Melanchthon

"This chapter reconstructs, for the fist time, the history of crucial intellectual controversies about the value and meaning of Greek tragedy in general and Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in particular in 16th- and 17th- century Europe, from Joachim Camerarius and Philipp Melanchthon to André Dacier, in the context of the developments in early modern classical scholarship, literary criticism, and dramatic theory discussed in the previous chapters of the book.

(1.) 'Das ‘Problem’ und erste Lösungsversuche'
(2.) 'Ein frommer Wunsch oder: Camerarius versus Melanchthon, Winshemius, Rataller und Lalamantius'
(3.) 'Verhängnisvolle Gedankengänge  oder: Robortello  versus  Vettori'
(4.) 'Klassizistisches Ringen: Scudéry und La Mesnardière versus Corneille'
(5.) 'Die ‘Lösung’: André Dacier'""""

This contribution presents the conclusions arisen from a study on the presence of Saint Augustine’s "De doctrina christiana" in four sacred rhetorics of the sixteenth century: Lorenzo de Villavicencio, "De formandis sacris concionibus seu de interpretatione Scripturarum populari libri II" (1565); Andreu Sempere, "De sacra ratione concionandi libellus" (1568); Alfonso García Matamoros, "Methodo concionandi liber unus" (1570); and Juan de Segovia, "De praedicatione evangelica libri quatuor" (1573). The place of these works in the history of sacred rhetoric and the comment of the most relevant passages go with a reflection on the methodological problems that this type of research entails.

A trope is the transfer of a word from its usual meaning to a different one, justified by a relation of similitude, or of another kind, between the two meanings. Early modern students of grammar and rhetoric memorized the tropes and learned how to identify and use each of them through the use of widely reprinted ancient and contemporary manuals of rhetoric, as well as publications dealing exclusively with tropes, such as those by Despauterius, Mosellanus and Susenbrotus. In practical terms, tropes stood out as crucial ingredients of the ornament of style, and as such they were central to the way literate individuals would speak and, especially, write. Furthermore, from a theoretical standpoint, tropes were a catalyst for crucial developments in early modern linguistic and aesthetic thought. On the one hand, they provided a window to the mechanisms through which language works, opening as they did a distinction between literal and figurative meaning. On the other, tropes (and especially metaphor) attracted great attention as the locus of coalescence between cognition and pleasure and became, therefore, touchstones for the development of a theory of the beautiful.

Charles Leander Hill, 1906-1956, was the second African-American to earn a Ph.D. from Ohio State University and the first scholar to translate Philip Melanchthon's Loci Communes into English.  At the end of his life he was president and professor of philosophy at Wilberforce University.

Philip William Otterbein stands at the head of a German awakening in America, which occurred shortly after the Great Awakening begun by Jonathan Edwards, and slightly prior to the introduction of Methodism to the American Colonies. He and his followers organized the United Brethren in Christ, the first truly American Denomination, and while they arrived at a position nearly identical to the Methodists, they arrived by a different route.
The rich heritage of the United Brethren in Christ implemented the best of four major streams of the protestant reformation: Calvinism, Lutheranism, Anabaptism and Moravianism as well as the later developments of the Pietists. Although he was sometimes given the derogatory label of a “Dutch Methodist” Otterbein actually had a greater influence on the Methodists than vice versa. He had implemented many Methodist practices in the American colonies before they were established in the United States by the Methodists."

This lecture (in German language) is discussing the genesis and longtime impact of the humanistic school reform, which took place alongside the reformation in the 16. Century.

The enthusiasm for the Roman and Greek culture and language were deeply implemented in the German educational system. Proofed even by dropouts of the Gymnasium (the German Latin School) like Heinrich Schliemann, who was able to proof the existence of Troy with his excavations, only following the memorized Homer-Epos.

On August 28, 1518, Philipp Melanchthon - just 21 years old - held a fiery inauguration speech in the Wittenberg Castle Church demanding a reform of the education for the youth. His words did not falter - unlike reform announcements today - because he soon found numerous collaborators, who linked the reformation of the religious with an educational reform. Today's Gymnasium is a remnant of this break-up time.

