections. Only a single 1st century BC hoard from Thrace had contained cistophoric coins. This is the notorious Belitsa hoard (see IGCH 976 and IRRCHBulg, 2002, p. 7), unpublished since 1956. Reportedly it had included 4 cistophori of unknown type and mint/s, among the remaining 112 coins.
The extant cistophori from Bulgaria are listed below as follows:
1. Tralles, Lydia, c. 145–140 BC (Kleiner – Noe 1977, 66-67, nos. 48-49), kept in the Pazardzhik regional museum, acquired before 1950, no provenance noted, Inv. no. 176. Silver plated copper core, 9.17 g.; 27x28 mm; axis 12 h. Unpublished.
2. Ephesus, Ionia, dated provincial year А = 134/3 BC (Kleiner 1972, 18, no. 2; Kleiner – Noe 1977, pl. XVI/9), formerly in the Archaeological Museum in Plovdiv (missing since 1981). Unpublished, not illustrated.
3. Apameia, Phrygia, c. 88–76 BC (Kleiner- Noe 1977, plate 36.7), once part of the late Dr Haralanov collection, now kept in the Shumen museum, inv. No. 39.1.2. AR, 11.08 g., 24х25 mm. Published by Жекова 2003, no. 39.
4. Ephesus, province of Asia, dated year Л / 30 = 105/4 BC (Kleiner 1972, DCE, no. 34; De Callataÿ, 1997, 160, D1–D4), part of the late Dr. Haralanov collection, now Shumen museum. No. 39.2.2. AR, 12.50 g., 26х27 mm. Unpublished.
5. Pergamum, c. 85–76 BC, Group 3, series 32 (Kleiner 1978, 79-80, pl. XV.32), from the region of Plovdiv, Plovdiv, no. 2062. AR, 8.44 g., 25 mm. Unpublished.
6. Ephesus, province of Asia, dated year NE / 55 = 80/79 BC (Kleiner 1972, DCE, no. 56; De Callataÿ, 1997, 163-164, D90-D91, pl. 41). Unknown provenance, private collection examined in the Sofia National History Museum, 2008 (from a hoard/?/, associated with Republican denarii closing down to 36 BC (Cr. 511/3a), AR, weight not recorded, 23x24 mm. Unpublished.
7. Mark Antony and Octavia, 39 BC, Ephesus (RPC 2201) – from Philippopolis/Plovdiv, now in the Plovdiv Archaeological Museum, acquired 1915, inv. no. 610. AR, 11.81 g., 24 mm. Unpublished.
8. Mark Antony and Octavia, 39 BC, Ephesus (RPC 2201) – from excavation in Kabyle town, 1989. Now in the Jambol museum, inv. No. 5304. AR, 11.60 g., 27.5 mm. Unpublished.
9. Mark Antony and Octavia, 39 BC, Ephesus (RPC 2201) – from Shumen area?, unknown location, now in the Shumen museum, acquired 1920, inv. no. 119. AR, 10.15 g., 25x26 mm. Unpublished.
The total – 13 cistophoric tetradrachms (nine listed above plus four more in the Belitsa hoard) clearly demonstrates cistophorus remained a very scarce denomination at the Thracian markets. They represent only a segment of 0.5% of the entire coin pool for the period (cf. RRCHBulg 2002, 92-94; Prokopov 2009, 247-252). Thrace and the coastal areas had left a periphery of the cistophori circulation zone.
Almost each of the discussed above cistophori are quite worn of prolonged circulation. Apparently, they had penetrated in the east Balkans much later – after the Mithridatic wars of Rome and most probably during the Civil wars of Mark Antony and Octavian.
So far, the territorial distribution of cistophori in Thrace does not show a clear pattern. This is mainly due to their limited quantity.