In addition to his overcrowded courses at the Wittenberg University, Melanchthon was able to test his didactic principles since 1520 in his home school. The strict supervision and the high educational ideal seemed to be effective. Already in 1522 Melanchthon proudly informed the court that several of his disciples were able to read Homer in the ancient Greek original. In 1527/28 he transferred his experience into the visitation order and was thus also able to co-organize the urban school system of Electoral Saxony (Kursachsen). In 1528, Melanchthon's high reputation as tutor lead to the opportunity to create the syllabus even for the Electoral prince.

Many pupils and students of Melanchthon were strongly influenced by his teachings. Melanchthon's ideal of useful education found its echo in numerous urban school regulations in Central Germany and beyond. In 1523 the Melanchthon pupil Leonhard Nather († 1545) tried to reorganize the Zwickau Latin School for teaching in the three languages, Latin, Greek and Hebrew. A survey listed the ancient authors of the curriculum for their usefulness to society.

1531 the Lusatian scholar Valentin Friedland from Troitzschendorf († 1556), also one of Melanchthons students, wrote a school code for the Goldberg school (Złotoryja), which was based on the Roman Republic. The students - as questoren, discophori, consuln etc. - organized themselves, albeit always under the supervision of the dictator perpetuus, ie the teacher.

Melanchthon's high esteem for education is thus evident in all Protestant church and school regulations. Also, the Leipzig Superintendent Johannes Pfeffinger († 1573),a Melanchthon student, wrote 1545 in a church regulation: "If you want to help the world, you have to take care of the schools [...], because in the sermon office [...] in preserving order and manners, one must have righteous godly learned people, which one can take nowhere, then out of school."

In the past years ideological elements that guaranteed cohesion and loyalties in early modern societies have become a key interest of scholarship. Revolving around the notion of amor patriae (love of country), this study shows how this classical idea with its civic humanist connotations was transferred into the context of monarchical theory of the (German) Empire. The book further explores how love of country fitted into European debates on the nature of commonwealth and the citizen's duties. Combined with an analysis of humanist images of the German fatherland and nation, this concept's application is examined in the German pamphlet literature from the conflicts of the late 16th century to the end of the Thirty Years’ War. The result is a refreshing portrait of the confessional era in Germany, which is often simply characterized by sectarian and political divide.

Preview of my paper due to be published in 2017 together with the other papers of the 2016 autum meeting of the Luther-Akademie Sondershausen-Ratzeburg (www.luther-akademie.de).

On the example of his interpretation of the eucharistic perikopes 1 Corinthians 11 and Matthew 26, the paper explores Melanchthon's relationship to medieval exegesis.

[Ideo sperandum est eum abbreviaturum tempus. Some remarks on (pseudo)science and apocalyptical claims in Luther’s ambiguous position concerning the computation od the End of the Time]
A form of erudition in the 16th Century concerns the various attempts to compute the End of the Time, with particular emphasis on astrological topics. Well known in Luther’s entourage is Melanchthon’s interest in such field. Luther’s polemic against such kind of superstition (“pseudoscience”, cf. WATi 2, Nr. 2413a; WATi 2, Nr. 2730a) provides on the one hand a confessional basis for a (Gnesio)lutheran form of Demonology, on the other hand legitimates a proper Lutheran apocalyptical, or rather kenotical hermeneutical key for the outward appearance as a whole. But in Luther’s own apocalyptical outline, some theologically relevant contraddictions (cf. WATi 2 Nr. 2439; WATi 2, Nr. 1335 and 2441; WA 44,377,11) lead to different interpretations of his position concerning ‘Signs’.
Through the guideline of some Luther’s ‘informal’ ipsissima verba concerning such topic in the so- called Tischreden — WATi 1, Nr. 17; WATi 2, Nr. 3520; WATi 3, Nr. 3332; WATi 1, Nr. 1026; WATi 1, Nr. 678; WATi 5, Nr. 5573; WA 42, 34b, 5-17; WA 10 I. 2, 108, 1-18; WATi 1, Nr. 678; 5, Nr. 5989; WABr 2,367,14f.; 6,381,9ff.; WATi 1, Nr. 855; WATi 5, Nr. 6251; WATi 5, Nr. 5734 —, my aim here is to shortly sketch such contraddiction, in the attempt to trace back its theological roots, and so to identify some recurring patterns in a broader sense, affecting not only Luther’s own theological position, but rather the debate between Gnesiolutheran and Philippist in subsequent years. The background hypothesis is that in Luther’s polemic against Astrology as “pseudoscience” a huge role is played by a kind of pseudo-scientifical, anti-aristotelical argumentation, whose (implicit) roots are to trace back in Luther’s peculiar way to understand the christological Doctrine of the so-called communicatio idiomatum and the Divine Presence as its unavoidable counterpart.
This kind of ‘Presence’ allowing an over-interpretation of the Signs of the End of the Time as the only proper Divine Signs in the sense of a ‘hermeneutical circle’ between reality (‘real Signs’ as fulfillment of the prophecy) and authoritative sources (as Signs to be fulfilled within the reality itself),
leads to a rejection of the possibility of a ‘readable’ appearance beside the Divine Signs, being such Sings unavoidably apocalyptical Signs. Such implicit petitio principii in Luther’s production, deeply linked to the christological-eschatological core of his theology as a whole, becomes a peculiar form of identification of the Gnesiolutheran group, grounding the pride of a self-legitimation as apocalyptical figure, therefore – due to the impossibility of a theological-political legitimation of such apocalyptical claim, intending each theological-political kind of institution as antichristical products – to be identified as the only proper ‘Lutheran’ group.

An overview of the Philippist position on the Christian uses of reason and philosophy, particularly as seen in the exposition of Colossians 2.8 ("See to it that no on takes you captive by philosophy and empty deceit, according to human tradition, according to the elemental spirits of the world, and not according to Christ").

The Croatian-born Matthias Flacius Illyricus (1520–1575) was a Lutheran theologian and reformer who spent most of his adult life in the German-speaking territories of the Holy Roman Empire, playing an important role within the Evangelical churches and in the confessionalization of his day. Luka Ilic establishes that Flacius’ theology became increasingly radicalized with time and examines aspects of this process through following two parallel tracks. One trajectory focuses on the development of Flacius’ theological thought, while the other one discusses the pivotal influences and major turning points in his life, such as being exiled from different cities. Although Flacius did enjoy some measure of success and even attracted a considerable number of followers for shorter periods of time, his radicalized theology ultimately led to his public downfall and marred his legacy. Flacius’ relationships with the most important Wittenberg figures, Luther and Melanchthon, are also explored, along with the vast personal and professional networks Flacius built up in imperial cities, all of which shaped his theological development. One of the dominant claims is that Flacius’ understanding of original sin and of grace were the lynchpin for much of his opus. At the same time, the findings demonstrate that Flacius was a multifaceted individual with interest and competences in a number of different academic fields.

Philipp Melanchthon: A European Reformer.

On the occasion of the 450th anniversary of the death of Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560) the 9th Wittenberg Spring Conference on the history of the Reformation with speakers from all over Germany and several European countries centered on the topic of Melanchthon’s significance for Europe.

Besides the application of traditional patterns, one of the most relevant aspects in the Lutheran Heilsgeschichte was the Humanistic claim to get back to sources and therefore to retrieve Ancient philosophical sources. Nonetheless, essential changes in the context — as the ones between the Late Antiquity on the one hand, and the Early Modern Age on the other — implied essential changes in the reception of the content. Melanchthon’s way of presenting the heritage of the Late Antiquity provides a good example of such an issue: despite the noteworthy use of Late Ancient ethical considerations and of some related prognostic tools, he rejected their “epicurean” attitude, whose materialism he interpreted as a lack of “scientific” background. But  which kind of background replaced, in Melanchthon’s view, the Late ancient Materialism? And is it still capable of consistently justifying both the ethical and eschatological implication it developed in his Early Modern re-use?

The paper is an attempt to find a consistent theoretical background for Melanchthon's few editions of some works of the Greek Fathers in his first Wittenberg years. The background assumption -- as always, in my attempt to reconstruct Melanchthon's activity -- is that the apparent inconsistency in his published works might be mitigated through a broader look at the political context of the period, as well as at his private correspondence. Please get in touch for the text (still unpublished).