This article provides a viewpoint on historical, epigraphic and literary proofs that testify of a complex form of damnatio memoriae against Mark Antony, Octavian’s enemy, the Augustus to be. The very notion of damnatio memoriae, which consists of a condemnation of the memory of a given individual, raises issues regarding Mark Antony. The first part of this article discusses various elements to attempt to explore whether or not Mark Antony has actually been victim of this type of memory condemnation, orchestrated by the princeps. The second part examines poetical references to the character of Mark Antony in Vergil’s, Propertius’ and Horace’s works, which confirm the application of a political strategy of forgetting targeting the defeated enemy. Between said and unsaid, Mark Antony’s character is subject to a poetical stigmatization, sometimes focusing on its name itself, sometimes applied under allusive form, like a kind of infamia that reinforces and confirms the analysis performed in the first part of the article. One must remember that one must forget: this could be the most applicable saying when it comes to the study of the treatment of Mark Antony’s memory during the Augustan period.

Aquest és un article sobre el segon dels personatges que l’historiador romà Suetoni
biografia a Vides dels Dotze Cèsars; Cèsar August. I més concretament sobre els disset
anys compresos entre la mort de Juli Cèsar –al 44 aC– i el seu nomenament com a August
–a l’any 27 aC–, període en que historiogràficament ens referim a August com a Octavià.
Nom que pren després de ser adoptat dins la gens Julia per testament.
Els disset anys en els que ens referim a August com a Octavià són el període clau
per entendre el pas definitiu que duu a la República Romana a esdevenir l’Imperi Romà.
Ens fixarem en els esdeveniments polítics que tenen a Octavià com a protagonista i que
ens mostraran el procés pel qual Octavià aconsegueix imposar la seva supremacia política
i desarticular la República.
La informació sobre aquest període de la vida d’August està recollida per Suetoni
en els primers vint-i-vuit capítols de Divus Augustus.

Towards the end of the Republic, some powerful promagistrates found themselves at the height of their political and military power and yet also formally excluded from the sphere of domestic politics in Rome. As a result, they were repeatedly compelled not only to influence affairs in Rome at a distance but also to interfere in the sphere domi by being personally present near or within the city. Thus, at the beginning of 32 bce, Octavian—now formally a proconsul rather than a triumvir—took an active part in senatorial proceedings. Girardet’s conjecture, that Octavian was careful not to violate some most evident formal safeguards surrounding the promagistracy, is plausible. However, details reported by Cassius Dio, such as Octavian taking his seat between the two consuls during a Senate meeting, demonstrate that the proconsul successfully appropriated the consuls’ leading role in the Senate. Dio’s passage focuses on changes in political initiative and proactivity—the very ideas which underpinned the Roman understanding of the essence of a magistrate’s power. There are the indications in other parts of Dio’s work of the fact that he indeed recognized a problem in the agency of promagistrates within the sphere domi. But the picture that Dio provides is more than the mere result of his own understanding, or even reconstruction, of events. A few parallel cases demonstrate that predecessors, including Caesar and later Lucan, problematized the same issue.

Il presente contributo si ripropone non solo di istituire un raffronto tra la vicenda narrata da Livio nel trentanovesimo libro dell’Ab Urbe Condita e la politica di delegittimazione di Augusto verso Antonio, ma vorrebbe altresì dimostrare come le forme del dissenso nei confronti del potere precostituito assumano una facies dionisiaca e, di converso, come lo stesso potere ufficiale strumentalizzi per i propri fini tale rappresentazione. Questo tipo di religiosità difficilmente conciliabile con la forma mentis romana si presta dunque facilmente a fungere da cornice per l’opposizione interna alla res publica prima e, poi, ad animare le sacche di resistenza interne alla domus dello stesso Princeps. Il resoconto liviano sembra configurarsi come un precedente per l’operato di Augusto e suggerire quale caratterizzazione imprimere al nemico: le sinistre atmosfere in cui si muovono prima Antonio e Cleopatra e quindi i congiurati radunatisi attorno Iullo Antonio e Giulia Maggiore sembrano riecheggiare quelle ampiamente illustrate da Livio nella sezione dedicata alla congiura del 186 a. C. Si tenterà dunque di ricostruire il processo di rappresentazione del nemico operato dal Princeps, vera e propria conferma – riprendendo la felice definizione di P. Zanker e che dà il titolo al suo fortunato saggio- della centralità delle immagini nella propaganda augustea.