In the multifaceted debate leading to the establishment of the Formula concordiae, a huge topic within the theologians was that of the ‘conformity’ in the reception of the doctrine of the two fathers of the Reformation. My aim here is to sketch two lutheran reactions to the so-called Consensus Dresdensis, in the attempt to highlight an always more ‘codified’ approach to a typical polemical argument: the one of the theologians of Jena, representing the very last contribution of the Duchy of Saxony in the dispute over the Wittenberg Christology, and a similar standpoint stated by the Stuttgart preacher Lucas Osiander. The Jenaer contribution, significantly entitled Fallstricke, written by Wigand, Heshusen and Kirchner, focuses on the lack of clarity of the text: general descriptions, mention of ‘reformed’ theological standpoints which had been already criticised on Calvinist side, ‘Zwinglian’ glosses to the Nicaenum presented as primary sources in an “Exemplar in der Bibliotheca zu Basel”, the assumption of the Wittenberger Katechismus as direct consequence of Luther´s Kleiner Katechismus, excerpts of the Confessio Augustana and its Apology quoted only in Melanchthon´s ambiguous revision, ... This should be intended as a political strategy, falsifying both the lutheran and the reformed standpoint. And to the Wittenberger statement that “Lutherus [...]/ sol einem in ein Büchlein geschrieben haben/ [...] das von der allenthalbenheit/ [...] nicht sol disputirt werden” Osiander replies for the very first time with philological, objective arguments, simply asking all scholars of his time to examine whether the style is more likely to be attributed to Melanchthon or Luther. The necessity of a certain loyalty to Luther’s ‘clear’ doctrine as opposed to the unreliable variety within Melanchthon’s standpoint over time, shaping a very clear confessional identity, seems so to achieve a proper ‘scholarly’ form, beside the unavoidable theological-political arguments.
The paper (firstly presented at the RefoRC Conference 2018) provides an anthology of sources both in German and in English translation as appendix. I am aware of some typos in the text, but I have not received any final draft so far (or the copy of the book) so far.

The Turks Supporting the Protestants? News on the Reformation in Ottoman Hungary from Melanchthon to Bullinger
Although scholars have long studied the letters of Protestant preachers dating from the first decades of the Ottoman occupation of Hungary, no academic consensus has emerged concerning the interpretation of these documents. This paper approaches the sources from a new perspective, examining how the information they originally sought to convey went through various iterations in the forms of verbal messages and private letters, copies and extracts, until they were ultimately disseminated in print form. The study also analyses how the content and message were transformed in the process. The analysis reveals that sharp criticisms of the Ottomans were blunted while optimistic assessments of the situation tended to receive greater emphasis. Moreover, by the time the documents in this chain of communication reached their final form, reports from non-occupied Hungary had become merged with news from Ottoman Hungary; the success of the Transylvanian Saxon Reformation, for instance, was explained as an achievement owing to the benevolence of the Ottoman authorities. An endpoint in the chain of communication described above was an anonymous pamphlet printed in 1546 which provides an illustrative example of the way such enthusiastic reports were combined. Using the new perspective of this study, it becomes possible to identify the underlying sources of the final text. Consequently, the report of Paulus Thurius (between 1556–1558), whose realistic voice was not suitable for the expectations of readers familiar with idealised reports, was only printed after the disenchantment in the wake of the Long Turkish War (1591–1606).

Although — as far as we know — Luther did not receive any reply from the counterpart in the early stage of his theological production, Erasmus seems nonetheless to have played a significant role in the clarification of Luther’s own position. While working on his Römerbriefvorlesung, Luther read and used Erasmus’ Annotationes to the New Testament no later than from May 1516, and developed his own position also in contrast with the one stated by Erasmus, highlighting the role of Augustin’s Antipelagian works instead of Jerome’s ones as the only right interpretation of the Pauline epistles.
Even before the proper spreading of the Reformation in 1517, as quite unknown Augustinian monk, in a letter dated October 19th, 1516, Luther asked his friend Spalatin to report to Erasmus his criticism in regard of his theological standpoint. Arguing against Erasmus’ understanding of the concept of “iustitia”, “iustificatio”, “opus” and original sin — and against his statement that in Rm 5 there is no question about this topics —, Luther presents a short summary of his latter explicit criticism in De servo arbitrio, explicitely picking on Erasmus’ dependance on Jerome in the interpretation of the concept of “lex” as mediation thorough the concrete form of hierarchy and rites, and ending up with the warm suggestion to read properly Augustin’s Antipelagian works to gain an overall view of Paul’s and Augustin’s real standpoints. Taking into account the Römerbriefvorlesung, the Heidelberger Disputation, the Galaterbriefvorlesung and a series of minor Disputationes of the period, this paper aims to trace back a path in Luther’s implicite connection with Erasmus’ viewpoint in the period before the explicit debate in 1525, in the attempt to highlight how much Luther’s own theological perspective assumes his final form within and due to the polemical context in which it grows.

The paper is a preprint of a book chapter regarding several interpretation of some Erasmian influences on different authors. In this case, the Erasmian influence is displayed in Melanchthon's own christological development, in the attempt -- which I have been pursuing for years -- to spread some light on Melanchthon's own theological position (and his political strategies), avoiding some quite widespread oversimplifications both in "Lutheran" and "Erasmian" direction. The background assumption is: both influenced his own theological development, but has never been identical to none of them.

The collection is divided into six parts. The first offers two brief personal notes on Jim Estes the teacher and scholar; Andrew Colin Gown draws upon his memories to provide us with a student’s perspective on Estes as a teacher while James K. McConica recalls and describes Jim’s involvement in the Collected Works of Erasmus in English project. After these brief personal notes, the volume switches gear and proceeds with a number of scholarly contributions touching on the Reformation (mostly Protestant, but in some cases also Catholic) and four of its major figures – Erasmus, Luther, Melanchthon, and Brenz, the four principal subjects in Estes’s own scholarship.

Contents:
Introduction, Konrad Eisenbichler
I. James M. Estes, Teacher and Scholar

“A Student’s Recollection,” Andrew Colin Gow
“James M. Estes and the Collected Works of Erasmus,” James McConica

II. Friendship and Collaboration

“Brenz and Melanchthon – Friends from Youth,” Heinz Sheible

“Face-to-Face Meetings between Philip Melanchthon and Johannes Brenz: Differentiated Consensus in the Reformation,” Timothy J. Wengert

“Erasmus of Rotterdam in Print: The Question of Reputation (1514-1521),” Valentina Sebastiani
“‘For What Has Erasmus to Do with Money?’ Desiderius Erasmus, a Paragonic Fund-Raiser,” Susan C. Karant-Nunn

“Wolfgang Capito and Erasmus: The Rapprochement of 1535,” Erika Rummel
III. Reforming the People and the Church

“Erasmian Reform and Education in the Dutchy of Jülich-Berg,” Nicole Kuropka

“The History of Johannes Brenz’s Territorial Church: An Overview of the Organization of the Württemberg Church,” Hermann Ehmer

“Reorganizing the Pastorate: Innovations and Challenges in the French Reformed Churches,” Raymond A. Mentzer

“The Label of Erasmus, the Doctrine of Luther,” Silvana Seidel Menchi

“Johann Herolt and Thomas Stapleton: Two Northern Influences on Preaching in the Diocese of Novara,” Thomas Deutscher

IV. The Polemics of the Reformation

“Too Little, Too Late: The Erasmus-Luther Debate,” Scott H. Hendrix

“‘Things I Never Said or Thought’? Erasmus’ Exegetical Contribution to the Early Eucharistic Controversy,” Amy Nelson Burnett

“The ‘Three Kingdoms’ of Simon Musaeus: A Wittenberg Student Processes Luther’s Thought,” Robert Kolb

V. Catholic Opponents of Erasmus and Luther

“Erasmus’ Controversy with Agostino Steuco,” Charles E. Fantazzi

“Slow and Cautious: The Origins of Printed Polemics by Paris Theologians Against Luther and Lutheranism (1519-1523),” Mark Crane

“The Attitudes of the Jesuits Toward Erasmus,” Paul F. Grendler

VI. The Search for Religious Peace

“Religion in the Religious Peace Agreements of the Early Modern Period: Comparative Case Studies,” Irene Dingel