Marco Antonio, dopo la morte di Cesare, costruisce la sua fortuna politica attraverso l'uso spregiudicato di falsi nei documenti pubblici; Ottaviano, abile propagandista, gli risponde con la stessa strategia, leggendo in senato il suo presunto testamento in favore di Cleopatra e scatenando la campagna finale della guerra civile. Il presente articolo ricostruisce l'intera vicenda.

In the thirteenth Philippic, Cicero, in an merciless indictement, paints the senators and magistrates together with Antoine, and he takes, into a coherent whole, features scattered in previous speeches. The themes are not new: painting opponents as monsters has been used against Catiline and Clodius. He also borrowed heavily to Demosthenes. But, in this latest round of speeches, he is at the top of his art and breaks with a tactic that has proven its worth :  isolating the enemy. Instead, he attacks the supporters of Antony and gives them the magnitude of an army of evil. We must see this controversy as deployment of a learned and progressive tactic, according to the political twists and turns, which the sole purpose is justifying the civil war. The extreme ferocity of speech exemplifies the desire of the speaker to make words weapons more dangerous than soldiers’. The  reputation of his enemy was never raised. It is necessary to analyze the processes involved in this indisputable political victory, even if it was a Pyrrhic victory.

To donate portrait statues in honour of Roman aristocrats was an important part of political life in the city of Rome during the last decades before the end of the 1st century BC. Statues were bestowed upon aristocratic individuals to honour their deeds and achievements, therefore being an important element in the self advertisement of aspiring politicians. Mark Antony was such an individual. A few sculpted portraits have been identified as Mark Antony, largely by comparison with his portraits preserved on coins. Three main themes can be identified: an association with Alexander the Great, Hercules and Dionysos. These associations can be linked with Antony’s political aspirations and in the case of Hercules, physical appearance. Furthermore Antony’s portraits show, depending on the characteristics of their context, traditional Roman and newly introduced Hellenistic portrait styles. In this Antony’s portraits are not unique but rather the products of their time, going back to a long tradition of Roman officials being honoured similarly.

This thesis examines what Mark Antony’s(Marcus Antonius) power consisted of and breaks down how his power was distributed in select areas ranging from Julius Caesar’s assassination in March 44 BC to the emergence of the Triumvirate in November 43 BC. This thesis analyzes four critical areas of power; formal-, ideological-, military- and political power. For this purpose the thesis relies on power terminology of the theorist Joseph S. Nye in order to concretize and quantify what power really is.
This thesis will conduct a source critical analysis of the works of Caesar, Cicero and Plutarch, as main sources, in order to answer the research question. These will be supplemented by secondary sources to discuss how the power of Mark Antony has been viewed in research. Furthermore, secondary sources will be used to explain the institutional history of the military and its influence on society as a whole.
In detail the thesis will first go through Antony’s formal power. Then the section on Mark Antony’s ideology will treat how the legacy of Caesar played a part in the succession of Caesar, in terms of; chain of command, testament, inheritance, and how he used the legacy of Caesar to; win over supporters among the people, senate and most significantly, Caesar’s veterans. The section on military will explain how they played a major role in the society of the Late Republic and analyzes to what extent Mark Antony was able to win the support of the military by his skills and experience as a military commander, his military accomplishments and through his level headedness with his men. The section on politics will examine the extent of Antony’s power among the caesarian faction, the former consuls, the moderate republican faction and the senate in general. In this context Cicero’s Philippics will be analyzed as they have had major impact on the perception of Antony in general along with his political powers.
In conclusion this study finds that Mark Antony held a firm grip on power in; formal, ideological, military and political power, as he had the ability to affect the behavior of others to get the outcome he desired. With the formal power he held legitimacy and placed himself in a position to reach a large audience with his other areas of power. He was able to attract the people, the military and the caesarian faction through his ideology. The military was also attracted to Antony because of his personal and military skills, yet he could also exercise power over the soldiers by rewarding or punishing them. Antony’s legacy has been tarnished by both the Philippics and Augustan propaganda and still to this day he is largely remembered for his military command and not for his skills as a politician. However, this thesis concludes that he had widespread political support in the senate and was able to use his powers to regain political ground after his political supremacy was somewhat jeopardized.

The thesis is written in Danish.

This contribution originates from some intaglios and glass gems, kept in the Museo Archeologico al Teatro Romano of Verona, belonging to the so called “propaganda” gems. This class of objects, created as seals and political distinction marks between the end of the Roman Republic and the Augustan age, is well known and studied; nevertheless the Verona gems offer some new insights.
The article emphasises the links between gems and coins, as iconographies, workshops, technics, but also the differences (gems and their impressions were personal marks). Continuation of themes, co-existence of different engraving styles, episodes or re-use of old stones should be considered, as the high presence, in every historical collection, of lots of unfinished glass gems, presumably found in workshop depots.
The selected intaglios in Verona Museum could explain some questions: among them, the use of the same iconography (on coins and gems) from more rulers; the Augustan attitude to incorporate the symbols of the losers, while their gems were hidden or broken; the surviving of Augustan symbols for a long time and their significance.

Rome, which had not dealt sufficiently with Asia Minor due to her internal problems and external threats at the end of the 2nd century, has turned her face again to the East considering the piracy as most urgent problem to be intervened, after famous statesman Marius overcomes these problems. Because piracy, which became widespread on the southern shores of Asia Minor during the period of Roman struggle against the external threats, expanded its influence as far as the shore of the Province of Asia. Therefore famous orator Marcus Antonius has set sail against the pirates with a fleet, which has substantially derived from Roman allies in the Eastern Mediterranean. It is observed that after the return of Marcus Antonius from the expedition, a wide range of legal regulations was conducted in Rome about the provinces and allies, which has been neglected for a long time, in Asia Minor and broadly in the east of Adriatic. In this law, called as the Lex de Provinciis Praetoriis, it is stated that the province of Cilicia has founded as a second Roman province in Asia Minor and Lycaonia will remain within the borders of Asian province. The article in the law indicating that these measures have been taken for the interests and safety of the Romans and also friends and allies of Rome in the Eastern Mediterranean, is particularly important. With this law, which seemingly introduced by popular politicians, who supported Marius at the peak of his power, Roman merchants and businessmen were protected on one hand, while the power of Rome was once more emphasized in Greek world, which was neglected for some time.

Titel of a speech from June 13th, 2014, about feminine priests of Artemis in Ephesus between Augustus and the third century : it will become a paper in S. Lalanne (éd.), Femmes grecques de l'Orient romain (Suppléments aux Dialogues d'Histoire Ancienne, Besançon)

[EN] At 42 BC, Octavius and Marcus Antonius's troops defeated Brutus and Cassius. Octavius returned to Rome, Marcus Antony was headed east. In the winter connecting 42 BC to 41, Marcus Antonius passed through Ephesos to Anatolia. Eumeneia's name was changed to “Fulvia” in honor of his wife Fulvia; But this change would not last long. This article discusses the city's name change, over two different countermarks.

[TR]MÖ 42’de Octavius ve Marcus Antonius’un birliklerinin Philippi’de muhalif Brutus ve Cassius’u yenmesinin ardından Octavius Roma’ya dönerken Marcus Antonius doğuya yönelmişti. MÖ 42’yi 41’e bağlayan kışta Marcus Antonius, Ephesos üzerinden Anadolu’ya geçti. Yukarı Menderes Vadisi kentlerinden Eumeneia’nın adı da karısı Fulvia’nın onuruna Fulvia olarak değiştirildi; ancak bu değişiklik uzun süre devam etmeyecekti. Bu yazı, şehrin geçirdiği isim değişikliğini iki farklı kontrmark üzerinden tartışmaktadır.

Among numerous speeches attributed to leading figures of Roman history by Cassius Dio, there is the harangue addressed by Octavian to the army in 31 BC before the battle of Actium. Beyond the hypothesis that there existed portions of an original document containing this speech, which, three centuries later, the historian might have been able to read, his reconstruction reveals some analogies with passages from Plutarch’s Life of Antony. Moreover, Dio’s account states that Octavian emphasized the legitimacy of the war as a defensive measure against an enemy who menaced the security of Rome. From this point of view, the narration shows the historian’s ability to make use of anti-Antony propaganda that had been passed down in tradition in order to represent Octavian, in 31 BCE, as actively engaged in defending the freedom of Rome from any kind of autocratic risk and from the threat from the East.