The subject of “Luther and Music” never fails to make an appearance in any account of sixteenth-century music history. Invariably it is addressed from a blandly hagiographical perspective, reflecting dated notions of the liberation of the individual conscience and the increasing self-determination of the laity in early modern society. Excessive use of such ideas by earlier scholars too often played into an uncritical lionisation of Luther, the reformation and its musical consequences. For example, while the reformers’ ostensible valorisation of congregational monophony seems to represent a retrograde step in romantic narratives of the progress of western music history, this apparent eschewal of musical complexity is often depicted as a necessary precondition of later and greater developments, receiving redemption and apotheosis at the hands of J. S. Bach.
The present paper tries to escape from such narratives by attempting something a little different. It focuses on several pieces that reflect on Luther as a man, from the diametrically opposed perspectives of friends and enemies of the Lutheran reformation. The song "Ad Martinum Lutherum captivum lamentatio" reflects the mood of despair that surrounded the secret abduction of Luther in 1521. "Eyn erschreglicher Gesangk" attacks Luther’s doctrine of the priesthood, depicting it as a diabolical perversion. The "Epithalamia Martini Lutheri" parodies Luther’s marriage to Katharina von Bora in 1525. Caspar Othmayr’s "Heiliger Vater" and Leonhard Kettner's "Nu hört jr Christen newe meer" enshrine Luther’s reported last words in music. We shall examine these latter setting as a polemical response to Roman Catholic depictions of Luther’s last minutes as the moment when his diabolic nature was finally revealed.
All of these pieces are biased, and all present a partisan picture of a man whose open combat with the Roman Catholic church provoked extreme reactions, both positive and negative. However, it will be argued that taking account of the polemical context of these pieces provides a way out of the denominational bias that often distorts discussions of the music of the reformation. Consideration of the persistent imagery of saints and demons in the texts provides insight into the perceived cosmic consequences of Luther’s rebellion, on both sides. Consideration of the various musical genres of these pieces provokes further reflection on the various registers of reformation polemic. Finally, consideration of the printed form of the pieces—whether broadsheets, pamphlets or part of extensive collections of polyphony—also suggests conclusions about the intended audience for these pieces, and the circumstances of their performance.

The world’s finitude is at the core of Johannes Kepler’s natural philosophy. In this article, I demonstrate that finitude follows from how he conceives of geometry as a reason-giving enterprise: the geometrical orderliness of nature implies nature’s finitude. After sketching the cosmographical framework inherited by Kepler, I will discuss some of the epistemological currents that he channels in his geometrization of God and nature. I will finish the article with a brief analysis of his profound differences with Nicholas of Cusa regarding infinity and knowability.

On the 20th July 1544 a theological dispute was organized in Nagyvárad (Oradea). Only the preliminary thesis survived from this event. The characteristic logic and vocabulary reveal that the author was probably Matthias Dévai, and this text can be regarded as his last work. The thesis reflects a frontal attack on theological grounds against the Roman Church, and thus the aim of the dispute may have been to persuade the members of the priests’ confraternity of Nagyvárad and to pull them on the side of Reformation.
The dispute is also mentioned by András Szkhárosi Horvát in his poem on the two types of faith. The primary source of Dévai’s vision of the Church described in the thesis was the third edition of Loci communes of Melanchthon (1543). Another participant of the dispute was probably Imre Ozorai, a priest of the Nagyvárad diocese, who in his Hungarian language work (De Christo et eius ecclesia) formulates a similar antithesis to Dévai and Szkhárosi, and uses the same Melanchthonian vision of the Church.

This article brings the doctrine of sin as expressed in Melanchthon’s theological writings into foreground. It argues that the doctrine of sin is foundational for his theology. By pointing at the dynamic relationship between the doctrines of sin and the doctrines of God and of man, this study enriches the understanding of Melanchthon’s theodicy and free will. The first part explores Melanchthon’s understanding of sin. First, it describes his hamartiology. Second, it indicates the relationship between his doctrine of sin and the doctrine of God. It reveals that the hamartiological discussion structures Melanchthon’s theodicy. Third, this article analyzes the impact of sin on anthropology. It points out that only when the relation between sin and human heart is clarified, the concept of “will” is better apprehended. The second part overviews the Adventist hamartiology and explores the impact of Melanchthon’s understanding of sin upon three Adventist approaches.

A collection of prayers from the history of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church from Luther to Loehe. The collection includes prayers by Johannes Bugenhagen, Georg C. Dieffenbach, Veit Dietrich, Matthias Flacius, Wilhelm Loehe, Martin Luther, Philip Melanchthon, Joachim Mynsinger, Johann G. Olearius, Johann Jacob Rambach, and the early agendas and prayer books of the Austrian, Brunswick, Hamburg, Lueneberg, Norwegian, Nuremberg, Pomeranian, Riga, Russian, Saxon, Schleswig-Holstein, and Swedish Evangelical-Lutheran churches.
Now available on Amazon.com

Villa Vigoni,  Centro Italo-Tedesco per l'Eccellenza Europea / Deutsch-Italienisches Zentrum für Europäische Exzellenz.
Deutsch-Italienische Zusammenarbeit in den Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften 2019: "Im Labor der Moderne.
Die Schweiz im Zeitalter der Reformation: Theologie, Ontologie und Psychologie zwischen Deutschland und Italien"